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VSD Sy yD» >>» > > >>. >) DID >>> > IDPH Ss Je eee es 2 > 2 »)»_ >>». >>) » »> ee Se >> > DIDI > 2A : = a> 2 a oS a> E> > >> SPY > SED > Die I) >>) >> > =>: DIY => os See > 2 I : : ZF 22> >> >> >> 2) es eS = aS )} >) i D j ; >>> — — = ; ee I De ee > sp» >>» > > | at Sp" D> Tw > Ve | a 2 IP 2 — <> > s5- a }. QO ‘ Obey aucker. ee» LS yy 8S SO ; ) i, Digitized by the Internet Archive In 20Z5eavith fundiag trom. fos. - Princetgn Theological Seminary Library Ni a https ‘//archive.org/details/ historyofthucydi01thuc THE | vs } HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. NEWLY TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH VERY COPIOUS ANNOTATIONS, EXEGETICAL, PHILOLOGICAL, HISTORICAL, AND GEOGRAPHICAL ; ALMOST ENTIRELY ORIGINAL, BUT PARTLY SELECTED, TRANSLATED, AND ARRANGED, FROM THE BEST COMMENTATORS, HISTORIANS, &c. z PREFIXED,71S AN ENTIRELY NEW LIFE OF THUCYDIDES: WITH A MEMOIR ON THE STATE OF GREECE, CIVIL AND MILITARY, AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR, BY THE REV. S. T. BLOOMFIELD, D.D. F.S.A. OF SIDNEY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE; VICAR OF BISBROOKE IN RUTLAND; AND AUTHOR OF THE RECENSIO SYNOPTICA ANNOTATIONIS SACR 2, IN EIGHT VOLUMES 8vo. IN THREE VOLUMES.—VOL., I. LONDON: LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, AND GREEN, PATERNOSTER-ROW. MDCCCXXIX, TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, FIELD MARSHAL, FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY, &c. &c. &c. &C. My Lorp DukKE, WHEN my Readers consider that the immortal work which I have here translated, interpreted, and illus- trated, has been, in all ages, the study and admir- ation of the greatest captains, and most eminent statesmen the world has ever produced, they can- not fail to see the perfect propriety with which it is inscribed to Your Grace. I may be permitted, My Lord, to say, that I was chiefly induced to render this homage of profound respect from my private sense of those weighty obligations under which Your Grace laid my countrymen at large, and the lovers of sober freedom and constitutional government every where, VOL. I. A. vi DEDICATION. by delivering them from the most ruthless oppres- sion which ever enthralled Europe, and the most imminent peril which ever environed this country. The political lessons to be learned from this im- mortal History (suited alike to every age) are well known to be of the profoundest kind; the chief purpose of it being, practically to illustrate the evils of unbalanced democracy, and to show the necessity of that happily-attempered admixture of aristocracy and democracy, which, however it might float in the imaginations of antient theorists, was never actually embodied but in the British Constitution, whose pre- servation we owe to Your Grace’s military successes. In this “ everlasting possession,’’ as it is termed by the Historian, are depicted in glowing colours — on the one hand, the manifold evils of rash inno- vation, and reckless precipitancy in legislation and government, — and, on the other, the scarcely less formidable perils of suffering political institutions, ‘however originally perfect, and fitted to the then circumstances of a country, /o wear and rust out, without gradually adopting such necessary and well- weighed repairs and improvements as the times and seasons may require. I feel, however, My Lord Duke, that the decision of such questions is foreign from my profession, DEDICATION. Vii which hath called me to study the lessons of ecclesi- astical polity rather than of worldly policy ; yet, from my assiduous attention to antient history and political institutions, I may be enabled to offer some sug- gestions; and, at least, the opinions of some dis- tinguished writers, antient and modern, on these topics, will occasionally be found in the annotations to this History. Of military affairs (of which there are numerous and interesting details in this work) Your Grace will, of course, imagine that | am even less qualified to judge; yet to the systems of antient warfare I have devoted much attention, for the purpose of illustra- tion, and Your Grace will, I trust, on that topic, find some new information. May I be pardoned for adverting to a trait in Your Grace’s military character which I am enabled fully to appreciate, and which, as a clergyman, I feel bound to commend? I am especially induced to mention this from its having an exact parallel in the conduct of one of the greatest generals and statesmen of antient times, and, as it were, the hero of this History, — PEerIcLes. We learn, My Lord, from the highest authority, that when in his last sickness, being asked what gave - him most comfort? he replied, “* Zhe consciousness A 2 Vill DEDICATION. that no Athenian has ever put on mourning through my faut !? And certain it is that that truly great man was constantly actuated by the same conscientious feeling which ever guided Your Grace’s conduct, — not, for private ambition, to waste the lives of men, nor to purchase personal fame by the sacrifice of an implicitly-confiding soldiery ! — How different this from the conduct of Your Grace’s mighty, but unprincipled rival! May Your Grace, in like manner with the hero of this history, experience the comfort of such forbearance ! To the Divine blessing on this, and on a righteous cause, I cannot but partly attribute a success without parallel in the history of the world. That Your Grace’s political course may be as suc- cessful and beneficial to your country as your military one, is the earnest wish and prayer of, My Lorp Duke, Your Grace’s Most attached humble servant, Ss. T. BLOOMFIELD. Vicarage, Tugby, near Leicester, May, 1829. PREFACE. "Lux sensations which an Author feels on penning the preface to any work of great extent and extreme difficulty, which has occupied a very considerable portion of the effective period of human existence, are not of the most enviable kind. Of errors and deficiencies *, if he has at all cultivated the yvéiss oeautov, he cannot but be sensible. And if he pos- sesses any knowledge of the world, he cannot be unaware of the keenness with which the one will be detected, and the other magnified, by the greater part of those who are either invested with, or take on themselves, the cffice of critics. The Author, however, hopes he shall not be accused of presumption, when he avows that he places too much dependence on the precious advantages imparted by nearly a quarter of a century’s perpetual study of the great writer here translated, interpreted, and illustrated, to feel any serious apprehensions on thus appearing before the public. Besides, were he inclined to entertain such, they would be repressed by the very favourable reception which his late most exten- * « Every writer (says Samuel Johnson) of a long work commits errors, when there appears neither ambiguity to mislead, nor obscurity to confound him; and in his phraseology many felicities of expression will be casually overlooked, and convenient parallels will be forgotten, and many particu- lars which admit of improvement from a mind utterly unequal to the whole performance. That which is obvious is not always known, and what is known is not always present; sudden fits of inadvertency will surprise vigilance; slight avocations will seduce attention, and casual eclipses of the mind will darken learning; and the writer shall often in vain trace his memory at the moment of need, for that which yesterday he knew with ‘intuitive readiness, and which will come uncalled into his thoughts to- morrow.” AS xX PREFACE. sive and, he trusts, not unimportant theological work (the Recensio Synoptica, in 8 vols. 8vo.) has experienced from the public.. Whether, indeed, any antient classical writer can merit such long-continued assiduity of labour as that which the Author has bestowed on Thucydides, is more than he would venture to say. Upon the whole, however, he feels that, in this enlightened age, it is scarcely necessary for him to apologise, as a clergyman, for having devoted so much of his attention to the study of the Greek and Latin classics, nor is he ashamed of having, in this and other respects, trodden (though most assuredly haud passibus equis) in the steps of those great Worthies of our Church who, as they were its main supports during their lives, so must they (whatever may be its fate as to worldly advantages) ever continue to be its orna~- ments and boasts. Yet the Author can, with truth, say, that he should never have persevered in his long-continued classical labours, had he not foreseen that in their results they would be indispensably necessary in order to give a proper weight to his interpretations of numerous controverted passages of Holy Writ in that work which, as it was the earliest and most se- riously formed, so must it ever be that in whose success he shall feel most deeply interested. The Author, too, can with truth say, that, immense and unsparing as have been the sa- crifices of fortune, time, health, comfort, and whatever makes life valuable, which he has devoted to the promotion of sound learning and sober but enlightened religion, yet even should his reward be no greater than it at present is (and less it cannot ée),he shall not lament that he has bestowed them, nay, rather, in the words of the Apostle, he will say, “in this I do rejoice, yea, and will rejoice!” But to advert to the plan and nature of the present work: that a vernacular translation of the Princeps Historicorum (as he is called by Valcknaer), literal, but not servile, faithful, but not idiomatical or uncouth, has long been regarded, both by scholars and general readers, as a great desideratum in the literature of our country, few can need to be informed. As PREFACE. Xi to the version, or rather paraphrase, of Smith (the most recent, though formed nearly eighty years ago), it is un- necessary to advert to those numerous defects of matter and style which have long stamped it, in the eyes of scholars, as a complete failure, and have at length deprived it of all public attention: insomuch that it has become necessary to reprint the quaint and antiquated, often inaccurate, and always rugged version of Hobbes. No reason, surely, can be imagined why this country should not produce some such accurate, learned, and critical versions of the most difficult and important Greek Classics as have long been sent forth by Germany, Italy, and France; versions which are adapted to the use both of the student, and the general reader. Under these circumstances, no apology can be neces- sary for offering the present Translation; which is, the Au- thor trusts, so exact and perspicuous as often to supply the place of an interpretation, and yet not so servile or trammelled as to violate the propriety of the English language, or diseust the general reader; adapted also to the use of students, by being accompanied with such annotations as the most difficult of all writers must require, and the most important of his- torians demand. % The present version, it is hoped, will be found such as the Translator has already described: and in forming it he has (to use the words of Mr. Mitford) ‘ preferred occasionally running the risk of some uncouthness of phrase to those wide deviations from the original for which French criticism (and he might have added English for the last half century) allows large indulgence.” It has, indeed, ever been the opinion of our greatest critics, that what are called free translations of antient prose writers, whose matter is of high authority, and, therefore, whose sense requires to be ascertained with preci- sion, ought not to be tolerated. Indeed, how instruction or gratification can be obtained from a translation of an antient writer, which does not faithfully represent the original, it is not easy to see. But besides fidelity, good taste requires Xil PREFACE. that the Translator should preserve the manner and charac- teristics of his author, without which the utmost verbal accu- racy will but inadequately represent the original. As to the style and phrascology of prose versions of antient writers, few will fail to see that they should not be neoteric, otherwise the effect thereby produced will be such as cannot but shock a correct taste. And yet into this fault almost every English translator of prose Classical writers has, more or less, fallen for nearly the last century, especially Smith and Beloe. As respects Aimself, the Translator may, with truth, say that he has occasionally sought, rather than avoided, the rich, nervous, and idiomatical phraseology of the seventeenth, and part of the eighteenth, centuries, and has endeavoured to draw from “‘ the wells of English undefiled,” having long been persuaded that idioms are the nerves of a language, and feeling how necessary it was to have recourse to all the native strength of our language in rendering the sense of a writer of such gigantic vigour as ‘Thucydides. Such are the principles on which the Translator proceeded in forming his verszon : — with what success he has fulfilled his intentions, he cheerfully leaves it to competent judges to determine. Such as the present version is, the Translator readily abides by it; though, should the opportunity be given him, he does not deny that some improvements may be effected in the phraseology, but, he conceives, exceedingly few indeed as to the sense. With respect to the annotations, the Author can speak with oT eater confidence, since he has there better satisfied himself. They are chiefly exegetical, but partly philological, and espe- cially historical, geographical, and miscellaneous ; forming a perpetual commentary of things, and partly of words, as far as regards the establishment and illustration of the ¢rwe interpret- ation, and, in some cases, construction of the text ; generally original, but, in some instances, selected (with due acknow- ledgment) from the best commentators, historians, travellers, and all other writers, from whom even incidental illustrations PREFACE. XI could be derived. The historical notes will, the Author trusts, be found such as not only materially to instruct the student, but, in some measure, assist the labours of the future historian of Greece; and the geographical ones such as some- what to enlarge the knowledge of antient geography ; for as there are few parts of Greece which are not mentioned in this History, so are there very few of which the geography has not been, more or less, illustrated in these annotations. The essay of Professor Poppo on the state of Greece at the time of the Peloponnesian war will, the Author trusts, be found very instructive to his younger readers, and especially those who are about to study the original; and he begs to say that though placed at the close of the third volume (in order better to size the volumes), it should be read first. With respect to the maps, and the excellent Plan of Syra- cuse by Goller, their execution is such as might be expected from the practised skill of the very eminent artist who en- eraved them. In drawing them, every exertion has been used to insure accuracy ; and it is trusted that they will at least be found more correct than any which have hitherto been brought within the purchase of students in general. Though with an increase of labour, the Author thought it an advantage to make them include not only the places mentioned in Thucydides (as Jar as they could be with certainty fixed), but also many others which existed in that and the next two or three centuries, in order that they might thus be more useful for general pur- poses. On the nature and character of this immortal History, the Author has sufficiently treated in the life of the historian. He may here be permitted to offer a word or two on the uses of this xrjua é¢ aes. ‘To these the historian has adverted in his preface, 1. 1,22. ‘ As to those who shall desire to have a clear view of past events, and indeed of future ones (such and similar ones being, according to the natural course of human affairs, again to occur), for those, I say, to esteem them useful, _ will be sufficient to answer every purpose I have in view ; and X1V PREFACE. I have composed them, not for an ambitious subject of tem- porary display, and gratification for the ear, but for an EVERLASTING POssEssIoN.” Indeed, the true use of history is (in the words of Sophocles Cid. Tyr. 916.) ra& zrrovra Toks ma&hos texpalperSas, or (in the words of Isocrates) ra seArovra TOs Yeyernmevors TenpmaiperIas. The numerous orations, scattered up and down the work, have also a most important use to those who are studying oratory; having been, in all ages, allowed to be the purest models of the chaste, simple, and what is called severe, style ot antient Greek oratory; and, as such, materially tended to form the two greatest orators of any age, DEMosTHENES and Cicero, who made them their perpetual study. To conclude, having brought to the close a most arduous work, not formed in the shades of Academic bowers, but in an obscure situation, gue (in the words of Cesar) a cultu atque humanttate longissime abest, the Author delivers it to the world with the confidence of one who has endeavoured to deserve well of the public; and, moreover, as having attained that maturity of life which enables him to know the ground he occupies, —to scan his merits and defects; — and when the consciousness of having, in his past and present labours, zealously exerted himself to serve the cause of sound learning and sober, yet enlightened, religion, far outweighs all that the world may bestow, or withhold. Vicarage, Tugby, May, 1829. LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. I the comparison of antient with modern customs, few things fare more remarkable than the difference which subsists in the methods of writing the lives of eminent persons. In modern times, and especially in our own age, the minutest circumstances of even the domestic life of great men are chronicled with a sedulity which gratifies curiosity to the utmost, though often with a blind zeal which even private partiality cannot sufficiently excuse, and with a want of judg- ment which degrades those whom it seeks to exalt. Into this fault the antients never fell ; and the modern, who sits down to write the life of an eminent character of antiquity, is pre- cluded from so doing, not only by the failure of such kind of materials, but also from the extreme paucity of intelligence as to important circumstances in the lives of several eminent characters of antiquity. ‘hus it has happened that, from a want of regular accounts, or satisfactory materials, modern biographers have often sought to eke out the deficiency by collecting every trivial particular to be picked up in the rum- mage of antient writers, supplying the rest by vague and dubious conjecture. Of this there are no stronger proofs than in the two great luminaries of antient history, Herodotus and Thucydides ; of the latter of whom we have no antient biogra- phy that deserves the name, except one by Marcellinus, of uncertain age, and pronounced by Smith, with some reason, “a crude, incoherent morsel.” He might have added, too, that Xvi LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. it is full of contradictions.* Much is it to be lamented that, in the case of the two great historians, we have not the lamp of a Plutarch to light us, but are fain to content ourselves with the feeble and dubious glimmer of Marcellinus. Thus the circumstances have had to be collected by such vague hints as could be gathered from antient authors, or by incidental information in the History itself: and this has been done with indefatigable diligence by Dodwell, in his ‘* Apparatus ad Annales Thucyd.” But the judgment of that scholar was greatly inferior to his learning and diligence. Had the con- summate acumen of a Bayle been employed in eliciting the truth from this undigested, incoherent mass, little more could have been wished for. This, however, as well as some other of the greatest difficulties in biography, the philosopher chose to decline, though not from want of admiration of Thucydides, as his whole work shows. ‘To the task which he advisedly declined, it were presumptuous in me to suppose my powers adequate. Neither will the limits to which I am necessarily restricted in a work of this nature permit me to” do more than attempt a brief statement of those circumstances in the life of this greatest of historians which are most inte- resting and best authenticated ; accompanied with some notices respecting his qualifications as an historian, and a few critical remarks on his style and manner of treating his subject. The historian, whose life occupies the present pages, was an Athenian, born in the village of Halimusia, in the tribe of Leontium. His surname was Olorus, or, as some write, Orolus, which is approved by Marcellinus, (See Thucyd. § 17.) who endeavours to establish this orthography on an inscription at Athens. But whether it was actually seen by Marcellinus, or taken from hearsay, is doubtful. Certain, however, it is, that inscriptions are sometimes inaccurate, and such permutations as this not unfrequently occur in pronun- ciation, and possibly in writing. Besides, the name Olorus is a | would, however, suggest, as some extenuation of its faults, that pro- bably the life, as we now have it, was made up out of éwo others (and those varying in their accounts) by some egregious blunderer of the middle ages, who merely compounded both together, without attempting to reconcile the inconsistencies, or digest the crude and incoherent materials. LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XVil not unfrequent among the Thracian kings, from whom Thu- cydides derived his origin; for he was of very noble extrac- tion, being on the mother’s side descended from Cimon, son of Miltiades, the conqueror of Marathon, who, on the same side, was sprung from Olorus, king of Thrace. Andas Mil- tiades was, on the father’s side, descended from Ajax and fKacus, so Thucydides was doubly of royal descent. Our historian is to be distinguished from others of the same name 3 of which there were three, — one the rival of Pericles, ano- ther a son of Memnon, the third a poet, mentioned by Mar- cellinus, though he was sometimes wrongly confounded with the frst : on which see Poppo Proleg. 1. p.27., Goeller Vit. Thucyd., and Dahlman, by him referred to. The name Thu- cydides is, Goeller observes, often confounded with that of other writers. He instances Thugenides, a poet; Pherycides, an historian; and Andocides, the orator. Others I shall be enabled to add in my edition; as, for instance, Phocylides. Goeller thinks that Thugenides was the author of the cele- brated epigram on Euripides, Mvaya pév “EAAds amac’ Kupim midou, &c. A most important, but, at the same time, difficult point is, to fix the year of the historian’s birth. Our best, nay, only authority is Pamphila ap. Aul. Gell. N. A. 15, 13., where, speaking of the three great historians who flourished together at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, she says that Hel- lanicus was then sixty-five years old, Herodotus fifty-three and Thucydides forty. Now that war began in the summer of 431 B.C. Hence it follows that the year of the birth of Thucydides was 471, or, as some say, 470 B.C. Of the boyhood and education of the historian we have little information. ‘The first remarkable circumstance of his early youth is one which the biographers of ‘Thucydides never fail to relate. It is related on the authority of Lucian de Con- scrib. Hist. c. 16., Suidas, and Photius, that Thucydides, when a youth of fifteen, stood with his father near Herodotus, when reciting his history at the Olympic festival; and was so much interested with the work, and affected at the ap- plause with which it was received, that he shed tears. On observing which, Herodotus exclaimed to his father, “Opyé VOL. [. a XVili LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. i bong Tod viod cov mpds TA adnate, “ Your son burns with ardour for science.” This recitation is proved by Dodwell to have taken place at the eighty-first Olymp., 456 B.C. Another recitation, too, is recorded to have been made at Athens in 443 B.C., when Herodotus read his history before the senate, and received a public mark of honour, and, as some say, a present of Zen talents, at the great fes- tival of the Panathenaica. This rests on the authority of Dio Chrysostom Or. Corinth. p. 456. and St. Jerome. Now if what is said by Pamphila be true, the age of Thucydides, at the period of the first recitation, was jifteen, and that of the historian above mentioned twenty-eight. The grounds on which the whole account rests have been carefully scru- tinised by one of the most learned and acute scholars of modern times, Wesseling;:and he acquiesces in its correct- ness. And, indeed, no other opinion had been heard of, until lately. some sceptical German critics have not hesitated to pronounce that the whole is fabulous. Such, too, is strenuously maintained by Poppo, Proleg, t.1. p.24. His arguments, however, are manifestly inconclusive. He urges that the story is incredible, ‘ because ‘Thucydides ever contemned the judg- ment of the vulgar, nor has evinced any admiration of the his- tory of Herodotus, very different in plan from his own.” But surely we are not to expect that the boy of fifteen should have the feelings of the man of mature age, such as was Thucydides when he began to write his history ; not to say that the majo- rity of persons collected from various parts of Greece at the Olympic assembly were not of the vulgar. As to the history of Herodotus being different in plan and manner from his own, that is no reason why Thucydides should not have held it in estimation, especially at the immature age of fifteen, when the beauties of that matchless work of zts kind* would be especially interesting. Some other arguments are adduced by Dahlman Herod. p, 22., referred to by Goeller, and * So Wyttenbach, Preef. ad Select. Pr. Hist. p. 11. says, “ Secundus est Thucydides, et ipse palmarius, sed diversd ratione:” and again, “ Profectus e diversis atque Herodotus discipline initiis.’ Indeed, the genius of Thucydides was totally different; but that was no reason why he should not acknowledge the merit of the other historian. LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. X1X considered by him more conclusive than Poppo’s. ‘ It is im-. probable (he argues) that Herodotus could, at so early an age (not thirty), have taken so many long and distant peregrina- tions, have collected materials, and accomplished a work which bears the marks of maturity of intellect, and somewhat of the garrulity of advanced years.” This, however, is as weak an argument as either of the former, since we have no correct information as to the extent of these travels; and as the space to be traversed was not considerable, no very long period would be requisite. As to the marks of maturity of intellect observable in the work, it may be replied, that some minds ripen much sooner than others ; and that he should have accomplished it before his thirtieth year may be paral- leled by instances cn record even more extraordinary. _ It is, indeed, impossible to fix a limit to what a mighty mind can effect in a given time, when wholly absorbed in a great work. It is further urged by Dahlman, that “ he could not have been heard by so great a multitude ; nor could he have secured the attention of the multitude by his prose narrations, when even the vehement harangues of Demosthenes could not uni- versally command attention. Besides, how could there have been zzme for so long a recitation? what human lungs and strength could have been equal to it? or who would choose to be so long exposed to the burning heats and pelting rains?” He contends, ‘that the multitude would have been weary of any recitation, even of a few hours, without some relief from music, and support from action and gesture. Finally (he adds), we hear of no other example of such kind of recitation.” But neither, I conceive, are these last arguments convinc- ing. Weare by no means obliged to suppose that the whole history, as we now have it, was finished at the period in ques- tion; but only that the plan had been fully formed, and a considerable part of the work executed. Still less are we compelled to suppose that the whole was read at the Olympic assembly. ‘The recitation, doubtless, embraced only such parts as would be most interesting to the congregated multi- tude, forming a considerable proportion of the enlightened population of Greece. And as the festival was of several days’ duration, we need not suppose so long a recitation at once as arZ xX LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. to weary the auditors, or exhaust the speaker. To suppose that so enlightened an audience (not the mere rabble of an Athenian assembly) could not keep up their attention at the recitation frcm a work, the whole of it the most attractive of its kind, and of which the parts selected would be the most interesting and flattering to the Grecians at large, seems to take for granted an extreme improbability, and to judge of antient by modern feelings, and conceive of the enlightened assemblage at Olympia as if it were the pit and gallery audience of a London or Paris theatre. At the second recita- tion at Athens, which, as we are told, was thirteen years after- wards, the work was probably finished, and might then, at the suggestion of the admiring audience, have its books named after the nine Muses. ‘This will also suggest a satisfactory answer to the objection of DahIman, that at 1.2, 156. Herodotus speaks of /Eschylus as “the poet of a past age,” whereas he died a short time afterwards. ‘The passage in question was probably not written at the time of the first recitation, but was added between that time and the period of the publication of the history. Though, indeed, if we consider that the poet died in advanced years, and that his most celebrated dramas were written thirty or forty years before the period in ques- — tion, the expression may very well be justified. From the boyhood of the historian, proceed we to consider his course of instruction when a youth. Marcellinus informs us that his preceptor in oratory and rhetoric in general was Antipho, on whom he has passed a short but significant enco- mium at 1. 8,68. In philosophy, and the art of thinking and reasoning, he was instructed by Anaxagoras, the preceptor and friend of Pericles, on whom see Wyttenbach, ubi supra. Of the manner in which he spent his early manhood we have no certain information. ‘That he served the usual time in the zepizodoi, or militia, we cannot doubt. Dr. Lempriere, however, has no authority for saying that “ his youth was distinguished by an eager desire to excel in vigorous exercises and gymnastic amusements;” a thing, indeed, somewhat improbable. How he spent the period from his militia-service to that of his appointment to command the fleet in Thrace, we have no LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XX1 certain information. An antient anonymous biographer of the historian says, that he participated in the Athenian colony sent to Thurium. But if he had, by inheritance, any consi- derable property in Thrace, which is highly probable, no reason can be imagined why he should have taken part in this colony. If, however, that statement be corrcct, Dodwell seems to have proved that the circumstance must have taken place in his twenty-seventh year. Why he went, or how long he stayed, we are not informed. If he went at all, he probably did not remain very long; and there is no doubt that he had returned to his country long before the commencement of the Peloponnesian war, otherwise it would make his marriage with the Thracian lady of Scaptesyle (by whom he obtained rich property in gold mines, &c.) an improbably late one. Whether he was employed in military service in the first seven years of the war, is uncertain; it is probable, however, that he was. In the eighth year of the war, and the forty- seventh of his age, B.C. 424, he was appointed to the com- mand of the Athenian fleet off the coast of Thrace, which included the direction of affairs in the various Athenian colo- nies there, with much the same power as governor-general in our colonies. He occupied with his fleet a station at Thasus, and being suddenly summoned to the defence of Amphipolis, he hastened thither ; but, owing to unavoidable circumstances, was too late, by only halfa day. He, however, succeeded in saving Kion, though, had he not arrived at the time he did, the place would have been occupied by Brasidas the very next morning. It is plain that to save Amphipolis was a physical impossibility, and great activity was used in saving Eion. He, therefore, merited praise rather than censure. And yet the Athenian people, out of humour with the turn which things were taking in Thrace, condemned him to banishment : though, with a magnanimity scarcely paralleled, he makes no mention of it in his history of that period, and only touches upon it incidentally afterwards, in order to show his advan- tages for arriving at the truth, and then without a word of complaint. ‘Thus, to use the words of Smith, ‘we have lost Thucydides the commander, to secure fast Thucydides the historian.” Discharged of all duties, and free from all public a 3 XXii . LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. avocations, he was left without any attachments but to simple truth, and proceeded to qualify himself for commemorating exploits in which he could have no share. “ Sweet are the uses of adversity ; Which, like the toad, ugly and venomous, Bears yet a precious jewel in his head.” On his banishment he retired to Scaptesyle, the property of his wife*, and thus dedicated his leisure to the formation of his great work, and (as Marcellinus, the antient biographer, says) employed his wealth liberally in procuring the best information of the events of the war, both from Athens and Lacedzemon. How he passed the period of his exile may, then, very well be imagined; nor is it necessary to fill up that space, as Dodwell does, with such events as * the death of Perdiccas, king of Macedonia; the accession of Archelaus, his successor; the end of the jasmia orparedosmos of Thucy- dides ;” for his military life had virtually been defunct eighteen years before. As to the period of his exile, it was (as he himself tells us at l. 5, 26.) twenty years; and his return is, by some, fixed to 403 B.C., at the time when an amnesty was passed for all offences against the state; by others, to the year before, when Athens was taken by Lysander, and the exiles mostly returned. See Xen. Hist. 1. 2,2,23. The former opinion has been shown by Krueger to be alone the correct one. “ For (argues he) since ‘Thucydides says that he was banished for twenty years in the eighth year of the war, which also, he affirms, lasted twenty-one years, it follows that his recall must have been in the year after Athens was taken.” To which it may be added, that the high-minded historian would have disdained to avail himself of such an unauthorised way of * « This (says his biographers) he did not inherit from his mother; for Scaptesyle was not in Thrace, but in Thasus ; but from his wife :”” which is highly probable (and is asserted by Marcellinus), but not for the reason above mentioned ; for his mother might have property in Thasus, though a Thracian. Scaptesyle, however, was, as one may say, in Thrace; being situated, not in Thasus, but in a small strip of Thracian territory, subject to Thasus, and opposite to that island. LIFE OF THUCYDIDES, XXIil returning to his country as that eagerly snatched at by the bulk of the exiles, but would wait until the public amnesty should give him a full right so to do. Perhaps, however, that the real truth of the matter is what Pausanias relates, who mentions among the antiquities a statue to the memory of one CEinobius for being the mover of a separate decree of the assembly for the recall of Thucydides. It is probable, that, besides the general amnesty by which the former exiles were permitted to return, a particular decree was made for Thucy- dides ; and, considering the gross injustice of his banishment, this was no more than he had a right to expect. It is not necessary to advert to all those many improbable, and sometimes contradictory, accounts concerning the life of Thucydides which are found in some of the later Greek writers; as, for instance, Pausanias, who, besides making Thucydides descended from Pisistratus (which is inconsistent with plain facts, for the genealogies of Miltiades and Pisistratus show no sort of affinity), relates that Thucydides was assassin- ated immediately on his return. And Zopyrus, referred to by Marcellinus, relates that such took place, but some years afterwards. Had, however, that really been the case, it would have been perfectly known, and could scarcely but have been alluded to by Cicero, or some other great writer of antiquity. Poppo, indeed, maintains that he lived many years after his re- turn; but his reason (namely, that after his return he digested his history into order) is not convincing. or it surely would not require many years to do that, especially as the last book was, after all, left ina rough and indigested state. Besides, the probability is rather, that a man of sixty-seven should vot live many years. The strongest proof adduced is, that the historian, at 1. 3, 116., makes mention of the third eruption of /Etna, which took place in 395. B. C. See Dodwell Synops. Chron. § 27. But this argument depends upon the interpret- ation of the words of that passage, which probably gave a countenance to the above opinion. See the note in loc. It seems, therefore, to be uncertain how many years he lived after his recall from banishment. ‘The manner in which he speaks of the conclusion of the war, and his having lived throughout the whole of it in the full enjoyment of his a 4 XXIV LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. faculties, strongly confirms the statement of Pamphila, from ~ which it follows that he was sixty-seven years old at its con- clusion. And as it seems probable that he would not arrange the work before the conclusion of the war, so the moulding of the whole into its present form might consume some years of the life of an aged man. Yet its being at last left cncomplete is unfavourable to the opinion of Dodwell, that Thucydides lived beyond his eightieth year. The proof which he adduces that the historian lived to that age is weak. Marcellinus (he says) tells us that Thucydides died trip ra mevtjxovra ery, Now certainly Marcellinus could not write thus. Hence Dodwell conjectures dnip ta 7’ ery, i. e. eighty years. Which is, as far as regards the literarum vestigia, a probable conjecture; but it is much discountenanced by the fact that the historian left his work imperfect. I am inclined, therefore, to suspect that Marcellinus wrote [A\AA i. e. 2830u74x0vre, and that the JAIA was confounded with the TA the article, and then the second A with IT. Certainly it is not easy to see what the article can here have to do. ‘Thus all will be right; for it is very pro- bable that the historian lived somewhat beyond the age of seventy. Upon this disputed point the reader may, however, consult Krueger and Goeller. The non-completion of the work has, moreover, given oc- casion for no little speculation among the critics. That any difference of opinion should have arisen is strange; since it is difficult to imagine any other reason for the non-completion of a plan, deliberately formed, according to some, forty, certainly between thirty and forty years before, except that of sudden death, or continued deprivation of health. It is probable that the health of the historian sunk gradually throughout the latter part of the work. The state of the eighth book may best be accounted for on this supposition. And, indeed, there is a gradual declension of vigour and finished execution after the first five books. The above question is naturaily connected with another before adverted to, that of the time at which the history was Jormed. ‘he antients generally relate that it was written during his exile: but that is very consistent with the hy- pothesis that he formed his collections and disposed his LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XXKV ’ materials in something of order during that period. Poppo adduces some reasons why he cannot be supposed to have regularly moulded the work until the sixty-seventh year of his age. And that is probable. ‘The argument, however, which he urges from the mention of the death of Archilaus, king of Macedonia, at 1. 2,100., is not very cogent, since the mention might be a later insertion. It will only prove that he was alive at the death of that monarch. Of the place of his residence, after his recall from exile, we have no certain information, any more than of the place of his death and burial. As to the former, we can scarcely doubt that though it might occasionally be Athens, yet it would usually be Scaptesyle. The superintendence of his large property would render his occasional residence there necessary, and long habit ‘must have attached him toa spot for so many years his peaceful and studious retreat. ‘The place and the manner of his death and burial are matters of great doubt. Not to notice the im- probable story of his death at ‘Thurium, or by assassination, some antient authorities inform us that he died and was interred at Athens in the Ccele, in the burial inclosure ap- propriated to the family of Cimon. Yet Marcellinus ac- knowledges that the inscription had not the usual év3aé3 xeitat. Hence Dodwell argues that it was only a cenotaph. The truth may probably be that he died at Scaptesyle; and possibly he was there interred; at least, his bones might afterwards be brought to Athens, and deposited in the sepul- chre of the Cimonian family. With respect to the temper and disposition of Thucydides, it was grave, cool, and candid. ‘* Heseems (Smith observes) to have been all judgment, and no passion.” He evidently had nothing choleric or resentful in his constitution. His notions in philosophy and religion being above the concep- tions of the vulgar, procured him, as in the case of Anaxa- goras, Socrates, Pericles, and others, the name of an atheist, ‘‘which (says Hobbes) they bestowed upon all men that thought not as they did of their ridiculous religion. For though (adds Hobbes) he were no atheist, yet it is not impro- bable but, by the light of natural reason, he might see enough in the religion of thee heathens to make him sich in the opi- XXVi LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. nion of the people.” It is, indeed, manifest from his history, that Thucydides was, on the one hand, no atheist; and, on the other, far removed from the superstition of his coun- trymen. - So much for the man. Let us now proceed briefly to con- sider the historian, “ in whom (as Hobbes well observes) two things are to be considered, truth and elocution. For in truth consists the soul, and in elocution the body of history. ‘The latter, without the former, is but a picture of history; and the former, without the latter, unapt to instruct.” The rest of what is proper to be said on this subject cannot be better ex- pressed than in the words of the same writer, p.35. ‘ For the faith of this history I shall have the less to say, in respect that no man hath ever yet called it into question. Nor, indeed, could any man justly doubt of the truth of that writer, in whom they had nothing at all to suspect of those things that could have caused him either voluntarily to lie or ignorantly to deliver an untruth. He overtasked not himself by undertak- ing a history of things done long before his time, and of which he was not able to inform himself. He was a man that had as much means, in regard both of his dignity and wealth, to find the truth of what he relateth, as was needful for a man to have. He used as much diligence in search of the truth (noting every thing whilst it was fresh in his memory, and laying out his wealth upon intelligence) as was possible for a man to use. He affected, least of any man, the acclamations of popular authorities, and wrote not his history to win ap- plause, as was the use of that age, but for a monument to instruct the ages to come. Which he professeth himself, and entitleth his book Krijwa és dei, a possession for everlasting. He was far from the necessity of servile writers, either to fear or flatter. In sum, if the truth of a history did ever appear by the manner of relating, it doth so in this history; so cohe- rent, perspicuous, and persuasive is the whole narration, and every part thereof. In the elocution also, two things are considerable : disposition, or method and style. Of the dis- position here used by Thucydides, it will be sufficient, in this place, briefly to observe only this; that, in his first book, first he hath, by way of exordium, derived the state of Greece LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XXVil from the cradle to the vigorous stature it then was at when he began to write; and next declared the causes, both veal and pretended, of the war he was to write of; in the rest, in which he handleth the war itself, he followeth, distinctly and purely, the order of time throughout; relating what came to pass from year to year, and subdividing each year into a summer and winter. ‘The grounds and motives of every action he setteth down before the action itself, either narratively, or else contriveth them in the form of deliberative orations, in the persons of such as, from time to time, bare sway in the com- monwealth. After the actions, when there is just occasion, he giveth his judgment of them, showing by what means the suc- cess came either to be furthered or hindered. Digressions for instruction’s cause, and other such open conveyances of precepts (which is the philosopher’s part), he never useth, as having so clearly set before men’s eyes the ways and the events of good and evil counsels, that the narration itself doth secretly instruct the reader, and more effectually than possibly can be done by precept.” | On the qualifications of Thucydides as an historian, Smith has a discourse which merits perusal. He there shows him to have had ail the qualifications that can be thought necessary ; namely, “to be abstracted from every kind of connection with persons or things that are the subject-matter ; to be of no coun- try, no party ; clear of all passzons, independent in every light; entirely wnconcerned who is pleased or displeased with what he writes ; the servant only of reason and truth.” He bears no ill-will to the people who basely injured him, so that in his his- tory (as says Hobbes), “no word of his, but their own actions, do sometimes reproach them.” He was wholly unconcerned about the opinion of the generation in which he lived. “ He (says Smith) wrote for posterity. He appealed to the future world for the value of the present he had made them. The judgment of succeeding ages has approved the compliment he thus made to their understandings. So long as there are truly great princes, able statesmen, sound politicians, politicians that do not rend asunder politics from good order and the general happiness, he will meet with candid and grateful acknowledg- ments of his merit.” F XXVIIL LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. On the superiority of our historian as compared with his predecessors, in the communication of new and original stores of knowledge, there is much valuable information in Creuzer’s Ant. Hist. and Dahlman Herod.* As to the style and diction of Thucydides, the limits pre- scribed to this work forbid any lengthened discussion. ‘That it is worthy ofthe matter and the subject was the almost unani- mous opinion of the great antient critics, by whom it was ad- mitted to be the canon, or purest model, of o/d Attic. There * « The historical art (say they) commencing with poetry, was at length brought nearer to truth by regular poets, who began to narrate myths with more attention to chronology and regular order. These were followed by writers in prose, called dogographi, who flourished from the 20th to the 70th Olympiad, and who, while they retained much of the nature of poetry, yet were /ess studious of the truth of facts, and supplied little more than myths, and those often anile enough; nor did they evince judgment in distinguishing matters of great moment from those of small importance. Order and regular composition were wanting; they neglected accurate chronology, narrated events disjointly, without any plan or connection, whereby each might be deduced from its cause ; and most of their narrations respected cities and peoples separately, and thus formed no connected history. “ These logographi were followed by Herodotus, who paid, indeed, much more regard to truth than they, and took long journeys for the purpose of discovering it: so that he could make great additions to geographical science. Yet he also too much indwged in fabulous stories; and his wish to relate the truth was not aided by the turn of mind, or the opportunities, which could alone have enabled him to accomplish his purpose. The whole complexion, too, of his history bears a great affinity to poetry. Hence those many digressions, which, in Thucydides, are only introduced when necessary, and suitable to the illustration of the matter in hand. Those who lived in the time of Herodotus, or between the Persian and Pelopon- nesian war (as Hellenicus and Xanthus Lydius) are to be supposed much like the logographi. On the contrary, Thucydides displays an anxiety for truth, seconded by extraordinary acumen in discovering, and great diligence in working it out. He was, moreover, far nearer the times he treats of, and was, indeed, concerned in the events, and was enabled to settle his chronology far more exactly than Herodotus; and as his great predecessor was influenced by a sort of pious feeling, and had implicit faith in what was established in religion and confirmed by the authority of its ministers and the interpreters of the gods: hence he has frequent mention of oracles and prophecies, and whatever is extraordinary, he (neglecting the proximate causes) refers to supernatural and celestial aid ; so the mind of Thucydides, illumined by the light of philosophy, and far removed from superstition, chose to investigate what was true in any matter, rather than follow the bruit of empty report, or be deceived by the wrong notions of his contem- poraries. He most diligently marks the time of the events, distinguishing them by the time of year, summer and winter, the years by the archons, ephori, beeotarchs, and victors in the Olympic games. When the occurrences of times more antient than his own are related, he forms a computation of years either from the ‘Trojan war, or backward, from the Peloponnesian or any other memorable event.” LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XX1X was, indeed, among the antient critics scarcely more than one exception to this opinion, namely, he who was called the Thucy- dideo-mastix, Dionysius Halicarnassus. But his objections to the matter and disposition of the history have been shown to be utterly groundless; and his attacks on the style are scarcely better founded. In truth, he is a close imitator of the very phraseology which he carps at. The only well-founded censure to be seen in Dionysius’s criticism is on the score of harshness and contortion in the construction of the sentences, their immoderate length, and their great and needless difficulty. Marcellinus and Smith say that he was obscure on purpose that the common people might not understand him. And this Hobbes thinks both probable and justifiable: ** for (adds he) a wise man should so write that wise men only should be able to commend him.” This, however, is a mere sophism of the philosopher of Malmsbury. It is surely more worthy of a wise man, as Lord Bacon says, “to think with the wise, and speak with the foolish.” At the same time, it is most acutely remarked by Mr. Hobbes, that “ the obscurity which exists, proceeds from the profoundness of the sentences, containing contemplations of those human passions, which either dis- sembled, or not commonly discoursed of, do yet carry the greatest sway with men in their public conversation. If, then, one cannot penetrate into them without much meditation, we are not to expect a man should understand them at the first speaking.” And again: “in the character of men’s humours and manners, and applying them to affairs of consequence, it is impossible not to be obscure to ordinary capacities, in what words soever a man deliver his mind.” After all, however, this is no sufficient justification; for though no care on the part of the author could have made the history easy, or on a level with ordinary capacities, yet more attention to per- spicuity might have greatly lessened the difficulty.* As to * For that the difficulty of Thucydides is extreme no one will deny. This Cicero considered so great as to make his meaning occasionally im- possible to be understood. The cause of the obscurity and difficulty (which could not be intentionak though facility would never be his object) is well pointed out by Smith (p. 21.):— “ He wrote, as he thought, far beyond an ordinary person. He thinks faster than he can utter; his sentences are full stored with meaning, and his very words are sentences. Where pure XXX LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. the excessive length of sentences, though a fault in style, yet when many reasonings are thus brought together in a small compass, there will, with proper attention, be less trouble oc- casioned to the reader. lo With respect to the numerous orations inserted in the history, and which are so great an ornament, they have been considered too much with a reference to modern customs, tastes, and feelings. ‘That they are not necessary, nor even proper to be adopted in modern history, is no reason why they should not have been so in antient times, when so much, both in the council and the field, depended upon oratory, and in a state of society by which all affairs, both of war and peace, were debated and transacted publicly. Hence orations are by Thucydides ranked with facts, and, if carefully reported, must give the most accurate conception of the state of politics. Now our historian in his preface professes to have used all possible diligence in attaining to the truth, as to what was said, and, as far as was practicable, ascertaining the very words. See l. 1, 22 & 23. and the notes. On the consummate eloquence of the orations there is but one opinion. ‘Though it was observed by Cicero that they were “not adapted to the dar, and were fitter to be read than heard.” And with truth; “ for (as Hobbes says) words that pass away (as in public orations they must) without pause, ought to be understood with ease, and are lost else; though words that remain in writing, for the reader to meditate on, ought rather to be pithy and full.” In short, the nature and character of the whole work is such as has oc- casioned it to be, in every age, the study of the few, rather * than of the many. ‘Thus the epigram subjoined to the thought is the object, he connects too fast, nor is enough dilated for common apprehension ;” a remark which is nearly as applicable to the writings of S¢. Paul, whose chief difficulty does not arise from his Hebraisms nor even from his want of power over the Greek language, but from his mind being cast in the same mould as that of Thucydides, * Upon the whole, the antients were scarcely less sensible of the diffi- culty of the author than the moderns. Hence, at an early age, there were numerous commentators; as Evagoras, Antyllus, Sabinus, Phoebammon Hermippus, Didymus, Orus, Zopyrus, and others; on whom see Harle’s Fabricius, Duker’s Preef. 10., and Goeller’s Pref. p.17.&18. Out of se- lections made from these commentators, arose what is called the Scholia + some of which, however, found their way into the Lewicons, though never, as far as we know, accompanied the author, ; LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XXXl editions: ius yap od mavrecos Bards, madpor 0 ayacavro Oovx., &c. It has ever been the especial favourite of the most eminent orators, statesmen, and generals. It is sufficient to say that it was copied eight times by the hand of De- mosthenes, and was the perpetual study and admiration of Cicero. I cannot conclude without briefly adverting to the opinion of many eminent German critics of the day, that ** when Thucydides wrote his history he had not seen that of Hero- dotus, it not having been published, for otherwise Thucy- dides would have taken care to have the earliest sight of it.” But this is as much as saying that the history of Herodotus was not published until very many years after his death (see Dahlman ap. Goeller 1, 20.), which is highly improbable. Besides, I conceive that the notes to this work contain such strong testimony to the truth of the hitherto universally re- ceived opinion, by induction of verbal coincidences, as should set the question for ever at rest. It is remarkable that Goeller makes no mention that the History of ‘Thucydides was prepared for publication by Xeno- phon, into whose hands it had been committed by the son (Timotheus) or sons of Thucydides. It should seem that the learned biographer considers ¢Azs also unworthy of credit. But it rests on very respectable authority (that of Dionysius Halicarnassus), and as it is far from involving any improba- bility, it is surely deserving of credit. We have thus a good reason supplied why Xenophon should have continued the history. As ‘lhucydides was in constant communication with the most eminent of his countrymen, it is very probable that he should have had correspondence, and, perhaps, personal communication, with Xenophon, who might probably visit him at Scaptesyle. Dodwell has given good reasons for supposing, that at the time when the MSS. of ‘Thucydides were put into the hands of Xenophon, he was an exile at his retreat of Scillus. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. Lately published, In Eight large Volumes, 8vo. price 6/. 2s. in boards, RECENSIO SYNOPTICA ANNOTATIONIS SACR&, being a Critical Digest and Synoptical Arrangement of the most im- portant Annotations on the New Testament. ** This work is especially adapted for the use of academical students, candi- dates for holy orders, ministers, and all who have any knowledge of the original Greek. - It has been the endeavour of the author to establish the true sense, not only by a diligent use of the most eminent modern commentators, but by explor- ing the fountain heads of interpretation found in the ancient Fathers and Greek commentators. Every apposite illustration of phraseology or sentiment to be found, ona laborious examination of the immense collectanea, both of the classi- cal and rabbinical illustrators, has been selected. The very valuable materials derived from these, and other sources, have been carefully digested and moulded into one Corpus Exegeseos, in which each portion is, as far as possible, ascribed to its respective author, and the foreign matter (for the first time) translated into English. With the whole is interwoven a series of critical remarks, intended to guide the judgment of the student amidst the diversities of jarring interpretations ; and a copious body of original annotations, in which the true reading is, in all im- portant cases, discussed, the connection traced, the course of reasoning indicated ; and, in general, whatever seemed necessary to complete the Corpus Exegeseos, has been supplied by the Editor, who has further consulted the convenience of stu- dents, by forming a series of glossarial notes, and giving a new literal translation and close paraphrase of most of the sentences annotated on. From the vast extensiveness of plan, and wide scope of research, in the above elaborate work, it is manifest that it presents by far the most valuable body of exegetical matter ever yet laid before the public, and comprehends whatever is essential to the interpretation of the New Testament. Shortly will be put to Press, BY THE SAME AUTHOR, An entirely new TRANSLATION of the HISTORY of HERODOTUS, illustrated with Copious Annotations, original and selected, on the Plan of the present THucypipEs, and in the same number of Volumes. DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER. VOL. I. The Map of Southern Greece to be placed at the beginning of Book I. page 1. The Map of Macedonia and Thrace to be placed at the begin- ning of Book II. page 275. VOL. II. The Map of Northern Greece to be placed at the beginning of Book III. page 1. VOL, III. The Map of Sicily to be placed at the beginning of Book VI. page l. The Plan of Syracuse, with the Explanation of References facing it, to be placed at the beginning of Book VII. page 158. The Map of the Western Parts of Asia Minor to be placed at the beginning of Book VIII. page 268. ERRATA. VOL. I. ° Page 6. 1. 28. for had read have. . last line, for that r. that which. . 1,9. from bottom, for Tegea r. Tegea. . 1.29. for OFTMEN rv. OFTAAEN. . 1.4, frombottom, for Anat r, Amat. . 1.28. for such r. somewhat. 3. 1.22. for meaning 7. reading. 3. 1.19. dele rightly. .1. 18,19. for xadiorarcs r. zatiorercs, . last line, for yeovov 1. xpovov. . 1. 8. from bottom, for Ed. 7, MS. . 1.6. for Epidamnians r. Epidaurians. . 1.24, for racuury r. rorcurn. 21.20. for drax. rere. me . 1.8. from bottom, for deseivacs 7. Ses eivocs. . 1, 10. from bottom, for stated r. staked, . 1. 5. from bottom, for forced r. formed. . 1.18. for Seruerreis r, Seopceyrels, | VOL. Page 2. 1, 22. fox Macaresu read Macareus. 32, 1. 5. from bottom, for yaeiey 1. xweter. 78. 1.1, 2. from bottom, for egoptoeai and xeyévres r, eroptocai and revives. 95. 1. 14. for and r. who. 129. 1. 18. for of 7. off. 130. 1.3. from bottom, for national », inter- national, 134, 1. 15. from bottom, for diécaSe r. diecdSy. 147. 1.7. from bottom, for bsorursicSas: r. vrorortia Dc. 152, last line, add (D'Israeizi.) 218. 1. 24. for loci 7. locutiones. 245, 1.10. from bottom, for who 7. and. Page 31s 1. 5. from bottom, for 2000 read 20,000. 329, 1. 18. from bottom, for &nrobpou r. &p- x TOUPOV. ‘ . 1 20. for pévous 7. jeévouy. 17. for ianeow ritAneos . 1, 27. for observe 7. compare. . Ll. 15. for Poliorectes x. Poliorcetes, . 19. for xeporree 1. yapeere, . 1, 28. from bottom, for claves 1. esrAAcsy. . 1.6. from bottom, for erected r. created, . L 8. from bottom, for éayoenoay r. ea- Y PNT ey. : 496. 1.10, 11. from bottom, for Seieyardé r. eleleyaa sé. ; 499. 1. 11. frora bottom, for thus r, this. 507.1. 8 for from r. on. 513. 1. 27. for strip r. strap, 531. 1. 13, for Cedremis 7. Cedrenus. II. Page 246. 1.15. from bottom, for authorise to read authorise us to. 250. 1. 4. from bottom, for Meiton +. Meibom. 255. 1. 9, 10, 11. for ruxvaoevres and svyvwtéiy- Tes Tr. Tuxeywouvres ANA wuxywdéy ses. 272. 1. 13. from bottom, for Asuneés. r. Aipenpe. 294, last line, dele point after éS-vos. 302.1. 11.from bottom, f. diayoyas r. diceyaryar. 348. 1. 9. from bottom, for hemmed 7. hemmed in. 371. 1.11, from bottom, for Tooavos 1. Topéves. 400. 1. 16. from bottom, for 20d’ r. za’ 447. 1.16. for designates 7. designate. 499, 1. 33. for Dodwell r. Dorville. . VOL. III. Page 4. 1.8. from bottom, for reidyavos read Tpivayos. 21. for diarayrios 7. Siaeroyrios. 2. 1. 18. for Davand 7. Dav. and. 47. 1.27. for wirsoy 1. wioSov. 62. 1.11. from bottom, for iuédy r. lmtp dn. 80. 1. 24. for 4AGgS-y r. tAGOSy. 118, 1.1 & 2. from bottom, for yAvs and wavs y. GAog and eros. 153, |, 21. from bottom, for Carter r. Canter. 145, 1. 13. from bottom, for Lincolnshire +. Lincoln. — =o Page 183. J. 11. from bottom for Epizaphyrii xead Epizephyrii. 220, 1, 13. from bottom. for pveseoces r. Muelact. 221. 1.5. from bottom, for reorxidvvedoou 1. Teo bvOvVEVO'CLS. 246, 1.27. for xu dideomévy 1. xa DidDpupeévn. 248. 1. 16. from bottom, for tossed out r. tossed about. 259, last line, for troiuala r. troiueé, 251. 1.18. for avdeu 7. evdpaie, 263. 1.10&15 for Latomia x. Latomie, EXPLANATION OF REFERENCES. ee 1,1. ‘Triremes, &c., with which the Syracusans blocked up the mouth of the great port. Book vii. chap. 59. 2. Mouth of the great port. 3. Islet before Plemmyrium. vii. 23. 4, 7,8. Dascon? See iii. 66. n. 5, 5. Stockade constructed before their ships, by the Athenians, to serve the purpose of a shut up port. vil. 38. 6. Transports moored before the stockade to secure a retreat. vii. 38. 7. Bottom and inmost recess of the port ? vii. 52. 8. The jetty. vii. 53. 9, Palisade constructed by the Athenians beside their ships. vi. 66. 10,10. Road to Helorum. vi. 66. 11. Palisade and ditch carried across the marsh by the Syracusans, to obstruct the wall of circumvallation. vi. 101. 12. Place at which the market for the fleet was held, by the advice of Aristo. vil, 39, 13, Piles driven down in front of the old docks, to defend the Syracusan shipping. vii. 25. 14. Dock. See vii. 22. n. 15. Cross wall. See vii. 16. Transverse wall of the Syracusans. vi. 99. 17,17. Single wall of the Syracusans. vii. 4—6. 18. Postern gate. vi. 100. 19, 19,19. Double wall of the Athenians. 20, 20, Athenian approaches. vi. 99, 21,21, 21. Wall of the Athenians, carried by the rocky ground beyond the marsh down to the port. vi. 101. vii. 4. 22. Galeagra, or Scala Greeca, See Livy 25, 23. 23, Hexapylum. L See Goeller de Situ Syr., p. 67. 24. Pentapylum. ae 7 " F eee lp iar Pea te ~ a .: A. ¢ Re fey eat } ee ‘ ve 78; 3 ‘ 2 Vf a “# 3 4 é a, 5 i a 4h ns y = ie » * + t wh | q i ; { - days Wald eae yo b iy! (é y 7" : itr i che Shit oie A ; oe | oy oe uJ Py cay ee Sy Ce ie a Be di ‘hae " ual , 1 ‘ ge 1 ie tt . ' Ne - " 1 1. i ! i ; re 5 in » 7 ; ’ inf is Sa ‘ ' J é 4 = 5 t ba ¢ ’ - AS rie Buh ate a nies pe , q { . 5 men a, ¥ ’ re a hi i : * / ie eae : 7 ; io i" a a . \ 4 q . j coe ° ha , ‘ o's" «tiggk as sh Py Pires, . Torre. ve ‘ oP j z eT ; ¥. ‘ ‘ mire ? ; » yb mo. ad ne si 4 = Ceph yr py ZS Larne z London,Published by Longman & C2 Paternoster Row, May, 1629. HTD PAT THE | HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. r Dok es I. Ir HUCYDIDES, an Athenian’, hath composed? this his- tory of the war of the Peloponnesians and Athenians, as they 1 “The ‘an Athenian’ is added for distinction (says the Scholiast) from others of the same name, or the same age,” or, of other countries. Some, moreover, suspect, that rot ’Od\dpov was originally written, as 1. 4,104. and elsewhere. But it would be difficult to account for the omission of the words by the scribes, though not by the author, and there vould be less of minute formality, and consequently more of dignity, in emitting it here, especially as there could be little danger of his being con- founded with others of the same name in future ages, since few are there ef any age who can be supposed competent to write a history of their country. 2 Hath composed, Evviypate.] Some prefer gvviypaba; as in Livy’s *Annibal peto pacem,” and the exordium of Sallust (an imitator of Thu- cydides), “ Res populi Romani militia ac domi gestas composui.”” But the fomer passage 1s of a different character; and the latter is not decisive, sitce, if Sallust had this in view, he might prefer the first person, which woild require the omission of the name. Besides, the third person is defnded not only by all the MSS. and some parallel passages of our author, but also by several citations of the present passage in Dion. Hal., Dion Chys., and Eustath. To which may be added the following imitations of it | Sag historians, in commencing their histories:— Procop.: Upordwo¢ Katapede rove rodépoue Evviypaver, &c. Ocell. Lucan. rade ovviypade O. A. Tinzeus Locrensis: Tipawoc 6 Aoxpd¢e rade t~a. Alcmzeon Crotonensis: ’Adkwatwy 6 Kporovunrne rade tXeEev. Sometimes, however, I have observed the @rst person; as in Paleph. de Incred.: rade wepi ariorwy ovyyéiypaga. Andin the exordium of Thucydides’s predecessor, Hecatzeus, (as preserved in D:metrius Phaler.) we have both the first and third persons: “Hraravog 6 Munjowe ode puSeira, rade ypagu. Frm this term Zuréyoave (often elsewhere used by our author), Thucy- dideshas been kar’ 20x) called 6 cvvypagedc. It is of more consequence, Va. ii B 2 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. waged it® against each other. He commenced the work im- mediately on the breaking out of the war, persuaded that it would be an important one, and the most* memorable of those that had preceded it ; founding his judgment on the cir- cumstance, that both the belligerent parties were at the highest point of preparation for it°; and seeing the rest of the Gre- cian nation, partly already ranged on either side, and partly preparing so to do. For this was by far the greatest com- motion that had ever arisen among the Greeks, or the Bar- however, to advert to the sense of ovyypdégw, in which some, as the Scholiast, seek the force of accurate and diligent narration. (See Gottleber.) But the dignified modesty every where preserved by our author, will not permit us to suppose this. It should rather seem that the ovy has reference to the narrations and other documents on which authentic history is founded, and out of which it must partly be formed; and perhaps it has some reference to the order in which such narrations are arranged. This, however, is very inadequately expressed by the term compile employed by Smith. I have adopted composed, as formed from componere, by which the Roman writers expressed the Greek term in this sense. Sometimes, however, though rarely, it simply signifies to narrate, as in Herod. 3, 103, 2. rd sidog — értorapévotoe od cvyypddw. On ~vyypadedc, and its distinction from doyd- ypagoc, see Sallier on T, Magistr. in voc. 3 As they waged it.) The w6\ewov—we erodéunoay has a character very | unlike the neat precision of modern composition; and indeed some would, read by, which, however, besides being destitute of critical support, would be less significant. Gottleber compares 5, 26. rd émera, we érodsuHsn eEnynoopat. ‘The following, which are a few of the imitations which iy have noted of the passage, will be found more apposite. Themist. p. 261 D. d& rie vpiy Oumyhra mepi THY Towwy Kai ’“Axay we érodhspnoay 7 pox addApdoue: and 264, C. dy ree dpiv Oupyira epi rév Tpwwy Kai Ayady, “ erohiunoav mpdc addAndove. Polyb.: énynoapévor roy ‘Pwpaiwy kai Pidiao TOAEHov we etpaxn, See also 1 Kings, 14,19. and 22, 45. where, show ever, the Heb. 1X is rendered by the LXX in the relative ; and perhajs rightly ; for this kind of pleonasm is not only a relique of the simplicity of ancient Greek diction, but is of Oriental character. + The most memorable of those that had preceded it.| On this use of the ‘superlative for the comparative, which frequently occurs in Thucydiies and his imitators, see Herman on Viger. p. 718. and Goeller in be. That editor might have added, that the whole passage is referred toby Themist. 184. D. 5 Preparation for it, dxpafoyrec hoay.] It is strange that several critcs, both ancient and modern, would read jjecay or fjicav. For such a readng has no support from MSS., and yields a sense far less apt than the wlg. That is indeed required by the position of deudZovrec, which, aecordin; to the other reading, would be placed with Tapackevy TH TaoH, either inme- diately before or after those words. ’AwpuédZovrec jay is, as the Schaiast observes, for ijxuaZov. The metaphor in acu. is usual; and the phrae is equivalent to the plainer one at 2, 8. %pwyro é¢ roy wéXemoy, with wii we may compare Psal. 144,13. “ that our oxen may be strong ¢o labatr.” CHAP. II. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 3 barians °; for to a portion of them also it extended, nay, I might say, to the greater part of the human race. For as to those which preceded it’, and such as are yet more remote, to clearly ascertain their nature and exact importance, were, by reason of their remote antiquity, impossible. But from the marks or evidences® which, on the most extensive researches I could make, have chanced to approve themselves to my belief, I do not imagine that they 9 were considerable, either in respect of military or civil affairs. II. Certain it is, that what is now called Greece’, was of old not fixedly inhabited, but that there were at first frequent 6 Or the Barbarians — race.] Such I conceive to be the sense of the passage, which is darkly worded, and of which the obscurity has, as often, arisen from extreme brevity, two sentences being blended into one. In such a case a judicious translator will remember that he is not to introduce the obscurity, unless indeed the difficulty be insuperable; but that it is his duty to express what seems to be the true sense, though it may require to be unfolded in more words than are employed in the original. Thus a good version may serve the place of a perpetual commentary. The sense as- signed by the modern translators, as Smith, is not permitted by the con- struction, and cannot be considered as the sense, because it would be frigid and unworthy of the author. The construction (as the Latin trans- lator saw) demands that the predicate of the first member of the sentence should also be that of the other members; but the assertion, as predicated of the Barbarians, is only to be extended to that portion of them which participated with the Greeks in the Peloponnesian war, i. e. the Persians, Thracians, Siculi, &c. At éwi wAeioroy I supply pépoc. 7 Preceded it.| By those are meant those events which, in some measure, immediately preceded the Persian war. In the ra and airéy there is an ellipsis of zpayuara. The plural also is put for the singular, which denotes the kivnoce or 76Xeuoc In question. 8 But from the marks or evidence, §c.] Or thus: “ Yet as far as any evidence which, looking back into remote times, I have met with to per- suade me,’ &c. 9 They.| i.e. the affairs of the early ages. In this, as well as many other passages, one may clearly see the general meaning intended by our historian, but not so easily determine the exact sense. Goeller renders: unde mihi licet ad remotissima usque tempora investiganti fidem habere. i. e. Bewiese, denen ich so weit als moglich in der forschung zuriickgehend trauen darf, See also Gottleber. Poppo thinks that no sense of fortuity is inherent in Zvy3. And certainly it is very faint, and rather adds to the elegance, than contributes to the sense, of the passage. 1 What is now called Greece.| i.e. What has now the general appel- lation of Hellas or Greece. For the scholiast observes that before that period card pépove cai card &Svn ixadsiro, where I am surprised Bekker should not have seen that for péoove we should read pépoc, 1. e. there was as yet no general appellation given to the country, which had merely the private appellation pertaining to particular districts or tribes, as, I believe, was the case with Scotland in the middle ages. B 2 4: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. transmigrations? and changes of settlement; each readily abandoning his own situation as he was compelled so to do, by 2 Transmigrations.] Such seems to be the true force of peravacracete though Goeller takes it to denote voluntary migration, which he thinks is included in the passage. But though that be the case, I cannot but regard peray. as referring to both voluntary and compulsory emigration, and also that transmigration which results from it. Some critics adopt the reading of Cod. Reg. psravaorne re otoa. But this, though elegant, is too poetical: and I wonder they did not perceive that the vulg. is defended by a similar passage in 2, 16. od padiwe rag peravactaceac mowtyrar: also by Xen. Mem. 3, 45, 6. (of the Athenians) TODGY piv peravacracewy tv TH EAA yeyovudy, Oupsvay ey TY EavTOY? also by Diodor. Sic. 5, 433, 6. toMGy psravacrdcewy ty abr yevouéevwr. Diodorus seems to have had this passage in view; as undoubtedly had Greg. Corinth. ad Hermog. p. 892. Reisk. and perhaps Strabo. |. 12. p. 572. ed. Amst. Ma@duora piv oby card rd Towikd cai pera Tadra, yeveosae Tac épddoug Kai Tag pETavacrdoeg ovviBn, TOY TE BapBdpwy apa Kat TOY ‘PAAnvor dpuy Tue xpnoapévwy mpde Tiv Tie adAorpiacg karacacw. Vide Etym. Mag. p. 160, 5. et seq. The whole passage is had in view by Lesbonax, p. 173, 15. ot piv GdAou wavrec “ENAnvec, Ex Tie odEeTrépac ab’Toy peraoraytec oiKovow txavTo. abry, tEehaoarrec iréoove, Kai abroi tedaderreg do éréipwy. Kai Kara TovUTO Obo HepecdEe KavyTpara apETic. ovre yap eEnkHsyrE tic ab’ray b7d obdapay avSpoTwy, obre tEekdoavTec ETépovc, abot oikéiTE, The word peravdoracie is somewhat rare, and it would not be easy to add to the above example (except Philo Jud. ap. Steph. Thes.), for though I have noted the word as occurring in Dion. Hal. t. 1,703. Sylb., yet there the context requires peracrdoe, which is supported by Thucydides and the best writers, Also in Ocellus Luc. ¢.5. p.37. ed. Rudolph. z6dAakig yap 70n Kai yéyove kai éoeirar BdpBapog & “EdXac’ oby im’ avSpwoTwy povoyv— ytyvopmeva psravasracic. But there is there a manifest corruption in the common reading, for which Gale would read perdoraroc, Hecren perava- sraroc, both terms of slender authority, and receding too far from the literarum vestigia. I confidently propose peravdoric, the feminine form of peravadornc, which possibly Ocellus here read, and probably Joseph. p- 1242, 20, peravasrne oy 6 aoe. But to turn from words to things, on these transmigrations, Mr. Burke (Works, vol. 10. p. i182.) thus writes: “ Such migrations, sometimes by choice, more frequently from necessity, were common in the ancient world. Frequent necessities introduced fashion, which subsisted after the original causes.” And a little before, p. 180.: “ Many writers imagine that these migrations, so common in the primitive times, were caused by the pro- digious increase of people beyond what their territories could maintain. But this opinion, far from being supported, is rather contradicted by the general appearance of things in that early time; when, in every country, vast tracts of land were suffered to lie almost useless in morasses and forests. Nor is it indeed more countenanced by the ancient modes of life, no way favourable to population. I apprehend that these first settled countries, so far from being overstocked with inhabitants, were rather thinly peopled; and that the same causes which occasioned that thinness, occasioned also those frequent migrations which make so large a part of the first history of almost all nations.” Mankind even from the earliest ages, (as we learn from Gen. x. and xi.) even when possessed of some civilisation, was generally inspired with the spirit of migration. This did not soon subside. Many tribes either dissatisfied with their settlements, or (like the Arabs and Tartars to this day), without any desire to settle, CHAP. II. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 5 the successive and overwhelming masses of immigrants. For as there was no commerce”, nor indeed any confiding mutual intercourse*, either by sea or land; as men were content with such possessions as supplied them with the bare neces- saries of life®, and aimed not at superabundance of goods ©; quitted the spots they had first chosen, and wandered in quest of others ; and when a favourable situation was overstocked with inhabitants, (which in the then state of society might soon happen,) it was usual to send out colonies, often to parts very distant.” Thus the Mosaic writings then, the general tenor of tradition preserved by heathen authors, and the most authentic testimonies, of every kind, of the state of things in the early ages; vestiges, of art and monuments of barbarism, the unknown origin of the most abstruse sciences, and their known transmission from nation to nation; all combine to indicate the preservation of civility and knowledge, under favour of particular cir- cumstances, among a small part of mankind; while the rest, amid innu- merable migrations, degenerated in barbarians and savages. (Mitford’s History of Greece.) JI would observe that the foregoing remarks are applicable to the new world as well as the old. The early history of Mexico and Peru being filled with such accounts. See Humboldt’s Works, or the Modern Traveller, in Mewico. It appears that the tribe which afterwards settled at Mexico, and founded the Mexican empire, had been for eight centuries constantly migrating from one spot to another. The history, too, of Asia, bears equal testimony to the above. 3 Commerce.] By this the Scholiast understands maritime commerce ; for as to that by dand, (as we find from what follows,) not a little was enjoyed by cities which, like Corinth, occupied isthmuses. Why commerce by sea did not subsist, arose from the extreme prevalence of piracy. 4 Mutual intercourse.| This is a rare, but elegant, sense of the éxyuyvoiyrec, which, like our word mix,admits of being taken in a neutral or middle sense. Goeller refers to Long. Past. 3,1. I add L. 1,13. zap’ DAhrove éxyucysyrwy. Philostr. in Vit. Apoll. lib. 5, 24. oddGy éxryu- yvivrwv oetpo. Hence, in Joseph. p. 583, 9. Oud riv apEtay obk édiexvotpevoe mpoc &dXouc, I would read, with all the MSS., éaipeyriperor 5 Bare necessaries of life, venopevoi doov axofjv.] Such is the sense attributed to the word by the Scholiast, the commentators and critics: though it has lately been called in question by Schcefer on Bos p. 607., with the approbation, it seems, of Goeller. He would explain “ ut ex iis victum haberent.”? The cause of the error arose, he thinks, from such a sense being found in the later writers, as Lucian. I have indeed noted down not only many examples of this use from later writers, but imitations of this passage by’ the historians; so that } cannot abandon the antient interpretation; especially as that sense seems implied by the ellipsis of dvoyv, which is frequent in such a phrase, ard is supplied by Plato Protag. p. 1355. 6 Goods, xpnparwy, moveable property.] Such the context and the nature of the subject show to be the sense, and not money, assigned to the word by the interpreters. This sense is not unfrequent in Thucydides ; as 3, 74. where see the note. And so Xen. Anab. 6, 6, 15. where ypjpara signifies sheep, and Herodot. 2, 134. The meaning is, that “they had “not a superabundance of the necessaries of life,” i.e. nothing but what was necessary for a bare and frugal subsistence. B 3 . 6 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I nor did they venture on planting’ the soil, it being uncertain whether an invader might not come and deprive them, defence- less ® as they were, of the fruit; and moreover, as they thought they should every where readily obtain their necessary daily sustenance, they made little difficulty in emigrating. And hence it was that they attained unto no strength, either in magnitude of cities, or in any other apparatus of civilisation.? But, especially, the richest districts were ever most subject to this change of inhabitants ; such as what is now called Thessaly *° and Boeotia, and most parts of Peloponnesus, except Arcadia, and such other tracts as were the most fertile. For, on account of this fertility of soil, some attaining to power, and increasing in consequence, stirred up factions among the people, by which they were eventually brought to ruin; and, 7 Planting.| i. e. they merely cultivated the soil according to the ordinary modes of agriculture, ploughing, sowing, &c. The gur. has a reference to the culture of the vine, and olive, and other fruit trees. The reason for this is obvious. They were uncertain of enjoying the fruits of that labour so necessary to raise young plants. Besides, according to the barbarous custom of antiquity, the ravages of war extended even to the cutting down of the trees and destroying the plantations. So in the Old Testament and the Greek writers. Hence, perhaps, may be explained a very obscure passage of the Scholiast on Eurip. Orest. 930. Beck. 6 6é lleXacyb¢ mpdroc aypot carackeuny tEetpe TAXA THY aAVSpwTwy Toic Opaypact ciroupévor : i. e. * he first introduced ornamental culture, that high culti- vation of the soil connected with planting.” Lither this interpretation must be admitted, or we must suppose that the passage is mutilated. And indeed I have sometimes thought that after dypot karackevny there had been lost the words kai rijv otrorotay (so Thucyd. 8,24. yapay Kcardc¢ caraokevacpéivny), or that for aypot we should read cirov. And yet aypow often occurs in the classical writers (see St. Thes.), cirov no where; though in Plato de Rep. 1. 11. we have ik rév kpiSey dAgira oxevaldpevor, ® Defenceless, arsixiorwy tipa bvrwy.] Literally, “ and they withal being not collected into walled towns.” 9° Lither in— civilisation.]| Gail renders this: “ ni dans les arts de la paix, ni dans les arts de la guerre.” Which, however, is too paraphras- tical. The peyéSe has reference only to the size of their towns. The mapaoxevy is indeed explained by the commentators exclusively of military apparatus. But the term being general may include civil apparatus, which is required by the context, and thus refer to the arts of both war and peace. As zapackevi) is here used, so I find caraccem) in Isocr. Paneg. 5. adda Kai rie Addie kaTackeviic ty yy Karotkotper, Kai peY ae woherevopesa. And so Plutarch, » zepi roy Bioyv karackevh. 10 Now called Thessaly.] For it had formerly (as the Scholiast observes) the appellation Emathia ; as Catull. Carm. 65, 26. Emathize Columen, Peleu. See Serv. on Virg. Georg. 1, 491. Others, however, make Kmathia a part of Macedonia. Thessaly, moreover, is said to have antiently had other appellations, as Pelasgia, Af’monia, and Hellas. See note 4. p. 10, CHAP. II. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. “§ withal, they were the more exposed to the attacks of strangers. 1! Thus, for instance, Attica, as being on account of its sterility 12, for the most part '® undisturbed by factions, the same/* race . 11 Strangers.| Foreigners, Hobbes and Smith. But these persons were, doubtless, for the most part Greeks, though of other tribes.. The term usually denoted the latter, though sometimes the former. 12 Sterility.] dvd 7d Nexrdyewy, literally, “ on account of the thinness of layer, and the scantiness of its soil.’ Thin coats of soil reposing upon rock, as in Attica, imply infertility (see Mark, 4, 5, 6.), at least for the growth of corn; though olives and figs sometimes flourish in such situa- tions, and were afterwards introduced with success into Attica. And Plu- tarch, in Solon, says that Attica was fitter for pasturage than agriculture. So also Theoph. Inst. 1.1. tit. 2. ) rév’ASnvaiwy wodic éxixpnto érevodktyp dit, oa AErTOyEwE ovoA. On this subject the commentators refer to Strabo, p. 602. Lucian, tom.8. p- 136. Bip. Schol. Aristoph. Ach, 75. and Av. 123. Casaub. on Athen. p, 95. Spanh. on Julian, p.78. Marx on Ephor. p.120. I would add, that this passage is had in view by Galen, in Protrept. c.7. and Alciph. 5,35. The Aexréyewy carries also with it a notion of dry, friable, sandy. So Polyzen.* 6, 13. zwediov Aexroyewy. Theophr. Hist. Pl. 1. 8. Aexrdyatoy civa Kai Wapapdy tiv xwpav. The cause of this lightness of soil is attempted to be assigned by a writer of the life of Pythagoras, mentioned by Phot. Bibl. Cod. 2, 59.5. f. rod roiovrou dépoc ioxvorarou bvroc Kai Kavapw-= TATOV’ We fr) povoy THY yy ErTUVEW (Old iy aitiav Kai AETTOyEWCo ~oTL "Arrucn) adda, &c. Hence may be understood the controverted expression in Pindar Olymp. 7, 15. kpavadic tv ’ASdvaic; where the Scholiast says, Ou 7d eivar tiy Arruny Kardénpoyv, (so we say down-ripe, down-old), cai Aeroyawv To Kkpavadic eizev. “In Attica (says Mitford) population first became settled, and the earliest progress was made towards civilisation. Being nearly peninsular [and therefore antiently called Acte, Edit.], it lay out of the road of emigrants, and wandering freebooters by land; and its rocky soil, supporting few cattle, afforded small temptation to either. The produce of tillage was less easily removed, and the gains of commerce were secured within fortifications.” 13 Hor the most part.| Such is, I conceive, the sense; though some an- tient interpreters and most modern commentators, take é« rot éi weioror conjointly, to signify “ of old, originally,” ypdvoy being supplied. Yet é« rot is thus left unaccounted for. It therefore seems better, with the Scholiast and Portus, and some recent commentators{as Goeller), to take the partici- ple otcay for the infinitive civar; as 4, 63. 8, 105. 6, 84. (See Goeller.) ’Exi wXsioroy is well rendered by Portus wt plurimum. 14 The same —inhabited.]| Wyttenb. Eclog. Hist. p. 559., in answer to the query, how the inhabitants could be said to be always the same, when there was such an intermixture of foreign blood, replies that this sameness is to be understood of the inhabitants not emigrating to other regions, as was the case elsewhere. This circumstance, nay even that of being avréySovec, was the perpetual boast of the Athenians. For (though nothing is mentioned by the commentators) so Plato calls them in his Menexenus, and Demosthenes in Orat. Fun. Thus, also, in Lysize Epitaph. od yap, domep ot woddol, wavraydSev cuveeypévor Kai érepodo éuBadrdvreg THY addoTplay Okynoav, aN abroySovec bvrec Thy abriy ékéxrnvro pytipa kai tarpica. See also an imitation of this in Aristid. Panath. p.95. Also not so much an imitation as a barefaced transcript of it in Isocr. Paneg. p. 58. ed. Lang. ; B 4 8 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. of men have successively and uninterruptedly inhabited: and no stronger proof is there of the truth of this, than that those nations (i. e. those who occupied the more fertile tracts of Greece) did not, on account of their emigrations, increase in population equally with Attica’®: for those of the rest of Greece, who were expelled from thence by war or civil com- motion, took refuge (the most powerful of them) in Attica, as a secure place of habitation; and becoming citizens *othey, as is the case, too, with many other passages of the same composition, which are plainly derived from the Epitaph. Lysiz. Herodo. 7, 162. apyxawraroy per ESvoc mapexdpevor podvor O& ovrec od peravdorar ‘EXAnvwy. Longin. de Subl. § 23. abroi"EAnvec of puLoBdpBapor oikodperv. This circumstance of their being airéySovec, was sometimes touched on by the dramatic writers, to gratify their Athenian audience. So Eurip. Erech. 68. 7 wpéra pév AEwe obK éakroc d\No0SEr, abréxySovec © E~upev. Aristoph. Vesp. 1071. éopéy npetc "Arrixol povot Oucaiwe ebyeveic abréySovec. Finally, to omit many passages which might be adduced from the sophists and later Greek writers, this is touched on, and the true force of the airéySovec and the avroi grovr is shown in the following elegant passage of Cicero de Flacco: “ Que vetus- tate ea est, ut ipsa ex sese cives genuisse dicatur, eorum eadem terra parens, altrix, patria, dicatur.”” Here Cicero plainly had in mind the above passage of Lysias, or that of Isocrates. It is strange that Hobbes, in his note, should explain airéySovec men of the same land. But this is only one among a thousand other proofs not merely of his utter ignorance of the more exquisite idioms and the nicer proprieties of the Greek language, but of his imperfect acquaintance with even the tritest senses of words. 15 And no stronger proof — with Attica.| Such seems to me the true sense of this obscure and controverted passage, which has not a little per- plexed the commentators both antient and modern. Other interpretations are, indeed, brought forward by Poppo, Tafel, and others, (see Goeller) but they will not bear examination ; and the above statement of the sense, which I formed nearly twenty years ago, has since been confirmed by the German translators, and by Goeller, who thus expresses the meaning of the passage : ‘‘ Atque sententiz, a me proposite hoc firmissimum argumentum est, ob migrationes in alias terras reliquam Greciam non perinde auctam esse, quod qui ex ista aut bello aut seditione exciderant potentissimi quique in Atficam tanquam sedes stabiles futuras se recipiebant.”” One of the Scholiasts, too, seems to have taken the passage in the same manner. 16 Becoming citizens.] 1,e. they were admitted to the jus civitatis equally with the native Athenians. It is truly observed by Smith, that “ this was practised only in the infancy and early growth of the state.” ** Afterwards (he adds) it was an honour very seldom and with difficulty granted. “Those who came from other places to settle at Athens, are distinguished | from woXirat citizens, by the name of peroico: sojourners, who had taken up their residence and cohabited with them. They performed several duties as sub- jects to the state which gave them protection, but never became Athenians, or citizens of Athens, in the emphatical sense of those terms.” On the ard wahawt Duker refers to Petit. Leg. Attic. p.130. He might appositely have cited Eurip. Med. 820. EpeySeidae rd radavdy dd. On the whole passage see Aristid. t. 1, 190. and 191. B. Isoer, Paneg. p.61-63. 9 1 CHAP. III. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 9 from the earliest periods, mainly contributed to its early increase in population'’; insomuch, that afterwards Attica being no longer able to sustain its inhabitants, sent out colo- nies to Ionia.'® III. Again’, what seems to me a convincing proof? of the feeble power® of the antients is afforded by the fact, that before the Trojan war Greece appears to have achieved no enterprise in common. Indeed, it seems to me, that the whole had not yet that general name; nay, that before Hellen, son of Deucalion, there existed not such an appel- 17 Increase in population.]| The cause of the early dense population of Attica was not only that those who settled there remained, but chiefly that the perfect security to persons and property almost exclusively found in Attica, encouraged very many to settle there. So Plutarch, Solon. c. 22. init. dpHy O& rd pév cory TysTrapévoy aVSpOTwY dE CUPPEdYTwWY TaYTAaXdSEY én’ adsiac sic THY ’Atruchy. Attica, therefore, (says Mitford, 1. 55.) grew populous, not only through the safety which the natives thus enjoyed, but by a confluence of strangers from other parts of Greece: for, when either foreign invasion or intestine broil occasioned any where the necessity of emigration, the principal people commonly resorted to Athens, as the only place of permanent security, and where strangers of character, able, by their wealth or their ingenuity, to support themselves and benefit the community, were easily admitted to the privilege of citizens.”” 18 Tonia.] So called (says the Scholiast) by anticipation. 1 Again.| The dé is resumptive ; and we have here the subject treated of, supra cai d¢ aid, and which was interrupted by the parenthetical paduora O& — tirrewpar. 2 Again a convincing proof —to all.| Such is, I conceive, the true sense of this long, involved, and most perplexed sentence, which has occasioned no little trouble to the interpreters. This view of the ratio loci, the scope and general purpose of the passage, is confirmed by the authority of Goeller, whose verbal criticism on the words and phrases is correct and instructive. Ody ijcuora for pdduora, as often elsewhere. 3 Feeble power.| Some interpreters (as I myself formerly did) assign to coSéveay the sense poverty. So c. 5. aodévect rjc Tpopijc. —'To which I add Demosth. de Corona. cai péyacg cai Aaprpde irTrpogoc, éyw C& aoderrjc. Eurip. Suppl. 433. Herodo. 2,88. Aristoph. Pac.635. Herodo. 8,51. 2, 47. Demosth. de Cor. § 16. Hence is defended and illustrated Dio Cass, p- 950, 3. roic bm doSévecac Biov un Ovvapévore Bovdstbe, Which passage has been misinterpreted by Leunclav. and mangled by Oddey. But in all these passages either some word is added which defines the sense of ac3., or else such a word is implied in the context. Not so here. It should therefore seem, that the word denotes tenwitatem, political, inability, the awepwvaiay xXpnparwr. ovr éxeww before mentioned, a want of that superabundance of the necessaries of life by which alone war can be maintained: for truly is it observed by our author, I. 1, 141. ai 68 wepwovciar rode wodéipoug padov jai Biator topopai aveyovot. This sensé of aoSérveva occurs infra, and“in Herodo. 1,145. doStveoc O& Eovroc Tov TavToe “EXAnrviKov, Padus. 7,17, 1. é¢ Grav 6é dokévevac kar HASov 1 “EXXae, et seepissime. |‘ Si Tiel ie cA): 10 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. lation; but tribes or nations singly, both others, and, most extensively, the Pelasgian*, conferred a name on the dis- 4 The Pelasgian.| The Pelasgi, it may be observed, were the greatest rovers of antiquity. ‘ There was hardly any region (says Hudson) which they did not traverse; so that their name was carried far and wide among the antients.” And he refers to Herodo. 1, 56. Strab. 1. 9. and 13. and Palmer’s Greece. Antiq. p. 24, 25, 38,39. But he might rather have referred to the whole of c. 9. (1. 1.) p. 38-61. (which treats of the Pelasgi), a most interesting portion, of which the following is the substance: “ The Pelasgi were undoubtedly the most antient of all the Greeks, for they dwelt in various parts of Greece; nor do we find any name there so universal. Thus Herod. 2, 56. says that Greece was formerly called Pelasgia. And this is confirmed by Thucyd. 1, 3. and Strabo, |. 5.and 7.; the latter of whom tells us that this most antient of all the Greek nations was spread over the whole of Greece, but especially was fixed among the AZoles of Thessaly. The Latin poets, too, from Ennius downward, use the name Pelasgi for Greci. Retaining their residence in Greece, they yet traversed various regions of Europe and Asia, and made the Pelasgian name known every where. Thus (as we find from Justin, 1. 7. init.) they formerly occupied Macedonia before it bore that name, nay, even before it was called Emathia, and while it bore the appellation Bawotia. The Pelasgi derived their name from the founder of their nation, Pelasgus, whom, on ac- count of his antiquity, some, as Hesiod, call an airéySwy; others, as féschyl., wadaiyswyv. There were several, too, of that name besides the first (of whom see Palmer in loc.); and from an examination of what is said of them (especially the most antient one) in the earlier classical writers, we may infer the high antiquity of this nation. See Pausan. in Ar- cadicis. Whence it may safely be maintained, that before Pelasgus I. the Greeks had no common name. That those over whom he reigned were the first who bore the name Pelasgi, and the most antient of the Greeks, appears from the circumstance that those among the Greeks who boasted of their antiquity, and would be thought airéySovec (as the Aigialeans, the Arcadians, and Athenians), were descendants of the Pelasgi; as we find from Herod. 7, 94. where by the ’Avytadéec seem to be denoted those Pelasgi who dwelt near the sea, or who were descended from such. That the Athenians sprang from the Pelasgi, we learn from Herod. 1, 57. 8,44. and Scymnus, "EEC ASivat pacw otkerac haBEiv, 7d piv IeXacyodve rp@ror. otc 0) Kal Aéyoe Kpavaouve Kadsiodat, pera O& ravra Kexpozidac. ‘That the Arcadians, who boasted of their antiquity, and called themselves zpocé\nvor, were Pelasgi, admits not of a doubt. For Arcas (from whom that nation derived its name) was one of the posterity of Pelasgus I.; being son of Callistus, grand- son of Lycaon, and great grandson of Pelasgus. Arcadia, too, was formerly called Pelasgia. Again, among the most antient of the Greeks are reckoned the Thesproti and Molossi. But that those, too, were Pelasgi, we learn from Strabo, 1. 7., and Plutarch in Pyrrho; though the Pelasgus there men- tioned is not the antient one (who lived dong before Deucalion’s deluge), but one of his posterity. Of the Pelasgi Homer often makes mention, call- ing them dior, 1. e. (as the Scholiast explains) e’yevesrdro., most noble ; and, rightly, since nobility consists in antiquity.* But their antiquity is evi- * Here I must be permitted to differ from the Gallic noble, and correct his definition from a more weighty authority, even the great Stagyrite, in his Polit. lib. 4, c. 1. p.44. Heins. ‘H yap eiryevela early dpxaios mAovTOs Kal apeTh. In favour of wealth and aristocracy (usually depreciated by those who possess them CHAP. III. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 11 tricts where they resided. That Hellen, too, and his denced by the many inventions ascribed to them. For we find from Herod. 1, 2. that they first taught the worship of the gods by invocations and sacri- fices ; and from Hesiod, Scymnus, and Strabo, that they founded the first oracle at Dodona, confessedly the most antient of all. See Herod. 1, 51. They were also the first of the Greeks who had the use of letters ; and (as we find from Eustath. on Hom. Il. p. 841.) long before Cadmus intro- duced the Pheenician letters into Greece. Thus also Pliny, 1.7. 56., says, Pelasgos in Latium litteras attulisse. All the intelligence, then, which the antient Greeks and Latins had of the events before Deucalion’s deluge, they owed to the Pelasgi. Diod. Sic., too, 1. 5., says that the Greeks had the use of letters before Cadmus and those of the Pheenicians. And, therefore, the sense of that perplexed passage of 1. 5. must be, that “after the Phceni- cian letters were received in the place of the most antient ones (which were changed), and were called Pheenician, then the former ones, to distinguish them from the Pheenician, were called Pelasgic.” Thus, a little farther on, he ascribes ignorance to the opinion of those who thought that Cadmus first introduced the use of letters into Greece; and in]. 5. he again refutes that opinion, The Pelasgi also (as we find from Pausan.) introduced the use of acorns for* food. As to the place of their original descent, all agree on Pelopon- nesus; and Dion. Hal. thinks they first dwelt in Argolis: but others, with more reason, suppose their original seat to have been about Cyllene, in the mountains of Arcadia. So Diony. Perieg. v.34. and Epigr. Anthol. p. 373. And it may very well be imagined that the first who, after the Noachic deluge, occupied various countries, would, through fear of another deluge, choose to inhabit the mountains rather than the plains. Then, again, the food of the ancient Pelasgi (acorns) would require a mountainous rather than a level country. Arcadia, too, was of old peculiarly called Pelasgia ; whence the appellation passed to all the parts of Peloponnese, since over all of them the Pelasgiwere dispersed. Afterwards, when the fear of a deluge had worn away, they descended to the plains, and even to the sea coasts. Moreover, all the cities and towns of Arcadia are said by Pausanias to have derived their names from sons of Lycaon, who was no less than son of Pelasgus. As to their language, if the Attic nation were Pelasgic, and the Hellenes were also Pelasgi (as Herodot. says) the Hellenes and Attics must have used a language not dissimilar. We may, indeed, suppose that all the nations which were descended from the Pelasgi, differed only in dialect, not in language. And as to what Strabo, |. 8., asserts, that the Arcadians for- merly used the Aolic tongue, they seem to have derived it from no other quarter than from their ancestors, the Pelasgi, from whom also the Hellenes seem to have taken their words. As to not), some fine remarks may be found in the same chapter of the above admirable work. Certain it is, that superior wealth averts many temptations to injustice ; and superior virtue, in a long extended line of progenitors, tends, at least, to become an incentive to imitation among their posterity. * So Horace represents the first man as fighting glandem atque cubilia propter. It has, indeed, been doubted whether men could subsist on acorns; but it has been shown by Mitford, Hist. Gr. i. p. 9. that the BdAavos genus includes various fruits of the acorn and mast kind; among which the antients reckoned even chestnuts and dates. The sweetest and most nutritious sort was the glans fagi, which long continued to be the common food of the Arcadians ; and the acorns of the evergreen oak, which are sweet and palatable as chestnuts, are used, when roasted, as food by the Spanish peasants, See Swinburne and Townsend, cited by Mitford, ubi supra. 1g THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. sons®, having become powerful? in Phthiotis, and the inhabitants of other cities calling them in® to their As to their manners and mode of life, Mnasias, the antient and cele- brated writer of the Europica, as cited by the Scbol. on Pindar, says that “the early inhabitants of Peloponnese lived like brutes, went stark naked, and were cannibals, &c. Such was the barbarous state of society among the antient Peloponnesians, in which a reformation was first made by Pelasgus, who civilised and instilled into them the principles of morality and religion. The Pelasgi, however, were (as we learn from Herod. 1, 56.) a rambling kind of people, and never settled long in one place. See Dion. Hal. 1.1. The cause of these peregrinations was probably excess of population, which compelled them to seek other places of habitation. That these wanderings had existed even from the time of Deucalion, we learn from Herod. 1. 1., where also we find that the Dorians,who united with the Heraclidz in occu- pying Peloponnese,were of the Pelasgic race. And Justin 1. 7, and Dion. Hal, J. 1. speak of the Macedonians as descended from the Pelasgi. From Diod, 1.5. we find that Lesbos, then desert, was occupied by the Argive Pelas- gians, who had before occupied that part of Lycia opposite. ‘These wan- derings, indeed, perfectly correspond to those of the antient Galli, and the modern Tartars and Arabs. Besides the Pelasgi planted many stable colo- nies. For, as we have shown, the Hellenes, Thessalians, Athenians, Agia- leans, and many other nations, were their off-shoots. Nay, they once affected the empire of the sea, which was necessary to those who had so perpetually to cross it.” From their feeding on acorns it is plain that they had no better grain. To agriculture, indeed, they seem to have been little attached; their soil being rather adapted to pasturage, and that pastoral life for which the Ar- cadians were proverbial. r As highly illustrative of the above account of, perhaps, the most extraor- dinary people of antiquity, see the passage from Burke above cited. Greece was, undoubtedly, peopled by a mixture of Pelasgi with some northern tribes, and afterwards Egyptian colonists. 1% 6 Hellen and his sons.| Namely, Dorus, Xuthus, and Aolus; as in Hesiod cited by the Scholiast. Formerly that portion alone of antient Greece which was afterwards called Thessaly, had the name of Hellas. Hence Servius on Ain. |. 2. says that the Zhessalians only were properly Greeks ; and the same is asserted by Aristarchus, referred to by Didym. on JI. 1. Apollodorus, too, ap. Strabo, 1.13., bears testimony that those only were properly Hellenes who inhabited that part of Thessaly about Larissa. (Hud- son.) See Palmer’s Greec. Antig. on the different names of Greece, and the appellation Greeks, p. 3-7.; on the names Hellas and Hellen, see p. 7-19. ; and on Hellas, see Hom. Il. 2, 683. 9, 595. 16, 595.,and Heyne in loc. On the time when the name of Hellenes prevailed throughout Greece, see the notes to the Chron. Marm. p. 153., or the extracts from it in the editions of © Duker and Bauer. | ' 7 Powerful.) Some Scholiasts understand this of regal power, but with- out any reason; for the term is applied to both Hellen and his sons ; though it must be confessed that one of the regal appellations, évaz, was also applied to. all the members of the royal family. .§\ Calling them,in, §c.] In éxayouévwr there is no such ambiguity as the Scholiast pretends....Nor is the,sense, I conceive, what several of the mo- dern commentators make it. From the force of the middle verb it must have alone that I have assigned. The word is used impersonally, as Heilman CHAP. III, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 13 aid °, by this association and communication with the Hellenes it happened that the Greeks singly did the more readily obtain that appellation, though it was long before it could become so prevalent '° as to extend to all. This is abundantly testified by Homer: for, although he lived much later than the Trojan war, yet he has no where given them the general appella- tion of Hellenes, but has confined that solely to those who accompanied Achilles from Phthiotis, and were the first who bore the name. Danaans, Argives, and Acheans, are the names by which he calls them. No, nor has he applied to any the term Barbarians ''; because, I suppose, the Greeks and Goeller observe, avSpeézwy being supplied, as in German and English. Those commentators might also have remarked, that this sense of érdyeoSat occurs in 2, 68. 5,45. It is frequent, too, in Herodotus, and occurs in Arrian EK. A. 1,17, 12. Procop.68, 16. and Aristid. 2,172. B. So also Pausanias often. 9 Aid.] ’Qgedeia has here not so much the general sense Jenefit as the spe- cial one aid, alliance. See Wasse. 10 Prevalent.| This signification of éxricijoa (to which Bauer, I think, causelessly demurs) was first pointed out by the Scholiast August, and has been, with reason, embraced by the recent editors, Gottleber, Wyttenb., and Goeller; to whose examples from Pausan. (most of which I had noted down) I add Athen. p.276.B. The passage is borrowed by Agath. p. 13, 10. od mood O& ypdvov, oipat Kal c&racw ikvikjoa, and 35,8. Wyttenb. observes that it often occurs in Plutarch, and he compares evalescere in Tacitus. It is strange that the commentators should not have seen that the dative is here, as often, used for the accusative with éc, zpoc, or the like. 11° Barbarians.| The word BdpBapoc has not a little puzzled the etymo- logists. Lennep thinks it undoubtedly is formed from the sound. And so thought Strabo. But this would be truer of the Arabic barbar, murmu- ravit, (which, like murmur, mutter, &c., seems to be an onomatop.) and cannot be admitted of the word in question, since that would only be a decent way of shuffling over the difficulty. Yet I am inclined to think the word is of Oriental origin, and was introduced into Greece by the Cadmean colony, 1272 in Syriac and Arabic (as also in the old Punic) signified both a field and a field-man, colonus, pastor, a rustic or clown. Now this, by an easy trope, would denote a person of rude language and uncivilised manners, and would, therefore, be readily bestowed by the self-complacency of the polished Greeks on all foreigners. The prejudice, however, as well as the term, I suspect to be of Oriental origin, and derived, like many other usages, originally from Egypt. For Herod. 2, 158. says, BapSdpouc 6: ravrac ot Aiybrrut Kadéovot Tove [1 ohict dpoyhwooove. So the Modern Traveller, v. 2, 244, “ The original of the Greek word barbarian has been supposed to be derived from the name of the Berber race,.... those (Libyan) shepherds who overran Egypt, and whose name and occupation became alike an abo- mination to the Egyptians. The same term is found in the Sanscrit, and appears there as a stranger and an exotic; a circumstance which tends to throw some light upon the early communications of India.” See Douglas on the Advancement of Society, p. 61. 14 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. had not yet been distinguished by that one general appellation, in contradistinction !2 to the other. ‘The Grecians, then *%, I say, whether considered separately, and by cities, (such, namely, as spoke a language mutually understood by each other,) or conjunctively, by the general appellation which they afterwards bore, did, for want of strength and reciprocal com- munication !*, effect nothing by joint effort before the Trojan war. Nay, it was only by a greater attention to nautical affairs that they combined together unto that expedition. *° IV. For Minos! was, as far as we know from tradition, the most antient possessor of a navy; by which also he held 12 In contradistinction to the other.] Such seems to be the true sense of the obscure and controverted words of the original, which, I would observe, have been imitated by Procop. p.118, 30. 7d re dvopna é¢ abrove ry aTOKEKpiowat. i3 The Grecians, then — expedition.]| Such is, I conceive, the true sense of this enigmatical passage. ‘The ody has the resumptive force; and there is a repetition of the sentiment above expressed doxei dé pot ixvucijoat. The clause door dd\AnAwY Evviecay may, for the understanding of the sentence, be best considered as parenthetical, and of which the sense is: ‘‘ And who spoke a language mutually understood by each other.” The words dp6dwvoe joay found in some MSS. are, indeed, glossematical, derived from 1.4, 5.3 but they give the true sense of the clause, and show the antiquity of the interpretation in question. Bredow, however, denies that the lan- guages of the Pelasgi and Hellenes were so different as to prevent them from understanding each other. And he renders, “ wie viel von einander wussten.”’ 14 Want of reciprocal communication, dyutiav.] So Theophr. de Volup- tate ap. Athen. 5,11. D., speaking of the life of the heroes who fought against Troy, says (perhaps with reference to this passage): 6 piv (Bioc) yao akaTaoKEVvOC, Kai KaaTsp avEbpsroc IV, ob7’ Exyukiac oboNC, OdTE TOY TEXYOY OrakpiBwopevwy, 19 It is well remarked by Haack, that the words 71) orpariay — Evy@dSov are meant to lead up to the following remarks on the origin of navigation, and the practice of piracy. " 1 For Minos.] ‘The Scholiast remarks that “ by three comparisons, Thucydides shows the slender power of the times which preceded the Peloponnesian war}; jirst, with the period before Minos; secondly, with that from his age to the Trojan war; and thirdly, from thence to his own times.” On this empire of the sea exercised by Minos, the com- mentators refer to Aristot. Pol. 2, 8. Diod. Sic. 1. 4. Stob. Serm. 42, Strabo |. 10. Apollod. 1.3.; and other writers cited by Meurs. in Creta 3, 3., as also Plato de Leg. 3, 596., Cumberland’s Origin of Nations, p. 299., and Selden’s Mare Clausum, 1, 9. I would add, that this passage is had in view by Pausan. 1, 27, 9. and Scymnus v. 542. mpwrove Oé Kpijrdac pact rife ‘EAAnvucie dp&a, Saddrriag re wai vnowridac mode karacyeiv, de dé Kai cuvouioat abrov "Epopog eioneev, where, for want of seeing this, the Latin translator ignorantly rendered rij¢ ‘EAAnvuciie Grecie. More egregious is the blunder into which Gail has fallen in his translation of this passage. CHAP. V. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 15 a very extensive mastery over what is now called the Grecian sea, and governed the Cyclades; of most of which he was the first coloniser, expelling the Carians*, and establishing therein his own sons? as governors. He also, of course *, did his utmost to clear the sea of piracy, in order to the improve- ment of his revenues. ° V. For the Greeks! in old time, and of the Barbarians, both those who inhabited the sea-coast of the continent 2, and It would seem incredible that a Greek professor should be ignorant of an idiom so frequent in Thucydides, and the best writers (as Herod. 1, 11. mpatoc PapBapwy réy tomer. 1,25. et seepe), and take up with a sense which would involve a manifest falsehood. I must not omit to observe that the above passage of Scymnus was had in view by Philost. V. Ap. 3, 25. See also Apollodorus, 3, 15,8. (where consult Heyne), and a learned “ Commen- tatio deCastoris Epochis populorum qui maris imperium tenuisse feruntur.” t.1.in Nov. Comment. Soc. Gotting. The passage is also had in view by Callim. ap. Cyrill. contra Julian 1. p.191. On Minos, see Mitford’s Greece, |. 24. By the “ Grecian Sea” (which the Scholiast says was formerly called the Carian) is meant the Archipelago. The Cyclades were so called as forming a sort of circle around Delos. See the Schol. The sense is, that “ Minos had much power throughout the whole of the Archipelago, and actually governed the Cyclades.” I must not omit to remark, that Herod. 5, 122. speaks as if there were some before Minos who held the empire of the sea. Mivooe, ei Ox Tie doe TPdTEPOE ToUTOU pxE Tic Sadkdoonc. He adds, that Polycrates was the first rij¢ avSpwrivne Aeyopévne yeveno Who aimed at naval empire; where rij¢ av&. yey. has been well explained by Wessel, the his- torical period, as opposed to the mythical, mentioned at 1.3. 2 The Carians.| Isocrates Panath. and Herodo. 1, 171. ascribe this ex- pulsion to the Athenians, and only say that Minos subjected the islanders. Thucydides does not indeed say that he colonised a// the islands, some of which undoubtedly were settled afterwards by the Athenians; as is beautifully adverted to by Eurip. Ion. 1583. ot révde 0 ad raidec yevopmeror oby xpbyvyp Terpwpivy Kukdaddag txoucnoovce vnoaiag Tohec. 3 Establishing therein his own sons as governors.] Hence I would illus- trate Psal. 45,17. “Thou shalt. have children whom thou mayst make princes (rather governors, Sept. dpyovrac) in all lands.” Rather ‘‘ over (or throughout) the whole land.” 4 Of course, we sixdc, as it is likely he would.) Some render, “as most probable,” which yields a frigid sense : insomuch that Hobbes had recourse, very unnecessarily, to transposition. Ihave preferred the version of Smith, 5 Revenues.| Grammius and Smith understand tiva, not of the in- coming of the customs, &c., but of their safe transfer to Crete. A signi- fication not a little frigid. “lévat and zpootéyvae in the former sense are used at 2, 13., and often by the best writers. The sense I have adopted is supported by the Scholiast. ' For the Greeks.| Now (the Scholiast observes) is brought forward the cause of this pirateering. ; : : Continent.] Namely, of Asia Minor. So called car’ téoxjv. See the chol. | 16 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. such as occupied the islands, when they had begun to have a. freer intercourse by shipping *®, betook themselves to piracy *, under the command of persons not the least powerful °, who led them on both for their own gain, and for subsistence to the lower sort; and attacking cities unwalled® and scatteringly inhabited, like villages, they plundered them, and from thence derived most of their livelihood’; the employment, as yet, bringing with it nothing of shame, nay, rather conferring somewhat even of glory.® Indeed, the traces of this custom are still discernible in certain parts of the continent 9, where 3 A freer intercourse by shipping.| Goeller refers to Ukert’s Geogr. Gr. and Rom. t. 1. p.9., and Clarke on Odyss. 2, 167. 4 Betook themselves to piracy.| So Liban. Or. p.124.B. ra zpéra tpya roy veoy Anorsia kai OvapTaze Ta adddAHAwY. Herodotus, indeed, 2. 152. attempts to extenuate the guilt on the plea of necessity; dvayxain carthafe lwvde re kai Kaoac dydpac cara Aninyv ixtroOoavrac. “ Greece, in its early days (says Mitford), was in a state of perpetual marauding and piratical warfare. Cattle, as the great means of subsistence, were first the great object of plunder. Then, as the inhabitants of some parts by degrees settled to agri- culture, men, women, and children were sought for slaves. But Greece had nothing more peculiar than its adjacent sea; where small islands were so thickly scattered, that their inhabitants, and in some measure those of the shores of the surrounding continent also, were mariners by necessity, and almost by nature. Water-expeditions, therefore, were soon found most commodious for carrying off spoils.” 5 Not the least powerful.] A litotes frequent in the best writers. See Matth. Gr. Gr. § 462., where, among other passages, is cited Herod. 4, 95. “EdAjvor ob Tp aoSevectatw copisTy MvSaydpy, which passage, I suspect, was in the mind of Horace Carm. 1, 28, 15. ‘ Pythagoras — non sordidus auctor Naturee verique.” I will only add, that on this principle the well- known haudquaquam spernandus auctor of Livy admits of justification; though the use of such an idiom, under the circumstances in which Livy stood to Polybius, was in very bad taste. ® Cities unwalled.| Gail renders “ petites republiques.”” But rpoorirroyrec requires that aéAeovv should be taken in the usual sense, which is defended by an imitation of Joseph. p. 1190,15. mpocémimroyr ispoic kai moet. The cities, or rather towns, were doubtless built, like almost all the antient ones, scatteringly, “sparsis domibus et disjectis” (as says Tacitus), so as to appear rather a congeries of several villages than a city. And this is what Thucyd, means by card copac oicxovpévace. Sparta exactly answered to this description, and continued such until the ruin of the state. Such, too, were Mantinea, Tegzea, &c. So Polyb. 2, 17,9. @kovy card képae arevyiorouc, Diod. Sic. 3, 260. kwjnddy cikety, to omit many other passages. 7 Made —livelihood.| Here Gottleber compares Justin, 1. 45, 5. 8 Bringing — glory.) So Plut. Pomp. 24., also speaking of piracy, says, pEeTELyoy, we Kal Oday Tiva TOU épyou déoovroc. The passage is almost tran- scribed by Procop. B.G. 2, 14. and H. A. C. 21. 9 For ixeporwy, which yields too vague a sense, I read ’Hrewporwr, eg est among whom we know pirateering long continued, and even yet ingers. CHAP. V. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 17 it is had in honour if it be but practised handsomely!°: nay, it is evident from the old poets !!, who introduce people every 10 Handsomely.| On the exact sense of cadéc, interpreters are not agreed. The Scholiast explains it evosBd¢ Kai diiavSpHmwe: to which, however, the commentators take strong exception. Quis temperet sibia risu? exclaims Gottleber. Juste et moderate pradari (says Bauer), idem est quod Terentii ‘cum ratione insanire!’” They would, therefore, (as formerly Portus, Stephens, Gramm, and lately Haack,) take it to sig- nify scité, perite, astute, dexterously, cleverly, like the Lacedemonian thefts; so as neither to have the plan detected, nor the execution frus- trated by being caught in the fact. Thuscadée will be taken like gpovipwe, in Luke 16. 8. (where see my note.) But after all, it may justly be doubted whether this be the true sense. The signification in question requires to be established on authority, which has not, and perhaps cannot be done. In the mean time, it may be most prudent to acquiesce in the old inter- pretation, which (as there are two handles by which every thing may be taken) admits of justification; and the Jaugh, to use the words of the poet, “ may chance to turn on t’other side.” Men do not usually relish robbery any better for being craftily planned, and cleverly executed, though dlundering knavery is the more censured: but they really are more favourably disposed to robbery when practised with some kind of regard to humanity, and with some feelings of honour and justice. And this is all that the Scholiast means; though his sense is, as far as concerns eiasBiec, as incautiously worded as J. Thomasius’s title to his tract, De latrociniis ho- nestis. Infact he explains himself by the evamples of this handsome usage, as in not taking ploughing oxen, nor robbing by night, nor committing mur- der. For I regard these but as examples of the kind of indulgence shown ; for if they would not take the ploughing oxen, neither would they the in- strumenta, or utensils necessary for agriculture, nor, by the same rule, the tools of any handicraft. As to forbearance from murder, that would be confined to cases where no resistance was made. Thé remaining instance of their not robbing 4y night (for so it is found in the best editions), may very well excite some doubt, since it is contrary to what we know of rob- bery in every age, as the “ Surgunt de nocte latrones,” and 1 Thess, 5. 2. and 2 Pet. 3. 10. will testify. I cannot, therefore, but suspect, that the old reading 7) écAerroyv, ode vucrdc has been injudiciously altered to 7) ékdexroy vukroc. I venture to propose a milder emendation: for odre read dire, scilicet. This, however, is, I fancy, guasi mortuo medicinam facere ; for I suspect that the words dre vuxroc came from the margin. But how, it may be asked, can we dispense with them? And would not the sense be even more objectionable ? for it would be a strange instance of politeness in the robber to abstain from robbery. But what, if we assign to é«Aezroy the sense pilfer? These pirates, it seems, affected open plunder, or raising contributions, not secret pilfering (in which sense cézrw is generally used in the antient classical writers). ‘They, it seems, practised a sort of bucca- neering ; and, like certain of those rovers (and such dand pirates as Robin Hood, and others, of the middle ages), affected to be guided by some of the rules of justice and feelings of humanity, especially as they found that by such moderation they, upon the whole, gained far more than they lost. From St. John 10, 10. 6 edérrn¢ ob« epyerar, et pry) wa Kréedy Kat Sboy vai aroéon, it seems that customs had then changed for the worse. In fact the pirates, in the age of Augustus, were murderers, since they used to throw the unhappy captives into the sea; whence they were called caravoyrwrat, \\ The old poets.) As Homer, Od.3,71., and Hymn, Apoll. 452. See the Scholiast and Eustath. on the Odyss. y. p. 1457. vo Te T * C 18 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. where asking the question of mariners, “ whether they are pirates?” neither they who are interrogated, it seems, dis- owning the fact, nor those who make it their business to know !?, reproaching them with it. They, moreover, practised robbery on each other by /and’’; and even to the present day, in many parts of Greece, a state of society exists not dissimilar to the antient one; as about the Ozolian Locrians, the AXolians, and Acarnanians, and all that part of the con- tinent, in which the custom of wearing weapons °, introduced by old piratical habits '°, is still retained. VI. Formerly, indeed, the whole of Greece wore arms 73 both on account of their insecure mode of habitation ?, and the insecurity of mutual intercourse: nay, they, like the Bar- barians®, pursued all their customary avocations with arms, _ 12 Made it their business to know.) Such is the sense of the phrase ole r éryedéc ein eidévat, which is found also in Xen. Memor. 4, 7. oi¢ éamedéic ravra Edévat. 13 Robbery by land.] Thus answering to the Latin predones. So Cicero C. Verrum, 2, 5. “ Urbes piratis preedonibusque patefacte.’? The most famous of these land pirates were, and still are, the Arads ; and not long since the Trish and Scotch. 14 A state of society exists.|} Such is, I coneeive, the sense of véperat. And so 4, 64. 5,52.,and Herod. frequently. '5 The custom of —retained.| Goeller cites Ammian. Mare. lib. 25. extr. frequentari sueta litora propter piscantium insidias declinantes. And Duker, Aristot. Pol. 11, 6. and Petit. Leg. Att. p. 125, and 561. 16 Old piratical habits.| This has, I conceive, a reference not only to the arms worn by the pirates, but also by such as meant to defend their pro- erty. 3 1” Wore arms.) To the passages cited by Wasse and Duker, I add Arist. Pol. 4, 8. rode yap apyaiove vépove Nay amrode sivat cai BapBapeKove* ZowWnpodopovvro yap ot EdAjvec. ‘This custom, it seems, had, by the time of Thucydides, grown into disuse. A similar cause, namely, mutual fear, again introduced it about 250. B. C., as appears from Plut. Arat. C. 6. 2 Unfortified manner of dwelling.| All the commentators understand this of their houses being unfenced; and such is anot uncommon sense of oiknoic: but it is improbable that the houses should be left unfenced, when the persons were so carefully defended. I would therefore under- stand oikyotc of the act of inhabiting ; the noun being put in the plural, as referring to many, as in 2, 16. 6,88. Xen. Cyr. 2,4, 13. 7, 4, 1. Pausan. 9, 5,1. The sense will thus be, “because of their not dwelling in for- tified towns, but in open villages, or scattered lodges ;”” which was touched on in the preceding chapter. 3 Like the Barbarians.] So the antient Galli (as we learn from Livy, 21, 20.) came armed even to their common councils, as did lately the Poles. But the description of our author has the most exact counterpart in that of the antient Germans given by Tacitus, in his Germ. 13. “ Nihil autem neque publicee neque private rei, nisi armati agunt.” Very similar to which is what CHAP. VI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 19 and the parts of Greece *, where such a state of society exists, are a manifest evidence of the habits which once extended over the whole of it. The Athenians were among the first ° to lay aside the wearing of arms, and, relaxing the severity of antient customs, to pass into a more refined and civilised mode of life.° Nay, it is not long since the more elderly of the rich among them ceased wearing (conformably to those luxu- rious habits) linen tunics, and wreathing their hair into a topping, which they clasped around by the insertion ofa golden Dr. Clarke says of the Circassians, in a letter preserved by Mr. Otter, in his interesting life of that lamented scholar, p.427. ‘“ Among the Circas- sians the labours of the plough become a warlike occupation ; and the sower goes to cast his grain, attended by his sabre, his fusil, and a horse that may outstrip the winds in their course.’ It is indeed much the same in all barbarous and semibarbarous states of society. 4 The parts of Greece —whole of it.| This passage is closely imi- tated by Dion. Hal. Antig. p. 474. adra ra viv mparrépeva pnvopara ob puxpa Toy mwarady imirndeyparwy baodaPeiv. And by Procop. p. 521, 34. See also Greg. Corinth. on Hermog. p. 895. 5 Among the first.| Here the sense is plain; but I confess myself not satisfied with the present reading, nor the mode of considering it adopted by Mattheei and Heilman, who take rote for adroic. Such a principle should not be resorted to where any other method can be devised. As to Mat- thiee’s examples, they almost all bear another kind of explanation, or else need, or admit of, emendation. In short, I would here read zpéror, and subaud karariSepévore. So in a kindred expression, 9, 24. péyioroy 0é kai év Toic TeWTo ékdkwoe TO oTPdTEevpa. See note infra, 1.3, 17. 6 Relaxing —life.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this difficult passage, which Smith has strangely perverted. Though it is very far from my intention to chronicle his blunders, I cannot but observe, that it was impossible for him to have more completely changed the sense of davemévy 7H Ovairy than he has done; not to say that o/dnpoy extends to arms of every kind, and not swords alone. So Mitford, 1, 76., with a reference to this passage, says, that “the Athenians began first to acquire more civilised man- ners, and dropping the practice of going constantly armed, introduced a civil dress, in contradistinction to the military.” The phrase dvepévy 77 dvairy, which is a very elegant one, occurs in Phil. Jud. p. 584. D. On this and the é¢ ro rougeowrepoy petéornoay, as also the aBpodiaror, I shall fully treat in my edition; and shall for the present content myself with observing, that this passage is imitated by Phil. Jud. p.900. D. ot zpeoBirepor rev aBpoduairwy. It is proper to remark, that by the ap. Thucydides does not so much refer to luxury in general as to that of dress in particular, especially golden ornaments. So Dion. Hal. Antiq. p. 105, 56. xpucopdpor yao Hoay ot DaBivor rore, Kai Tuppnvady ody }rroyv aBpodiaro. Herodian, 2, 8, 16, éc TO UBpodiatroy aveipevoc. See also Clem. Alex. p. 286. A. and A&schyl. Pers. 41. The elderly Athenians seem especially to have been prone to luxury of this kind. So Aristoph. Concion. 848. yépwy 02 ywpet yAavida kat kovizrodac éywy, © made of very soft wool and thin soles,” and Vesp. SpéWw raptxwy boa mpeoBity Ebupopa’ xovdpoy Neiyey, xAatvay padran)y, ovsiparv. cZ 20 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I grasshopper’, (or harvest fly.) Hence also the same fashion was, from national affinity, widely prevalent among the more 7 Golden grasshopper.) i. e. head-bands, to keep the top-knot (xpwPtAov) in order, like our ornamental combs. The top of these xp. was shaped after the resemblance of a grashopper: a form fashionable, from the predi- lection which the Athenians had for what bore some affinity to themselves, who boasted of being airéySovec. These grashopper combs are alluded to by Aristoph. Equit. 1331. 60° éxeivoe dpgy rerriyopdpog TH apxaty oxnpare Aapmpdc. (Anglice, as fine as an old beau.) Also by Philostr. Imag. p. 837. Heracl. Pont., in his tract zsot 7Oorie, cited by Athen. p. 512. B. Similar ornaments are ascribed to the Samians (who derived the custom from the old Athenians), by Asias, a very antient writer, cited by Athen. 525. E. yovosae O& Kdpup Bat i’ abr&y, rérteyec We, yaira 0 jwenvTo avi. Hence is illustrated Hom. Il. p. 52. of ypuoq re dpytpy éodyxwyro, where I would take éo@. for ypuvody Kai dpyupdy opnkoy avedodyro. So Nonnus Dionys. 14. 594, Kai wrokdpowe evodpoy ixeopryewce carizrpyny. The passage is had in view by lian, Var. Hist. 4, 22., and Lucian in Navigio init. Agath. p.9., besides many other passages. I must not omit to observe, that this custom seems of Asiatic origin; at least such, I conceive, is the wearing of gold. So in the epitaph on the Athenians slain at Marathon: ypvooddpwyv Mjdwy éordpecay Otvapy, Lycurg. c. 50,163. 50. Most of my readers will remem- ber the Virgilian Crines nodantur in aurum. See my note on 1 Pet. 3, 3. I would here, with Bekker and Goeller, read évépce:, from many MSS. ; which also, as Goeller observes, is supported by ‘lian, V.H. 2. 22., to which I have to add a vast number of classical passages. Goeller (after Thiersch, in a Comment. in the Acta Monac. t. 3. p. 273.) observes, that the sense is, “ cicadas innectere cincinnis, ut cum cincinnis complicatee eos constringant ornentque.” Kpwdidoc he derives from capa, or koa, and the old OFYMEN, whence Fé\Aeuy, eidetv, and volvere. Thus it denotes what in- volves the head around, and encircles it with a crown. The form of this topping Thiersch makes out from Eurip. Thes. ap. Athen. p. 454. C.; where a shepherd likens the C to a Béorpuxoe eiiiypévoc, as it was always compared with a Scythian bow. He also remarks that many antient statues of gods and heroes have the head ornament in question, which he thus describes: ‘In his imaginibus pexi exprimuntur capilli ac ita dispositi, ut naturali ordine ad frontem atque cervicem descendant ac compressi omnem cranli concavitatem referant. Ex medio autem fronte reducti sunt et in multos cincinnos conyoluti, qui ab altera aure ad alteram pertinentes frontis extremitatem occupant, densa serie connexi et maxima cum cura elaborati.”” Finally, he cites Virgil, Cir.127. “ Aurea solemni comptum quum fibula ritu cecropie tereti nectabat dente cicade.”” I would add, that Tacitus too, in his Germ. C. 38. has a passage to our present purpose; where, speaking of the Suevi, he says: “ Insigne gentis obliquare crinem, nodoque substrin- gere.” And a little further on: “ horrentem capillum retro sequuntur (read retrorsus, or retrorsum comantur) ac szepe in solo vertice religant.” And so Dion. Hal. Antiq. p. 424. xexptidadrace rac mAroxapwoac. Finally, I would observe, in reference to the extreme national antiquity supposed to be alluded to, by the above ornament, that the Arcadians, in like manner, and for the same purpose, wore Zunul@ (moonlike ornaments) as if pretend- ing to be zpoceAnvo. See Suid. in Bercecédnve. Athen. p. 540. Clem. Alex. p. 5. C. Aristid. t. 5. p. 6.C. And so Lycoph. Cass. 483. (according to the reading of Tzetzes), éaei apoctnvoe ot Apwadec; which Tzetzes un- derstands figuratively of a thorough knowledge of astronomy. CHAP. VI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. oF antient® of the Jonians. A modest and simple apparel, on the contrary, and that conformed to the present mode, was first used by the Lacedemonians, among whom, too, in other respects, the more opulent were put most on a footing of equality in diet and dress with the bulk of the people.? They, too, were the first who used gymnastic exercises !°, after publicly stripping themselves naked and anointing themselves with oil. For formerly, even in the Olympic games, the Athletes contended with girdles about their pudenda [and not many years have elapsed since they were disused 1]. Nay, even now, among 8 Among the more antient, §c.] The words of the original rove zpec- Burépovc — aiTn 1 oKevi) Karecye, ate somewhat harsh; and Poppo and Goeller suppose a prosopopeeia. But however common in our author that figure may be, it would be little suited to the present passage; and there is no more a prosopopeeia than in the phrases @ypn, dd€a, and Adyoe Karéyxet, which occur in the best writers. Bauer supposes an hypallage. But that is too far-fetched and formal. I have sometimes suspected that for rovc apeoBurépouc we should read roi¢ wpecBuréporc, “ inter antiquiores.” 9 The more opulent —people.| This equality in the mode of life be- tween the higher and the lower it was the general purpose of the laws of Lycurgus to promote; and this was effected by severe sumptuary laws as to dress and diet, the use of the phiditia and the common schools, a total prohibition of any money but the old heavy iron coin, and many other mea- sures, which are stated by Plutarch in his life of Lycurgus. It may be observed that the term “ more opulent” is used comparate, since few or no Lacedemonians were absolutely opulent. ‘The ¢tcodiatroe is taken by the Scholiast for épodiaror. But that is not necessary. The word refers to the common food, dress, and education, civil and military, which all Spartans shared alike. So Julian, p. 154, 9. with this passage in view, has: ione aévovy typiy rpodiie Kai waWeiac. It was also (as Spanheim there remarks) in the mind of Aristot. Pol. 4, 9. “Icodiatroc is indeed a rare word, but occurs in Dio Cass. and Lucian, as also in Libanius’s Funeral Oration on Julian, § 109. (with this passage in view) zpoonxew aiT@ Toig TodOIC isodiauToy Eivat. 10 Usual gymnastic exercises.] i. e. (says the Schol.) in the games. On this subject Duker refers to Casaub. on Dionys. Hal. p. 475. and Periz. on AXliaun. V. H. 3, 58. Gottleber suggests that the word “ first’? must not be too much pressed, since it appears from Plat. Rep. 5. p.452. that the Cretans were the first, and that from them the Lacedemonians borrowed this, like most of their other customs. But Plato there only says, that they first adopted gymnastic exercises. ‘The two accounts may very well be reconciled by taking éyupyeSynoay of the gymnasia not the ayévec. 11 Not many years have elapsed, §c.] ‘There has been no little contro- versy raised as to the time at which the Athletes first disused these girdles. Some (it is observed by Meurs, De Arch. Ath. 1, 6. cited by Hudson), as the Schol. on Homer. and the Etym. Mag., say it took place at the 32d Olympiad. Others, as Eustath. on Hom. Ul. W., at the 14th Olympiad. “ But if”? continues Meurs, “ the thing were so far back, how could Thucydides, who wrote about 500 years after, say that the custom had only lately ceased ?”? He would therefore cancel the od. But to this change, unsupported as it is by any MSS., there is much objection. And thus the CAS yy THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. some of the Barbarians, especially the Asiatic ones, prizes for wrestling and pugilism are proposed; for which they contend girdled. Indeed, in many other respects also, one may plainly show that the old Grecian modes of living were of a similar cast to the present Barbarian ones. VII. Such of the cities, moreover, as were the latest founded, and when there was a freer communication ! by shipping, and cai would require to be altered. Besides the od is confirmed by an imita- tion of the passage in Appian T. 1. 17, 56. cal od Tore ypovoc & ob, &e. Moreover, the change in question is inconsistent with the nature of the context, in which, as Bauer says, “ diuturnitatem et perpetuitatem moris cum subligaculo pugnandi ostendere velit auctor.” Bauer therefore would remove the difficulty by not pressing on the 0d wohAa érn; comparing Cic. de Nat. D. 2, 50. nwper inventa (i. e. a few centuries before.) But that is one of those cases in whicha period of time in itself long, may be called short by comparison. Not so in the passage now before us. As to the discrepancy, if it is to be removed, it may perhaps be done by taking the words od zod\a érn «. 7. not of the Olympic games, but (as in zpwr. éyup.) of gymnastic contests in general. And this sense may be favoured by adopting the following punctuation: rd dé mada (Kai tv O. ayo@r,) dvalwpara éxovrec, &c., meaning to say, that “ not many years had elapsed since this custom of wearing girdles in gymnastic exercises, which had gradually been declining from the time that the Lacedemonians zpérot éyupvernoay, had, at no long distance of time, wholly ceased.” - If this method be not admitted, why then —aliquid humani passus est auctor; and I must abandon him to the fury of the critics. I cannot, however, help suspecting that the clause is insititious, and from the margin; and therefore I have ventured to put it in brackets. It seems clear from the united authority of the Scholiast on Homer, the Etym. Mag. Eustath., our Scholiast, and Pausan. 1, 44,1. that Orsippus was the first who ran naked in the stadium. From them we find that he had come forth with the girdle, but that it had fallen off accidentally, or by the contrivance of Orsippus, who thereby gained the victory. Now this event has been fixed by Corsini. (F. A. T. 3. p. 22.) and Boeck (in a recent tract) to the 14th Olympiad. And this is confirmed by Dionys. Hal. Antiq. p. 475., who, in an interesting passage, evidently written with a view to this of our author, says, that the first who ventured to come forth, and run naked at the Olympic stadium, was Acanthus, at the 15th Olympiad. Nor is there here any contradiction: for though Orsippus was the first who ran naked, yet Acanthus was the first who came forth'to run naked, The outZwpa, it may be observed, was a broad girdle. It is called by Pausan, mepifopa. But duZwpa is found in Joseph. p. 112, 15. dvaZopa 0 éort wept ra atdoia. So Philostr. V. Ap. 4,42. Schol. on Hermog. c. 5. Pollux 2, 166. and Zonar. Lex. 523. OuZopa, To wEpi TH aidota oKéTACMA. The wepiZwpa appears from Pollux 7, 65. to have been a belt which bound up the loins, in order to prevent ruptures, such as our mowers and dig- gers use. ' A freer communication.] The original 4n wAwpwréipwy is a phrase of somewhat uncertain import; but taking it in connection with the con- text and c, 5. init., there is evidently a comparison between the state of navigation in the early ages, and in later times, when there was not only a CHAP. VII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 23 a greater superabundance of wealth ?, were built with walls on the very sea-coasts® ; or they occupied isthmuses*, both for the purposes of commerce and for the sake of security against their neighbours.° The antient ones, on the contrary, both those on the islands, and those on the continent, were, on account of the piracy so widely prevalent, founded rather remote from the sea®; for they ravaged each other’, and amongst the rest, such as, though not mariners, yet were situated on the coast *; and even to the present day they retain their inland situation. greater attention paid to navigation, but, by the suppression of piracy, a greater security imparted, and consequently a freer intercourse occurred between different states. ‘The Scholiast has therefore rightly explained it; nor had Stephens just reason to suppose that he read otcwy. In fact, there is an ellipsis of zpayparwy, The above interpretation of wy. is sup- ported not only by Dionys. Hal. 1, 63. (cited by Goeller), but by various passages of Dio Cass., Appian, Philo, Arrian, Max. Tyr., and other classical authorities which I shall adduce in my edition. 2 Superabundance of wealth.| See Note on 1, 2. 3 The very sea-coasts.| This alludes to the previously contrary practice of building them, as Thucyd. relates, apart from the sea. “ Such (says Mit- ford, 1,25.) had been the excesses of piracy, that all the shores, both of the continent and islands of Greece, were nearly deserted: the ground was cultivated only at a secure distance from the sea, and there only towns and villages were to be found. But no sooner was the evil repressed, than the active temper of the Greeks led them again to the coast ; the most com- modious havens were occupied; the spirit of adventure and industry, which had before been exerted in robbery, was turned to commerce; and as wealth accrued, towns were fortified, so-as to secure them against a renewal of former evils.” 4 Occupied isthmuses,] literally, took off, enclosed. See Bauer. There seems to be an especial reference to Corinth, famous for its strength (the Acrocorinthus commanding the isthmus) and its commerce. One of the latest of the cities so founded was Potidawa. 5 For the sake of security against their neighbours.] Thus Mitford, 1, 52. truly observes, that, in all times, “ the terms neighbour and enemy have, in the language of politics, been nearly synonymous.’ And I cannot but think that Juvenal had this in view in the beautiful lines of Sat. 15, 33. “ Inter finitimos vetus atque antiqua simultas, Immortale odium, et nunquam sana- bile vulnus Ardet adhuc, Ombos et Tentyra.” 6 Remote from the sea.] So Sparta, Thebes, Delphi, Argos, &c. 7 For they ravaged — coast.] Such seems to be the sense of this difficult passage, which must be taken parenthetically. It is meant that all cities were prone to ravage and plunder each other, and amongst the rest such as, though not addicted, &c. Oardoowg is for Yaragcoupydc, 1. e. (as the Schol. on 1,67. explains) “ exercised in naval affairs.’? ‘The word in this sense is unnoticed by the lexicographers, though it occurs in Herod. 7,144. Lucian, 2,96. Arrian, E. A. 7, 19, 10. Sadaccior dySpw7o. All from Homer’s Al. B. 614, ob ogtot Saddoora toya pepmrret. 8 On the coast.] Karu literally signifies down, as dvw, up ; but also inland. The gender, too, (as often) is here adjusted to the sense, rather than the Ce 24 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. VIII. Nor was piracy less practised by the islanders *, both Carians and Pheenicians, (for by the former most of the islands were colonised); a manifest proof of which is, that when Delos? was, in this very war, undergoing purification ’, and the coffins of those who had died in the islands being dug up, above half the corpses were found to be Carian, recognised as such, both by their suit of arms * being buried grammatical inflexion of the word. By the continents just before spoken of, are meant particularly those of Greece and Asia Minor. ' The islanders,) who also still continue it. In which view, Wasse refers to Diod. 1. and Tournefort, Itin. 1, 154. As to the Carians and Pheenicians, both of whom are here mentioned, Meurs, in his Crete and Rhodes, relates, from Diod. and Conon, that the Carians colonised the islands after the expulsion of the Pheenicians. If this be true, though they might be the colonisers of most of the islands, yet they were not the original settlers. But indeed there is no discrepancy, if the old reading exknoay be (as I think it ought) restored; for the facts mentioned are only proofs of inhabitancy, not colonisation. 2 Delos.) Wasse refers to Plato, Pheed. p. 44. D. 3 Undergoing purification.| For it was maintained by pagan superstition that the sacred island ought not to be defiled with corpses. On the mode in which this purification was performed, &c., see infra, l. 3, 104. + By their suit (or set) of arms, apparatu armorum.] Such is possibly the sense of oxevy réy d7Awy; though the commentators think it is simply for dou. And cxe’dyn does sometimes of itself signify b7Acotc ; as In Paus, 10, 21, 2. Eurip. Rhes. 202. Polyzn, p.662. The phrase oxety rév d7dwv is, indeed, very rare, and no examples are adduced by the commentators. ‘But I find it in Pausan. 10,17, 4. Procop. 149, 30. 185,17. 320, 26. 365, 5. 576,11. I must, however, not dissemble that I find the other mode of interpretation supported by Livy 9, 14. apparatus armorum, for arma. And Arrian, E. A. 1,16, 8. rovrove éSapey A. Evy roic brow. And the former mode is inconsistent with what the Scholiast (probably on the authority of some antient writer) tells us. “ The Carians (says he) first invented the bosses of shields and the crests of helmets. Hence with their dead they buried a little shield and crest, in allusion to this discovery ; and by this the Carians might be recognised, but the Phoenicians by the mode of interment; for whereas other nations lay the corpse towards the east, the Pheenicians studiously turn them to the west.’? Now, as to the invention of bosses and crests by the Carians, it is confirmed by Herodot. 1, 172., who adds the handles and devices of shields. But the expression oxeby réy O7dwy scarcely admits of such a limited sense as that of a little imitative shield and crest ; and, in- deed, the account itself of such a custom seems to be inconsistent with the purpose for which we may suppose arms to have been buried with the deceased, namely, for his supposed use after death. Of the two readings, SuvreSappévor and Evyresappévy, | cannot but prefer the latter. The old reading (which, however, is restored by Goeller) involves unusual harshness. That the custom of burying arms with warriors was antient, we may learn from Soph. Aj. 577. ra 0 ada rebyn Koi’ {pot re SaPera, and Arrian above cited. It was practised by various Asiatic nations, (especially those whose barrows are found in such yast numbers oyer the south of Russia), by whom CHAP. VIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 25 with them, and by the mode of interment’, which was such as is now in use among them. | Minos, however °, having established a navy, the sea was more open to mutual communication: for those pestilent rovers were by him expelled from the islands; at which time also he colonised most of them. Those who inhabited the sea-coasts having by this time obtained a greater command of wealth ’, affected a more settled mode of life, and some, on the custom was introduced into Europe. How antient it was, may be ima- gined from the circumstance that it is known to have been very antiently in use in America, whither it was doubtless introduced by those early colo- nies which ascend beyond the records of history, or even tradition. The custom of burning the arms was also in use, as we find from Hom. Il. 2418. Indeed, both customs had the same aim, the service of the deceased in Hades. And the latter was thought to attain that purpose as well as the former. 5 And by the mode of interment, c.| These words cannot possibly be taken of the Phenicians ; since the present member of the sentence corresponds to the former by means of the apodotic re— cai, and therefore the subject must be the same. Neither is it necessary to resort to this violent proce- dure; for if (as the Scholiast above mentioned had doubtless learned from some antient writer) the Phoenicians turned their dead to the west, and others to the east, the recognition of the Phcenicians from the Carians would, indeed, be easy ; but that would imply an equally easy recognition of the Carians from the Pheenicians, which is what our author here means. 6 Minos, however.j Here there is, as the Scholiast observes, an epana- lepsis, or recurrence to what was said supra, c. 4.; the intermediate portion being digressive; q.d. “ At the establishment, however, of Minos’s navy, all these piracies ceased.” On the maritime empire of Minos, Duker refers to Scheff. de Mil. Nav. 2,1. p. 56. “ Before the reign of this great prince (says Mitford, 1, 25.) such had been the excesses of piracy, that all the shores, both of the continent and islands of Greece, were nearly deserted: the ground was cultivated only at a secure distance from the sea, and there only towns and villages were to be found. But no sooner was the evil repressed, than the active temper of the Greeks led them again to the coast: the most commodious havens were occupied; the spirit of adventure and industry, which had before been exerted in robbery, was turned to commerce ; and, as wealth accrued, towns were fortified, so as to secure them against a renewal of former evils.” 7 Having obtained a greater command of wealth.| Such is, I conceive, the true meaning, which has been strangely misunderstood by the in- terpreters, who take the words to signify, “ being more addicted to the acquirement of wealth;” asense which cannot be elicited from them. The phrase recurs at c, 13. and in the very sense which I have assigned to it here. The acquisition of property naturally carried with it a desire for a settled life, by which alone it could be defended or enjoyed; and hence the next step would be to promote their security, and preserve their wealth, by encircling their towns with walls. The roving habits of the earlier nations had arisen rather from necessity than choice; and piracy itself had, I ima- gine, been resorted to for want of better employment. Happiness, (“ our 26 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. becoming richer than before, surrounded their cities with walls 8. It was, too, the desire of gain that made the lowly endure to serve the great and powerful; who, having super- abundance of wealth, employed it in bringing under their rule the smaller cities; and in this manner having attained to greater consequence®, they undertook the expedition against Troy. 1X. To me, indeed, it seems that Agamemnon brought to- gether that armament, not so much by the suitors being bound under oaths to Tyndarus’, as by his being a potentate superior in power to the princes of his time. It is, moreover, being’s end and aim,’’) and wealth, as subservient to it, were found to be more attainable by a settled mode of life, and patient industry, than by the great but precarious gains of a roving life. The maritime inhabitants, it seems, became rich sooner than the inland ones, because in Greece the best land is situated towards the sea, which could not but furnish a source of wealth to those who dwelt near it. Thus (the Scholiast observes) Thu- cydides always represents the maritime inhabitants as the more opulent. Here and throughout, the various stages of society, in its progress from barbarism and mob-law to semi-civilisation, and some approach to regular government, are traced with the hand of a master. 8 Surrounded their cities with walls.| Literally, “ surrounded themselves with walls,” by a figure common in our author, who, in the present and pre- ceding chapter often speaks of things as persons, and vice versa. As to the phrase in question, Herodot. 1, 41,18. has the same: reiyea re wepy3adXovrTo tkaoro.. * The hazards (says Mitford, 1,87.) to which unfortified and soli- tary dwellings were exposed from pirates and freebooters, had driven the more peaceable of mankind to assemble in towns for mutual security.”’ 9 Having attained, &c.| Such is, I conceive, the true sense of the passage, on which there has been some difference of opinion. Gottleber’s interpre- tation cannot be admitted, since it would involve an unexampled harshness, not to say that the signification itself of rpd7w (state) is ill-founded. Still less can Haack’s interpretation, “ having now become accustomed to this thirst for gain,” be adopted. The old interpretation is, I conceive, alone the true one. Mddoyv (as often) requires 7) zpérepoy to be supplied, which is the less harsh, as éavr#y preceded. Then we may, from the preceding context, supply zAovoror and duvaréu. Finally, dvrec is to be taken as the participle imperfect, (as it ought at c.8. in.) “ having arisen to wealth and power.” The subject must, in strictness, be ot dvvarwpepo, yet those poten- tates, who combined against Troy, were not merely the lords of the smaller cities. But though the same kind of persons be meant, (magnates chiefly with monarchical power,) yet not under the same circumstances. Within the phrase “ in this manner,” is concealed another stage in the progress of the rich and powerful to monarchy, namely, that by which they attained to power over the greater as well as the smaller cities. This they had arrived at by the time of the Trojan war. 1 Tyndarus.] For the story, see Apoll. 1. 3. Pausan. Lacon. CHAP. IX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. Qt affirmed by those of the Peloponnesians® who have derived by tradition from their ancestors information most to be depended on, that Pelops®? first, by the abundance of wealth 4 with which he came to a people of poverty, acquired power, and then gave a name, though but a new-comer, to the country °, and to posterity attained unto a yet greater estimation and fame®. For, on Eurystheus being slain in Attica by the Heraclidee, Atreus, his maternal uncle, who had taken refuge with him from the anger of his father at the murder of Chry- sippus’, and to whom, on account of his affinity, he had at 2 Those of the Peloponnesians, &c.| Such has been satisfactorily shown to be the sense by the recent commentators, Haack and Goeller. The old interpretation (as they prove) would require ra cadiorara ra MedoTovynota- cov. And the new interpretation (I would add) is confirmed by an imita- tion in Philo 2, 26, 49. w¢ 0 ot ra cadécrara dunyotbmevor paciy, Our author says the most clear and certain, though that might be far from positive clear- ness or certainty; for, as Mitford observes, traditions are vague, varying, and mixed with fable. 8 That Pelops —jfame.] Such seems to be the meaning of this very long and ill-eomposed sentence, which would not admit of being broken up; and which, therefore, I have moulded and digested, so as to be at least intelligible, and as little disgusting as such an interminable sentence can be. + Abundance of wealth.| This wealth was derived in some way from Tantalus. The family was afterwards proverbial for wealth and power. So Isocrat; ad Phil. § 61. mentions rov Tayradouv wdodroyv Kai TéXozro¢g apxyv. And so Theocr. Idyll. 8, 53. jr) pot yav Wédozoc, pn pot xptoaa rddavra sin txev, &c. Also, Menander ap. Stob. 0d0 dy ovvaydyyc ra Tayradov rédavr’ éxeiva Neyspeva. Hesiod ap. Suid. v. adc. ’Adeny piv yao Zdwksey “Ohijurrwe Ataxiwyor, vovy 0 ApusudrwWatc, rovTOY Ce Tap’ ArpEtOyor See also Aschyl. Ag. 1628. From Arrian on Epict. 2, 29., I find that rot Ayapipivovoe mAovswrepeg Was a proverb equally common with our “as rich as Cresus.” Hence may be understood an obscure and misinterpreted passage of Eurip. Iph. Aut. 373. Mydéy av ypésoug Exati mpoorarny Seipny xSévoc, 1. e. lucri gratia. Compare v. 5338 — 75. which illustrates the present passage, 5 Gave a name to the country. Literally, “had the naming of the country.” See Kistem. Notwithstanding that the critics stumble at this phrase rijc ywpac ixwvupiay — cyeiy, such must be its meaning, which, though rare, is not unexampled. See Abresch. Diluc. To seek any other sense or construction would make confusion worse confounded. ‘6 Attained —estimation.| These words have been strangely misunder- stood by the translators. The most plausible sense is that assigned by Hobbes, Smith, and Haack, who take them to mean that the power and riches held by him were enlarged by his posterity. But this cannot be eli- cited from the words without the use of such machines as are better unemployed, especially as they are unnecessary. bendy 7 Chrysippus.| It is thought that Chrysippus was a favourite with his father, and therefore was slain by Pelops and Thyestes, at the instigation of their mother Hippodamia, who was stepmother to Chrysippus. Isocrates and Pindar, however, say that Pelops left his country from some disasters \ 28 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. his departure for the expedition committed Mycense and his government; when he returned not, partly with the good-will of the people, whose affections he had conciliated °, and partly through their fear of the Heraclidze, obtained the sovereignty of Mycenz and such other states as had been under the government of Eurystlfus ; and thus the Pelopidae became greater than the Persida. All which wealth and power Agamemnon inheriting, and possessing, too, a superiority in naval force, seems by these means to have formed the expe- dition®; drawing together the armament not so much by attachment as by fear.’° For he himself contributed the greatest number of ships, besides furnishing some for the Arcadians, as is mentioned by Homer (if his testimony be thought valid’’), who also in the delivery of the scep- in war; and with the facility peculiar to those ages of migration, sought better fortune elsewhere, at the head of a considerable body of adherents : some of them were Achzans from Thessaly. And, indeed, if we suppose him to have fled his country in the manner above represented, it were dif- ficult to account for the wealth and the followers which he brought with him. 8 Whose affections he had conciliated.] i. e. (as the Scholiast suggests) by money. But various are the arts of acquiring popularity; and in all of hese Pelops, like most of those who have founded dynasties, was well skilled. 9 Expedition.) Some read orpariay, which best agrees with vvayaywr. But orpareiay is better suited to zoiyoacSa:, and when repeated with Evvayayoyr, it will easily admit of accommodation by a dilogia. Besides, crpareia was sometimes used in a middle sense between army and expedition, namely, armament ; as in Xenophon frequently, and Eurip. Suppl. 23., and Iph. Aul. 295. Much which I have to add on the criticism of these two words I must reserve for my edition. 10 Not so much —fear.] And the family connections, formed by the sage and prudent princes of the rising house of Pelops, must have greatly promoted the expedition. It is truly observed by Mitford (v. 1. p. 85.), that the spirit of the age, his own temper, the extent of his power, the natural desire of exerting it on a splendid occasion, would all incite this prince eagerly to adopt his brother’s quarrel. He is besides represented by cha- racter as “ qualified to create and command a powerful league : ambitious, active, brave, generous, humane; vain, indeed, and haughty, sometimes to his own injury, yet commonly repressing those hurtful qualities, and watchful to cultivate popularity.” Perhaps no family ever so much profited by fortunate matrimonial connections as the house of Pelops, ex- cept that of Hapsburg, or Austria, which was, in a neat epigram, said to have gained by Venus what others aimed at by Mars. 11 If his testimony be thought valid] 'This expression seems not so much to express distrust, as to have been a proverbial one employed where some exception might be taken, however slight, to a testimony. The ground of exception here probably was, that Homer was a poet; and the autho- hed CHAP. X. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 29 tre '*, says, that he “ o’er numerous ships, and o’er all Argos ruled.” Now, of theislands, except the circumjacent ones, which were but few, he could not have ruled over many, an inhabitant as he was of the continent, unless he had possessed a naval as well as land force. By this armament, moreoever, we may also conjecture the nature of those that preceded it. X. And what though Mycenz was but a small city ', (and, indeed, which is there of the cities of those times that would not now appear inconsiderable ?) that were a very groundless argument for disbelieving the armament to have been so great a one as the poets tell us, and fame has reported it to have been. If, for example’, the city of the Lacedemonians were, like Mycenz, brought to ruin and desolation °, and nought but the temples and the foundations of the edifices + were left, rity of such our author hesitated to admit as testimonies of historical truth. See infra, c. 21. 12“ The delivery of the sceptre.”| Hom. Il. 2,108. This sceptre was a lance, which the Chzeronzans venerated as a god. See Pausan. 9, 40. p. 795. So the sceptre of Jove in gems is simply a lance. See Lipperti Dactyloth. 1. p.7. Thus the Heb. baw, Ps. 2,9. See Aischyl. Theb. 555. and Justin, 1.45, 3. (Gottleb.) Also Heyne’s Excurs. to Il. 2. T. 4. p. 441. 1 Mycene was, $c.) Many recent commentators have strangely misre- presented the sense, chiefly through mistaking the purpose of the author, which is not (as Thiersch imagines) to maintain, contrary to the common opinion, that Mycenz was small. It is rather his intention to protest against the fact of its smallness being urged as a proof of weakness, and of the impossibility that such an armament could have been sent forth from it. Still less can it be supposed, with Gottleb., that Thucyd. only speaks of the present, not the past smallness of it; for that would require jy to be taken for éo7e; and further, at the time of our author, Mycenz could hardly be said to be small, since it scarcely even existed, being then a heap of ruins, in the very state, in fact, in which Sparta is just after supposed to be. The above is, as Goeller says, the principal sentiment, which is then illustrated by the examples of Sparta and Athens. 2 For example.| Such is the sense (and a not unfrequent one) of ydp. 5 Brought — desolation.]} _ Such is the sense of tonuwSn, which might also be expressed by the scriptural phrase, become a desolation. 4 Foundations of the edifices.| ‘This is explained by Goeller, der raum fiir die hausliche einrichtung, sive, die Wohnhauser. Yet the sense I have assigned (after Portus) seems the simplest. 1 know not, indeed, any other example of caracxevi) in this sense; but our author abounds in rare, or novel, senses as well as words. Certainly the interpretation of Poppo, Sup- pellex, cannot be admitted, because of the added ra aon. Still less can emendation be thought of, since it again occurs in the same clause just after. The word seems to have been used with a reference chiefly to the houses of the rich and great. Such are car’ tZoyn)v, called edifices. 30 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. there might, I conceive, in the course of long revolving ages, arise a disbelief of their power, as compared with what fame had represented it to be; (and yet, of the five divisions of Peloponnesus, they occupy two, and hold domination over the whole, besides many confederate states out of it; though, as their city is neither compactly built, nor is adorned with sumptuous temples and other edifices, but, in the antique manner of Greece, is built in the village form®, it would appear much less considerable than it is ;) whereas, if that of the Athenians were to suffer such a calamity, a power would, from the manifest appearance of the city, be conjectured double of what it is. We ought, therefore, in such a case, to suppress incredulity, and consider, not so much the appearance of cities, as their power. And consequently, we may suppose the armament in question to have been the greatest of those that preceded it, but inferior to those of the present age. For if we here yield credence to the poetry of Homer — which it was likely for him, as a poet, to adorn by estimating every thing at the highest °— yet, even thus, it is manifestly inferior ; for he has made the armament consist of 1200’ ships — the Beeo- tian ones manned with 120 men; those of Philoctetes with 50, indicating, as I suppose, the greatest and the least.° ‘Thus, 5 In the village form.] Such is the sense of cara kopac ou., on which I have before treated. Sparta, indeed, was little more than a cluster of large villages. (See the plan by Barbie de Boccage.) Now this was the very op- posite to being compactly built, cuvoiwx. From the present passage may be illustrated Dion. Hal. T. 1. 10, 5. gue wéXeve puxpac Kai ouveyeic émi rote Wperw, Howep Hv roic wadau oic rTedroe oiknoewe (lego orcicewe) cuvyASne. Hence also may be emended Aristid. T.1. 191. B. pude pév ye rey rpidy ey TleX# poupdyv dvapSapeionc tac Meo. where I would read zéyre. Also Aristid. 2, 147. B. WeXomoyyhoov rac dbo poipac toyoy —éreira raone THe ‘EMAd00c jpEav* Ovvapewc Kara puKpoy wropycayrsc. 6 Adorn — highest.) ‘This has reference to those hyperbolical expressions which are so favourable to poetical ornament; for though statements of the number of ships and men, and such other matter of fact affairs, admit not of poetical exaggeration, yet a poet, for the sake of raising the dignity of his subject, will, in such a case, adopt the highest estimates. 7 Of 1200.] Our author may here be supposed to have used a round number (as does Aischylus, Agam. 44. orddov ’Apyelwy yiuovabrny — yoar, where see Stanley); for though the number be somewhat variously reck- oned (see Cerda on Virg. Ain, 2, 298. and Meziriac on Ovid Epist. Herm. p.519), yet no estimate makes it quite so great. Our Scholiast reckons, from Homer, 1166; but Eustath. on Il. 8.358. makes it 1186; and this estimate is supported by the authority of Plutarch, 22 dx doyiZeoSau, &e. 8 The greatest andthe least.| 'The words of the original which follow (namely, @Awy yoty — rapeckevacpéiva) are illustrative, and in some CHAP. X. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 31 of the size of the rest he has made no mention in the catalogue of the ships. He has, however, intimated that all those on board the vessels of Philoctetes 9 were, at once, both themselves the rowers and warriors'®; for he makes all the rowers archers. As to supernumeraries "’, it is not likely that many of those were embarked, except kings and officers’? of rank ; especially as they were about to cross the sea with warlike measure parenthetical. For the subject is again taken up at zpdc rac rabbi ovv, &c. Ody has not unfrequently this resumptive or epanaleptic orce. 9 Those on board the vessels of Philoctetes.| I cannot but advert to a new mode of taking éy raic ®uoKcrhrov vavoi, introduced by the recent com- mentators, as Bauer, Kistem., Haack, and Goeller, who connect them not with the preceding words, but with the dedjAw«e following. And Goeller renders, “indicavit in recensu navium Philoctete.’’ But such a sense is harsh, and scarcely to be justified by éy veiv caraddyp just before. I therefore see no reason to desert the common interpretation. The omission, indeed, of ot dv7ec, or oizep joay, is not agreeable to the usage of the best writers; but our author is accustomed to a close brevity of expression, which here, moreover, was necessary, to avoid tautology. The strongest objection to the common interpretation, is that stated by Bauer ; namely, that it yields a no very apposite sense; for to what purpose were it to ad- vert to that which was the case in no inconsiderable a number of ships ? If this be thought fatal to the interpretation, I would render “ by what he has said of the ships of Philoctetes.” 10 Themselves the rowers.] It is not easy to express the comprehensive term airepéra: by any one in our language. It is best explained by Pollux, 7, 95. as denoting one who both rows and fights. And this gloss may be admitted as far as regards the present passage, since payor is associated with the term: otherwise it could only mean one who rows for himself, and is not a mere passenger. So Muszeus says of Leander, atric éwy toérne, avréarodoe, for abroc éwy épérne is the Ionic or antique way of expressing abreperne, as abroévrng for abSévrne. 11 Supernumeraries.] Such is the closest sense of zepivewc, which is va- riously explained by the old lexicographers, because it was used in more than one sense by the classical writers, in the earlier of whom it designates “those who sat apart from the rowers’ benches,” being exempt from such labour. Their station was probably at the prow. (See Pollux,1,91.) In the latter ones 1 have met with it to denote a certain petty officer, per- haps corresponding to our master’s mate (so Philostr. cited by Steph. Thes. in v.), and who seems from Artemid. On, 1, 35., to have been next in rank below the zpwpevc. From the words oioy doddove, which are at the end of the Scholium (but which could never have come from the Scholiast), it should seem to have been used, perhaps in later Grecism, to denote the persons who went on board as cooks, carpenters, &c. including the officers’ servants. 12 Officers.] Literally, “ those especially in office.’ For rédoc, among its other significations, denotes office ; as Aischyl. Pers. 209. Theb. 246. Agam. 881.; as also business in Choeph. 756. Hence ra rédn denotes officers of law, magistrates, the thing being put for the person. 32 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. apparatus", without having their ships decked’, but con- structed in the antient manner, very much after the fashion of piratical cruisers. If, I repeat, we take the medium between the greatest and smallest ships, the number brought together will not seem great, considered as 15 the joint contribution of the whole of Greece. XI. Now the reason of this paucity was not so much the want of men as of money’; for by reason of the scarcity of provisions, they brought together so much smaller a force, and such only as they calculated would subsist itself by war- 13 Warlike apparatus.| The Scholiast and Hack understand this of arms. But it must also include accoutrements and baggage of every kind. 14 Ships decked.] Literally, “ enclosed or shut down with hatches.” So the Scholiast explains it by cecavidepeva (planked), so as to admit of the military stores being stowed below, and the passengers above. The word is often used by Polybius. See Pollux and Hesych., and also Scheffer and Bayfius de re navali. Hence it is plain that the piratical cruisers were not decked, but like our men of war’s long boats. And we find from the Scho- liast (doubtless on the authority of some antient writer) that they were built like the vijec orpoyytAou, as deep in the hull as possible, for the purpose of concealing the crew from observation. I),oiov here, as often, signifies simply a vessel, without reference to size. 15 Considered as.| On this use of wc, by which it has, not an intensive, but the restrictive force (for, considered as, &c.), see Buttm. and Matth. Gr. Gram. With respect to the thing itself, it may seem strange that our author should consider 102,000 men, besides a fleet of 1200 ships, as a small armament fora country of so moderate a size as Greece Proper. That would now be considered far above the amount of force which such a country could send forth, especially as there is no reason to think Greece was at that time so well peopled as Europe in general is now. But, in fact, both sacred and profane history is full of such statements of forces sent forth to war, as astonish us of the present times. To lessen our wonder, we must remember that in antient times every man, except those in the last state of decrepitude, was in some way or other a soldier. And we find in our author’s accounts of the numbers sent forth by the Lacedemonian league, that two thirds of the population were drafted for foreign service, and the other third left for domestic labours and home defence. At this rate 102,000 might, indeed, seem an inadequate number; and yet it may be questioned whether even that number, exclusive of slaves, was ever brought into the field by the same portion of Greece, even for summer, during the Peloponnesian war. 1 Money.] The sense before indicated must here again, in a great degree, have place; for of money, in its proper sense, there was as yet little or none. “Neither (says Mitford, 1, 88.), did the policy of the times amount, by many degrees, to the art of subsisting sO numerous an army for any length of time ; nor would the revenues of Greece have been equal to it with more knowledge; nor indeed would the state of things have ad- mitted it, scarcely with any wealth, or by any means. For in countries without commerce, the people providing for their own wants only, supplies can never be found equal to the maintenance of a superadded army.” CHAP. XI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 33 fare.* Nay, after having on their arrival gained a battle *, (for that they did so is plain *; otherwise they could not have erected the fortification around their camp,) we find them not even then employing their whole force, but directing their atten- tion to thecultivation of the Chersonesus, and to piratical depre- dations °, through mere want of subsistence. Hence, also, by their being thus dispersed, the Trojans were the better able to hold out in pertinacious resistance for those ten years °; being generally a match’ for such as were at any time left behind to maintain the siege.6 Whereas, if they had gone 2 Subsist itself by warfare.] It is a well-kown maxim of generals (per- petually acted upon by Napoleon Buonaparte), to carry the war into the enemy’s country, and thus, as it were, make it support itself by quartering upon the enemy. 3 Battle.| Namely, that which attended their debarkation, in which Protesilaus fell. 4 Is plain.] 'Thiersch contends that had they been the victors, they would have had no need to fortify their camp; but if conquered, that would be very necessary. And conquered he thinks they were, as he attempts to prove from Pind. Ol.9, 109. Hence, he would for écparnoay read ixparnSnoav. And he might have given an example of the word in 7, 55. But this criticism is in the worst spirit of the sceptical new school of Germany. Surely far less learning, though somewhat more of judg- ment, might have taught him to abandon a conjecture so wholly unsup- ported, and, in truth, so futile. A battle, surely, could not but result from an attempt at debarkation; and the very effecting such an attempt zmplies victory. But, in fact, that the victory, though at one time somewhat doubtful, was actually gained, is clear (as Goeller here remarks in a sen- sible note), from the circumstance, that after having fortified their camp, they went forth to ravage the country, and sack the surrounding cities. As to the fortifying the camp, that was a precaution which scarcely any advantages gained in the field would have justified their neglecting. And as to the passage of Pindar, it has (as Haack and Boeck. observe) reference to another battle. 5 Piratical depredations.| The word dyoreia is often used, in Thucydides and other antient writers, not of absolute piracy, but of that petty war and pillage of which individuals rather than the state are the object ; and which bore some resemblance to the privateering of modern times. See]. 4, 67. and the notes. 6 Ten years.] Mitford thinks “it was only the success of the Greeks, in these ravages, that induced them to persevere so long. These, however, he observes, alarmed the neighbouring people, and contributed to procure numerous and powerful allies to the Trojans, both Asiatic and European.” 7 Generally a match.) Namely, able to effect their designs with respect to the besiegers ; i. e. either to make successful sallies, or to carry by force the introduction of supplies and succours into the city. 8 Siege.] Such, however, was the strength of the city, both by nature and art, that they were obliged to turn the siege into a blockade (and, in- deed, the antient sieges were little more), and endeayour to starve out the enemy. vol. I. D 34: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. properly provided with supplies of food, and had, without the interruptions of foraging ° and agriculture, applied them- selves in full force to carry the war through ’°, they might easily have reduced and taken the place. But, in fact, they did not act in conjoint force, but only maintained the siege with such a portion as might be any time at hand. Whereas, I repeat, if they had assiduously applied themselves to the siege, they might have carried the city in less time, and with less labour. But it was through deficiency of wealth that the military affairs prior to these were feeble; and even these, though the most memorable of all preceding ones, yet are shown by facts to have been inferior to their fame, and to the current report even now prevalent concerning them through the poets." 9 Foraging.) Including piratical cruises. Such is the common method of subsisting a besieging army; but, as Mitford observes (1, 88.), “such a resource soon destroys itself. To have, therefore, a more permanent and certain supply, they sent a part of their army to cultivate the vales of the Thracian Chersonese, then abandoned by their inhabitants on account of the frequent and destructive incursions of the wild people who occupied the interior of that continent.” 10 Carry the war through.) Such is the literal sense of dupepov, by which is meant, carry into effect the objects of the war, ¢2jvvov, dujvuor, as the Scholiast explains. 1! By the poets.| In what our author says of the poets we are rather, I conceive, to suppose him to have in view the poets of his own age, and a little before, than Homer. And it has been already shown, that the way in which Homer has been mentioned, does not necessarily imply distrust in his general accuracy. Indeed, had our author not thought him a trust- worthy authority in historical matters, he would not have so often adverted to his poetry. The following remarks of Mitford (1, 92.), on the credit due to Homer, and the circumstances on which it is principally established, are entitled to much attention :— “In Homer’s age poets were the only his- torians; whence, though it does not at all follow that poets would always scrupulously adhere to truth, yet it necessarily follows that veracity, in historical narration, would make a large share of a poet’s merit in public opinion ; a circumstance which the common use of written records, and prose histories, instantly and totally altered. The probability, and the very remarkable consistency of Homer’s historical anecdotes, variously dispersed as they are among his poetical details and embellishments, form a second and powerful testimony. Indeed, the connection and the clearness of Gre- cian history, through the very early times of which Homer has treated, appear very extraordinary, when compared with the darkness and uncer- tainty that begin at the instant of our losing his guidance, and continue through ages. In confirmation, then, of this presumptive evidence, we have very complete positive proof to the only point that could admit of it, his geography, which has wonderfully stood the most scrupulous en- quiries from those who were every way qualified to make them.” CHAP, XIIe THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 35 XII. Nay, even after the Trojan war, Greece was yet so occupied with transmigration and sending out colonies, as to enjoy too little quiet to make any progress in power; for both * the return of the Greeks from Ilium, after solong an absence, produced many changes, and factions * had generally arisen in the cities, by which those who returned being exiled, they ® went and colonised other cities. Thus, too, those who are now called Boeotians, in the sixtieth year after the taking of Ilium, being expelled from Arne® by the Thessalians, settled in what is now denominated Boeotia, which formerly bore the name of Cadmeis; though there had been a part of them which had previously settled there, of which were those that went on the expedition against Ilium. Also, in the eightieth year, the Dorians, in conjunction with the Heraclidze, occupied Peloponnesus. With difficulty, then, and after a long series of years, Greece becoming thoroughly tranquillised, and no 1 For both, §c.| The passage #j re yap dvaywpnow— éoyoy is parenthe- tical, and is meant to exemplify the transmigrations and the colonisations just mentioned, 2 Factions.) i. e. factions opposed to the royal party, by which the go- vernment was administered. ‘These persons had, no doubt, partially suc- ceeded in acquiring influence and power (perhaps the executive) before the return of the rightful rulers; and not choosing to resign it, drove them away after their return. The Scholiast thus expresses the then state of affairs : — “ No longer expecting them to return, they rose in rebellion and war against them when they came; and then the defeated party was driven into exile.” 3 They.|1.e.many. For, as the Scholiast observes, not a few there were who suffered this expulsion; as Teucer, who went to Cyprus; Philoc- tetes, who, being afflicted with the female disease [on which see Herod. 1, 105., and the Commentators, Hippocr. de Are, p. 293., and especially a Dis- sertation recently published in Germany], and not enduring the shame of this, left his country, and colonised a city called, after his calamity, J/a- lacia; Diomede, who, excited by Comes, went to the Liburnian isles ; Menestheus, who, expelled by the sons of Theseus, went to Iberia; and many others. Mitf. 1, 91. thinks that, “ not expecting to be so long detained from home, they had not made due provision for the regular administration of their affairs during such an absence. Though, indeed, it is probable that the utmost wisdom and forethought would have been unequal to the purpose. For, in the half-formed government of those days, the con- stant presence of the prince, as supreme regulator, was necessary to keep the whole from running presently into utter confusion. Seditions, there- fore, and revolutions, were almost as numerous as the cities of Greece.” 4 Colonised — cities.| In rag wéXec the article has reference to carwxiZero a little before; and the literal sense is, “ colonised the cities which were colonised.” This strongly confirms the reading car. for peripe., introduced by the recent editors. | 5 Arne.| In Thessaly, from which the city colonised in Beeotia (now called Chzeronea) derived its name. (Schol.) bg 36 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. longer fluctuating, sent out colonies.° Thus Ionia and most of the islands were colonised by the Athenians; but the greater part of Italy and Sicily, and also some few other parts of what was also esteemed Greece, by the Peloponnesians. All these colonies were planted after the Trojan war. XIII. Greece having thus become more powerful, and at- tained unto a greater command of wealth than before, tyran- nies! or despotic monarchies, now that the revenues were increased®, began to .be very generally established in the cities ; for formerly there were kingships, occupied by here- 6 Sent out colonies.| After the country was at length thoroughly settled, then population became so dense that a removal of part of it became neces- sary. But to this deportation was applied the decent name of colonisation ; as is plain from a passage of Plato de Rep. 5. p. 222. door oud rv Tpopije aropiay Tog yyspoow émi Ta THY exdvTWY pr) ExOYTEC ETOiMWC adbTodg éVvdsixyUYTaL TAPECKEVAKOTEC ETETIAL, TOUTOLC, WC VOOHpaTLe TOAEWC EuTrEpUKOTL, OL EbOHpLaY aradXAayie bvoua drociay Tépevoc, ebpevic Ort wdduora eewéparo. ‘There was then, as there always will be in over-peopled countries, a violent con- test between the oi éyovrec and the ot pp éxovrec, the have-somethings and the have-nothings. So also Plat. de Leg. 5. p.221. rode péywora énuap- THKOTAC, dvidroug O& bvTac, pEyioTny O& obcav BAAPnY mWbdEwe amaddarTELyY ELWIEV, 1 Tyrannies.| The distinction made by our author between these and the kingships, just afterwards, is plainly this, that in the latter case the power was legitimate, hereditary, and limited; in the former usurped, unlimited, and despotic; at least nominally so, there being no sort of constitutional or legal check on their will. All history serves to show the high antiquity of monarchical government. Neither Homer, nor any equally antient author, makes mention of any other. That the power of these petty kings was not absolute, but limited by laws or customs, we learn not only from our author (not to mention historians later), but from Homer. It appears from I]. 2, 204. and various other passages, that the king recognised the laws as the only measure of regal power, and the people as the source of all power; and that even hereditary right required to be united with merit, personal or intellectual, in order to maintain authority. See Mitford’s Dis- sertation on the Government of the early Greeks, vol. 1. p. 123-132. On this subject there is a most important passage in.Dionys. Hal. Antiq. p.336. penult. Sylb. car’ dpyde piv yap cémaga ode ‘Ede éBacrsiero, Tijy oby, worep Ta PapBapa éSvn, SeoroTUKGc, d\Aa KaTa Yopoug TE Kal ELOpode TaTPLoUE* Kai Kparvorog Hv Baoirsde 6 diKaiorardée TE Kai Yopmwraroc, Kal pndev ExdtaiTu- pevoc THY TaTpiwy. Ondot dé Kai“Opnpoc, ducacmodove TE KaA@Y Tobe BacirEic, Kal Septororddouc. kat péxpt woddod Oémetvay ert pyroic rity at Bacidetat voixotpevat, Kadrep 7) Aaxedamoviwy. He here evidently has in view Thu- cydides, and doubtless other antient writers. 2 Now that the revenues were increased.| Or, “ from the increase of revenues.”” For our author intended, I think, to ascribe the rise of tyranny to the cupidity of ambition excited by the increase of wealth, and conse- quently of revenue. See |. 3, 45. and notes. 7 CHAP. XIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 37 ditary * right, and with certain defined privileges and preroga- tives.* And now Greece began to construct navies, and to apply more assiduously ° to nautical affairs. The first who introduced a change in the structure ° of vessels, so as to form 8 Hereditary.] In illustration of this subject, on which the commenta- tors have neglected to treat, I would refer to a kindred passage of Pind. Pyth. 10,110. éy & dyaSoict keivra mwarpwiar Kedvai zodiwy KuBepvaoec. where ay. is explained cdAou kg¢yqSou, optimates, by the Scholiast, who also explains ksivra tarpwica by ardnewrae rarpicat. 4 Determinate privileges and prerogatives.] Such seems to be the sense of éxi pnroic yépao, where the ét expresses condition. And pyroic is well explained by the Scholiast épodoyoupévorc. . To the yépact Valla assigns the sense honoribus ; Stephens, honorariis, premiis. But it rather seems to sig- nify privilegiis, prerogativis, so called from the honour which they carried with them. In nearly this sense the word is often used by Homer and Pindar. See Damm. Lex. Hom., who, after observing that it primarily denotes the principal share of any thing apportioned to the king, proceeds to remark: “ ergo yépac in genere omne precipuum notat quod quis pre aliis habet, etiam praecipuum honorem aliquem.”’ It is used in Pindar, Pyth. 5, 23. to denote the royal dignity generally ; and in Pyth. 7, 58. we have yéipacg Bacitevoy, regal office, In Herod. 1, 161,14. 1, 165,35. and 6, 56, 59. are mentioned certain yépea Baci\era belonging to the kings of Sparta. But the present passage is most aptly illustrated by the following one, from an epistle of Pisistratus to Solon, in Diog. Laert. Sol. 1.1, 53. ob whéidy re pepopmar ToU akuparoc Kal Tipe Tye, dpota dé Kai Toig piv Baorsdow Hy Ta pnta yipa. Soalso Aischyl. P.v.237, daipoow vewer yépa”AdXotow GdXa, kal Oucrouyizero apxjv. Thus also we have ra yépa vopZoper. infra, c. 25. The expression ézi pyroic, used of what is conditional, or definite, occurs in the best writers, where there is an ellipsis of Sucatowc, which is supplied in Dionys. Hal. p, 279, 43. and 630, 5. Wyttenb. remarks, that “we are not to suppose these hereditary and limited kingships were immediately succeeded by tyrannies, since history . informs us that the kingships of the heroic ages, and of the times of the Trojan war, passed not long afterwards into democracies, which again had their issue in tyrannies; revolutions which, he observes, are adverted to by Aristot. Polit. 4, 17. and 5, 4. and especially 10. which forms the best com- mentary on the present passage.’ That these democracies should have terminated in tyrannies, is no more than what the general experience of all ages would lead us to expect. Into what multiplied evils and manifold calamities did the abandonment of limited monarchy plunge the Greeks! The aiming at greater liberty led to licentiousness, anarchy, and finally tyranny, the only kind of government suited to a nation under such circum- stances. 5 Apply more assiduously.]| The Scholiast explains dyreixovro by mpocsiyoyv. But the former is a far stronger term, and denotes “ such devoted attention to a thing as makes us cling to it, and not be willingly drawn from it.” 6 Change in the structure.] Such seems to be the sense of perayeipioa, which, however, is otherwise interpreted by Steph. Thes., and from him by other lexicographers, down to Donnegan’s Lexicon. But the context will hardly permit the signification they assign. The term must have that ascribed to it by the Schol. and Portus, “ to change the structure of?’ And this was learnedly established by Salmasius de modo Usur. p. 527. See also Scalig. on Euseb. Chron. p. 61. D 3 What 38 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. % them very nearly in the present mode, are said to have been the Corinthians; and ¢riremes are thought to have been built first of Greece at Corinth. It appears, too, that Aminocles, a Corinthian ship-builder, also constructed four such vessels for. the Samians. Now it is about 300 years from the time when Aminocles went to the Samians, to the end of this war; and the most antient sea-fight’ within our knowledge is that of the Corinthians against the Corcyreans. Now from _the time that the engagement occurred, up to the above-men- tioned period, there are about ° 260 years. Indeed, the Corinthians, from their situation on the isth- mus %, enjoyed always a very considerable commerce; the What was the nature of this change we are not fully informed, Our Scholiast says, it was by changing vessels of fifty oars into triremes. On which Duker refers to Salmas. Obs. ad Jus Attic. et Rom. p. 692., who has much instructive matter on this subject (though he very strangely interprets the zevrnxdyropoe of our Scholiast of a five, instead of a fifty, oared vessel). He has, I believe, omitted to bring forward an important passage from Pind. Olymp. 13, 20-22., where, after ascribing many inventions to the Corin- thians, the poet proceeds thus: wzod\d 0 éy Kapdiac dvdpwy éBadoy “Qpat wodvavSepot dp- Xaia cogiopaY. And he pithily adds,“Azay 0 sipédyroc Zoyoyv. where the Scholiast observes, that though some have gained fame by improving on the inventions of the Corinthians, yet they are greater by being the inventors. As I doubt not that Pindar had especial regard to the inventor of triremes, so the Scholiast seems to have had the Samians in view, who probably improved upon the Corinthian model ; nay, the znven- tion is ascribed to them’ by Alexis ap. Athen. p. 540. E, perhaps from con- founding this with what our author says a little further on of Polycrates. Whether Aminocles was the inventor of triremes is uncertain; but he appears to have been one of the earliest builders, and was duced to form four as models for the Samians. 7 Most antient sea-fight.| i.e. regular engagement between fleets; for combats between single ships must have often occurred before. The cause of the war in question is narrated by Herod. 3, 55. 8 About.| On the padwora affixed to the numbers interpreters are divided in opinion. ‘Taylor, Bast, and Thiersch take it to signify more than. But this sense is not supported by the use of the word, either here or elsewhere. I must prefer the interpretation of the Scholiast, Suid., and Phot., axouBée, though that may be considered too formal. Goeller objects to circiter (I sup- pose because it would seem too lax), and explains it by ferme, gewiss, sicher. But these two significations may be said to merge into each other; and the true sense seems to be thereabouts, a little over or under, as near as may be ; a mode of expression, as regards chronological matters, commendably cau- tious. From this mention of the end of the war, it is plain that our author survived its termination. 9 Isthmus—commerce.| 'To the references of the commentators I add Plutarch Anat. 16. and Aristid.1, 415. A, both of which passages were written with a view to the present one. ‘The advantages of a situation on an isthmus in the early ages our author has before adverted to, as also the practice of the early Greeks to travel by land rather than by sea. CHAP. XIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 39 Greeks of old carrying on mutual intercourse more by land than by sea, and passing (both those within and those without Peloponnesus,) necessarily through their territory. Hence they were exceedingly wealthy; as is plain from the epithet agvetoy, given to the place by the old poets. And when the Greeks, having paid greater attention to naval affairs’®, had obtained shipping and suppressed piracy?', they, by making their city a double '? emporium, arrived at considerable opu- lence by the revenues thence resulting. The Ionians, too 1%, in after times; viz. in the reign of Cyrus the First, king of Persia, and of Cambyses his son, attained no inconsiderable navy ; indeed, for some time during their hostilities with Cyrus they were masters of the sea over against their country. Polycrates 1‘, also, the despot of Samos, in the reign of Cambyses, possessing a strong naval neely 10 Having — affairs.] Such seems to be the sense of éexZovro, and not navigabant, as Portus renders it. In this sense the word occurs in Strabo (ap. Budzeum), in Polyb. often, in Diod. 2, 255., and Lucian 1, 567. In all which passages, and elsewhere, wAwiZeoSar is used, but the active tMwiZey, which is introduced here from some MSS. by Bened., Bekker, and Goeller, occurs, as far as I rémember, no where. 4 11 Suppressed piracy.| This is chiefly to be understood of the Corinthians, who are spoken of in the next clause. We are also, (the Scholiast sug- gests,) to understand it as the completion of what had been commenced by Minos. Yet considering the long period which elapsed between the time of Minos and that in question, this view appears to involve somewhat of absurdity. There was time for piracy to be suppressed, and then to revive, as it probably would during the revolutions mentioned by Aristotle as occasioned by the subversion of limited monarchies, and the erection of democracies, which terminated, as in so many other cases, in tyrannies. 12 Double.| The aupdrepa edited from MSS. by Bened. Bekker, Haack, and Goeller, is confirmed by Aristid. 1, 415. A, who has 29’ ixarepa. Also by Dio Cass. p. 28, 7. 77, 1. 216, 56.3; but he supplies the car’, which is here left understood. ; 18 The Ionians, too.| After the ship-building of the Corinthians is now introduced the attention paid by the Ionians to raising a navy. (Schol.) 14 Polycrates.] See Herod. 3, 122., who there says that he was the first, except Minos, indeed the first of the historical period, who aimed at the dominion of the sea. And yet it is remarked by Wessel. and Valck., that Euseb. in his Chronicon gives a list of several who, between Minos and Polycrates, held the empire of the sea. But Wessel. observes that Herodot. speaks only of kings or tyrants. For those Sadaccoxparotyrec were either of the democratical, or aristocratical polity, in whose hands that dominion would be very fluctuating. We must bear in mind what we learn from Aristot. Pol., cited a little before. Wess. has here pithily remarked: “ Qu maris tenuere Mediterranei partem Greeci, superbo SadaccoxparotyTor insignes titulo, in aliquot insulas AXgeei maris exercebant imperium, sic satis interdum violentum; nam obniti quidem noverant dominationem affectantibus, sed moderate imperandi artem ignorabant Greeci.”’ D 4 4.0 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK If. force, both reduced others of the islands into subjection *°, and, on subduing Rhenea, he consecrated it to*® the Delian Apollo. The Phoceans?’, also, while colonising Massilia, had a sea-fight with the Carthaginians, and defeated them. XIV. These, then, were the most powerful navies; but even these, though many generations’ posterior to the ‘Trojan war, yet appear to have possessed very few triremes, but to have still chiefly, like the navies of that time, consisted of fifty-oared vessels and long barks.? And it was but a short time before the Median war and the death of Darius, who succeeded Cambyses on the throne of Persia, that triremes, in any considerable number, were possessed by the tyrants on the coasts of Sicily °, and by the Corcyreans: for these last were the only Grecian navies worth mentioning, before the expedition of Xerxes; the Auginetee and the Athenians, and such others as had them, possessing but inconsiderable ones, and those for the most part consisting of fifty-oared vessels. Nor was it till late that Themistocles prevailed on the Athenians, when at war with the A%ginetze, (the Barba- 15 Possessing — subjection.| Both these circumstances are adverted to by Max. Tyr. Diss. 5, 1. p. 73. Kpotoog piv eiyey ebimroy yy, ModvKparne dé evvewy Sadarrayv. & Diss. 35. t. 2, 165. éxéxrnro Sddarray “Iwyikny Kai Tpinpec Toac. 16 Consecrated it to, &c.| The mode in which this was done is mentioned in 3, 104., and Herod. 5, 34, and 122. Seealso Theocr. Idyll. 17, 70. and Kiesling there ; and on avariSnut, Polyzen. 6, 50. On Rhenea, see Wess. on 6, 97. ‘7 Phoceans — MMassilia.| On the Phoceans, see Herod. 1, 166. and Schweigh. On the Carthaginians, Herod. ibidem, and Justin. 1.43, 5. On the Massilians, Eustath. on Dionys, Per. 70. and Harpocration in y. Macoania. 1 Generations.| So in Diod. 1, 24. Hercules is said to have flourished one generation before the Trojan war, i. e. as Diodorus and Herodotus are accustomed to reckon, thirty years. See Wess. on Herod. 2, 142. and Periz. Orig. igypt. c. 9. p. 176. (Gottleb.) 2 Long barks.| Very much like the long boats of our men of war. See Scheffer de Re Nay. 2. p. 85. Thus, there is no occasion for Salmasius’s emendation juxpotc, These were, we may suppose, very similar to the piratical barges of earlier times. Vide supra, ec. 10. 3 On the coast of Sicily.) Such seems to be the sense of mepi Sucediav, which the commentators seem mistaken in regarding as a mere periphrasis for Zucedoic (or rather Sucedexotc). Such a signification of zepi is not un- usual in our author, as 6, 2. @xouy oivucec, rEpi raoay Ti)y Sucediav, where the commentators rightly take it for dupi. The tyrants here meant were chiefly Gelo and Hiero. CHAP. XV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4] rians, too, being expected 4,) to construct the ships wherewith they engaged with them; and even these were not decked * throughout. XV. Such, then, were the navies of Greece, both the antient and the later ones. ‘Those, however, who attended to their formation and support, acquired no small power thereby ; both by the revenues’ thence accruing, and by the dominion * it gave them over others. For they, and especially such as had no sufficiency of territory®, made cruises, and subdued the islands. As to land wars, at least such whereby power might be attained, there were none, all of them being only hostilities of borderers against their neighbours *; since in extraneous and far distant expeditions, for the conquest of foreign lands, the Greeks had not engaged. Indeed there were* as yet no subject associations of the smaller with the greater cities, nor did they form common expeditions ®, at a certain just rate of contribution ®; but, rather, neighbouring 4 Expected.| Namely (says the Schol.), by the battle of Marathon having taken place. The sea-fight here alluded to must be that of Salamis. 5 Decked.| On these decks see Voss. de Const. Trirem. p. 722. tom. 12. Antiq. Rom. Greev. 1 Revenues —dominion.| Our author has chiefly in view the Athenians, Corinthians, Corcyreans, and Aiginete. 2 Sufficiency of territory.| This is meant chiefly of the Athenians, though also of the others just mentioned. 3 Against their neighbours.] Vide supra, c. 7, note 6. 4 For there were, §c.| This passage is meant to assign a reason why no far distant foreign expeditions were formed, namely, because there was not enough of combination among the petty states to supply the funds. 5 Expeditions.] Our author especially alludes to the unfortunate one of the Athenians, for the conquest of Sicily, which will serve to defend the words zodd dd rij¢ éavréy. Indeed the records of history show that something ill-omened attends far distant expeditions. And this seems to have been in the mind of those who fabricated the story, (for such it is,) which lian H. A. 2,46. retails, that raic ikdjpoe orparetaic Erovra yurec. 6 Just rate of contribution.] ‘This seems to be the true sense of az0 rij¢ tone, which Hack would render ex e@quo, because this clause is opposed to the preceding. But, in fact, it is not; for adroit cannot be rendered soli ; nor perhaps ought ai to have been introduced into the text. There is, as the Schol., Poppo, and Goeller rightly maintain, an ellipsis of cuvredsiac, the idea of which is suggested by the subject of the context. The same phrase occurs, but in a metaphorical sense, at 5, 40. I cannot, however, approve of the version of Goeller, “ parem contribuentes impensarum partem.” For it is not to be supposed that the lesser parties in these associ- ations contributed an equal share of expense, &c., with the greater, but what was iooy in a figurative sense, i, e. a just and right portion. pha s n the 4.2 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. states severally” pursued each other with hostilities. It was chiefly at that war which of old took place between the Chalci- deans and Eretrians, that Greece was engaged in general or combined hostilities; the rest of it separating into parties, as they sided with one or the other.° XVI. Various hindrances, too, occurred to other states in the way of their growth and increase. To the l[onians, when their affairs were in a thriving state °, Cyrus and the Persian monarchy '!°; who having subdued Creesus, carried hostilities into all the country between the Halys and the sea-coast, and subjected their continental cities; as afterwards Darius, by the aid of the Pheenician fleet, did their islands also. XVII. As for the tyrants, such as held dominion in the Grecian states, they, keeping solely in view their own interest’, as it regarded their present security and the aggrandisement On the associations here mentioned, see the Memoir on the State of Greece prefixed to vol. 1. sub. init. of Poppo’s Thucydides. 7 Severally.) Such seems to be the sense of wc teaocror. Though Goeller renders the whole sentence thus: “ civitates ut erant queeque finitime, ita mutuo bellabant.” 8 It was chiefly —other.] Such is, I conceive, the true sense of this awkwardly phrased sentence, rendered obscure by its brevity, and which was misunderstood by the antient commentators. See note 12. on ch. 18. On the war in question, see Herod 5, 99. et alibi, as also Spanh. on Callim. 9 When their affairs — state.| ‘This clause so plainly relates to the Zonians, (as the context requires,) that it is surprising that all translators and com- mentators, except Valla and Abresch, should have referred it to the Per- sians, which neither grammar nor sense will permit. 10 Cyrus and the Persian monarchy.| It is strange that the commentators should not have noticed this remarkable pleonasm or Hendiad., of which the following examples may be acceptable. Plut. Themistocl. c. 4. s.i. ob Aapstoy od époac émicciwy. Pausan. 1, 36, 4. of ra& ®idiamov Kai Maxeddvwy caSeiioy. and 1,9, 7. Procop. 104, 11. éai Bavdidove re Kai Tediwepa. Appian, 1, 103, 29. mhéovrec é¢ Taprnoody cai ’ApyaSorvuy, Taprnooot Bacvdéa. Livy, 28, 42. Africa eadem ista et M. Atilius, = 1 Keeping — interest.| Literally, forecasting solely for their own interest, &c. Such is the sense of the phrase, ra 颒 éavrév pdvoy rooopHpevor, which has been passed over by the commentators. So 6, 12. 70 éavrov pévor - cxor@y. Appian 1,380. Soph. Aj.1313. Herod. 5,59. Eurip. Med. 461. besides several other passages which I reserve for my edition. I will only add a very similar passage of Theocr. Idyll. 16, 17. rae 0 id Kidryw yxEipag Exwr, Tovey abserar adpet “Apyupoy. CHAP. XVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.3 of their families’, guided their measures? in as cautious a way as they possibly could‘*; so that nothing was achieved by them at all memorable, nor any thing except against the sur- rounding states; for those in Sicily had arrived at a con- siderable height of power.’ Thus was Greece for a long time every way impeded ®, insomuch that it could effect no- thing remarkable conjointly, and severally, or by single states, it was even yet less enterprising. XVIII. But when? both the tyrants of Athens and those of the rest of Greece (generally, and even of old’, under tyrannical government?®,) had been put down, and the last* of 2 Aggrandisement of their families.| This whole passage may serve to bring to our minds 1 Tim. 5, 8. where see my note. ! 3 Guided their measures.| This sense of grovy, regebant, administrabant, is permitted by the usus loquendi, and required by the context. Ilé\w oixety for duoceiy is used both at 2, 37. 3,57. and by the best authors. It is strange that the above sense, (which I many years ago perceived to be the true one,) should have been missed by almost all interpreters ; Haack, Lindau, and Goeller being the only ones who have seen it. A similar blunder has been made by the interpreters in Herod. 4, 9. oikijrope. + As cautious a way as they possibly could.) This is, I think, the true sense of the words ov dodartiacg booy édtvayro, which the commentators might have illustrated from a kindred phrase at 7, 9. fin. ra card orparéredov dud gurdakic éywy, where see the note. The security meant is in respect of foreign wars and distant expeditions. 5 Power.]} i. e. ability to undertake distant war, and make themselves of consequence beyond their own immediate neighbourhood. Thus at c. 14, they are said to have had powerful fleets. 6 Impeded.| Namely, by want of union, to make common cause as one people. This was sufficient to keep under any enterprising spirit in single states. 1 But when — Lacedemonians.| Suchis,I conceive, the true sense of this obscure and confused sentence. The construction is not terminated until mpo¢ ’ASnvaiove éyévero, after the insertion of a very long parenthetical portion. 2 Generally, and even of old.|_ Such is, I conceive, the sense of ézi zodd kai piv. (as is plain from 6.15.) and not that assigned by the Scholiast and Hack, who take it to signify that Greece had been under tyrants before Athens was. 3 Under tyrannic government.) i. e. the government of tyrannic or despotic chiefs. So supra c. 13. it is said that as soon as Greece had attained unto any considerable power, ra 7od\AG rupavvideg tv Taig TodEOt KaSioTAVTO. 4 The last, §c.] Such is, I think, the sense of cai redevraior, which has been tampered with by some critics, but explained by none of the com- mentators. The article must be repeated from oi wzd¢eioro. ‘The sense I have assigned is required by the truth of history, with which that of the common versions is at variance. It is not érue that the ot mXetoror Kat 44 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. them (except in Sicily) by the Lacedemonians (for Lacede- mon °, from the period of its occupancy by the Dorians, who now inhabit it, has, after having been the longest harassed by factions of any nation on record, for a considerable time, en- joyed a well-regulated government ®, and ever been free from tyrants; for there are about four hundred years’, or a little rédevratot had been put down by the Lacedemonians; though the ast of them were. See Herod. 5, 68, 72. and the commentators there. Thucyd. 1, 126. & 127. Pausan. 3, 212. Schol. on Aristoph. Nub.37. By ot wXeiorot may, by a common idiom, be understood nearly all. 5 Lacedemon — tyrants.| Such is, I conceive, the true sense and con- struction of this difficult clause. By the “ time during which it was harassed with factions,’ our author plainly means, the time before the restoration of the Heraclidze, during which faction was sure to be kept alive, since the government was a usurpation, and therefore could not have the confidence and obedience of those who held fast their attachment to their rightful governors; and after their restoration, the faction of the contrary party would be strong enough to clog the wheels of government. Thus the period of well-regulated government commenced at the return of the Heraclide and the Dorians, or rather at the period of the legislation of Lycurgus. Yet, even during the factious times which had preceded, it had ever, It seems, been free from tyrants. The Scholiast, however, understands the arvpdvvevroe of the period since the return of the Heraclidze: and as drup. immediately succeeds eivouHSyn, it may be thought that the latter is represented as being the consequence of the former. Now the period of the promulgation of the laws of Lycurgus was about 881 B.C., and therefore é« wadaordrov is applicable. Nay, even after the promulgation of the famous code of Lycurgus, it would be some time ere it could come into full play, or sufficiently show its beneficial tendency. Per- haps, too, a conflict of the good and evil principle is unavoidable, and even necessary to the consolidation and permanency of any system of polity; as we have experimentally found in our own invaluable constitution. It is re- marked by a most sagacious observer and deep thinker, wédtc aduaxoopnrde éoruKai adudraKktoe, dre vedKTioTog ovoa Kat éx To\AGY cuppopHTdc ESVOrY, HF paxpoy Osi ypovwy cai raSnparoy ravrodarGy, va katapTusy Kai Tabonrar TaparTopévyn Kai craoiagovoa. Dionys. Hal. Antiq. p. 147,12. ‘The present passage seems alluded to by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 268, 17. w¢ Aaxedatporiovg Tvvsavomat Troviy émi woddde On yevEede, Kai Oud TovTO TO OXIA TOU TodITEb- parog amayruy padiora THY “EMAjvor edvopeiodat. 6 Well-regulated government.] E’vopetoSa imports the having good laws faithfully administered. The word is used by the best antient writers. On the fact of the length of time during which Lacedemon laboured under _ faction or misgovernment, see Isocr. de Panath. Liban. Or. 681, B. Lycurg, C. Leocr. p. 166, 2. In praise of this edvopia, we have the following beau- tiful passage of Pindar, Olymp, 13, 6. ’Ev r¢@ (sc. Corintho) yap Edyvopia vais, Kaclyyn= Tai Te, BaSpoy Todiwy,’Aoparje Aika, kal 6u6- TpoTOc Hipdva, rapia went TArovTOY, xpboEa Taidec edBobdov O{uroc. See the Scholiast in oco, 7 About four hundred years.) Scaliger on Euseb.reckons four hundred and seven ; others, four hundred and four; and some (see Simson’s Chron.) as much as four hundred and eighty. The true number it is difficult exactly to ’ CHAP. XVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 45 more, up to the end of this war, from the time that the Lace- demonians have used the same polity, by which ® also they have been enabled to regulate and settle affairs 9 in other states) ; after, I say, this extirpation of the tyrants from Greece, it was not many years before the battle of Marathon took place ; and, in the tenth year '° after that event, the Barbarians again came with a mighty armament against Greece to enslave it. A formidable danger being suspended over its head, the Lace- demonians, as preeminent in power, took the command of the confederated Greeks; and the Athenians, on the approach of the Medes, determined"? on leaving their city and packing up their moveables** on board their ships, they embarked, and became [instead of landsmen’*] mariners. Having, by common effort, driven back the Barbarian, they (both those who had revolted from the Barbarian, and those who had combined for mutual defence,) not long after split into parties, determine; but there are sufficient grounds to justify the expression of our author ; nor is it necessary to resort to emendation. 8 By which.] Namely, continuance in the same polity; for, as our author elsewhere observes (3, 37.), yeipoor vopowc akuvhrowe ypwpévn modLc KpEioowy éoriy 7) KaXWE ExovoLY aKipotc. 9 Regulate and settle affairs.) 1.e. politics ; namely, according to the model of Lacedemon, by putting down both tyrannies and democracies. 10 In the tenth year.| i.e. the year 481 before Christ. This is to be un- derstood, not of the battle of Salamis, but of the setting out of the arma- ment, which, after wintering at Salamis, proceeded forward towards Greece. The battle of Salamis was fought the year after this setting out, 480. See Herod. 7,57. Duker here, in an able note, adopts the opinion of Scaliger and Van Alphen, that this passage will not support the assertion of Petav., that the battle of Marathon was fought in the tenth year before that of Salamis. 11 Determined, ixwonSévrec.| This verb signifies properly to revolve in mind, and also, from the consequent, to decide upon, determine. 12 Packing — moveables.] ’AvacxevaZecSat signifies to pack up one’s goods for a removal. So the Schol., ra cxevn avadaBovrec; and so He- sych., avacxevalopevor, pserourgsuevor; where Soping cites Athen. 12, davas oxevadévrwy Tov B. Phavor. explains the words, évéSneay avaBiBacarrec imi vewy ra abroy oxet’yn, tyouy Ta Tpdc xpEiav Cwijc bvra. The recent editors join é¢ rac vac éxBavrec, which may be the right construction ; but the other method is defended by a similar use of dvack. with é¢ in Plutarch ap. St. Thes., Dio Cass. 191, 59. and 213, 26., and Arrian E. A. 1, 26, 8. 13 Mariners, instead of landsmen.] Which the Athenians had hitherto been esteemed. So Plato, cited by Gottl., ayri meCév drdtrdyv vopipor vautucode yevouévouvc. He would read from Plutarch, porvipwrv. But the common reading is somewhat defended by Thucyd. 6,31. 76 08 weZov kara- hoyowe ypnoroic éxxpisiv, &c. 4.6 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. joining either the Athenian or the Lacedemonian league ™*: for these states manifestly’> held the balance of power; one being mighty by land, the other by sea. The confederacy *°, however, continued but a short time. Afterwards the Lace- demonians and the Athenians disagreeing, waged war, toge- ther with their allies, against each other ; and, when differences arose among any of the rest of the Grecian states, they im- mediately had recourse to these [as their principals]. So that from the Persian war down to the present one continually, sometimes making truces with, and at other times warring either against each other, or their revolted allies; they were not a little exercised in warlike affairs’’, and acquired gra- dually greater skill from their practice being accompanied with dangers.*® XIX. And as for the Lacedemonians', they did not govern.their allies so as to subject them to contribution, but 14 They not long, §c.]| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this passage, obscure from its brevity. With the construction dtexpiSnoay rpdc ’ASnvaiove, &c., the commentators might have compared a kindred one, supra 6, 15., TO ANNO “EAAnvuKdy é¢ Evppaytiay éxaréipwv dvéotyn. In both these cases the words are what the grammarians call verba pregnantia. 19 Manifestly.| Many critics would change d.uepavn to 6» épavyn. To the elegance of that reading no objection can be made; but it is wholly unsup- ported by authority, and inferior to the other in significancy and force, for the oud is often intensive. Besides, the common reading is supported by an imitation in Dio Cass. 343, 39. padtora Suedayyn, and 675, 55. 16 The'confederacy.| So édpwarypia should be rendered, (and not alliance,) to distinguish it from cvppayia, which, in our author’s time, began to denote a subserviency, if not subjection of one party to the other. This confede- racy, it may be observed, between the Lacedemonians and Athenians, was only such as regarded the defence of Greece against Persia, or any other Barbarian power. 17 Exercised in warlike affairs.| Literally, “ they exercised themselves in (cara being understood) warlike affairs.” It is strange that the interpre- ters should take this of providing themselves with military stores. The sense I have assigned is supported by the usage of the best authors. I shall content myself with an example in imitation of this passage by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p.20, 8. ijoav O& ra Trodtmua, te Tot pera Kkivdiyvwy rroteioSar pedérac, TOMAGY apEivove. 18 And acquired— dangers.] These words contain a sentiment worthy of attention, as bearing upon the question of the superior efficacy of regular troops, arising from their exercises being formed in the midst of danger ; by which, therefore, their attention is fixed, and their skill much more rapidly attained. ‘Thus Joseph. p. 1123, 2., speaking of the military system of the Romans, ob« dv dudpro ric eizwy, rac piv pedérag abroy ywpic aiwaroe a= parageuc* rag mapardgec O&, we aiwaroc pedérac. | Lacedemonians, §c.| This sketch of the comparative policy of the two great rivals, is further illustrated in the course of Book I. and elsewhere. CHAP. XX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, 4.7 rather conciliated them, in order that they might mould their polity alone in conformity with? ¢heir own oligarchical forms.? The Athenian mode of governing, on the contrary, was planned with a view to gradually obtain the ships of all the allied states, except the Chians and Lesbians, and to impose on all a certain rate of contribution ; and their own particular state of preparation for this war was greater than at the period when they had formerly been in the most flourishing state *, and with a confederacy unbroken.° XX. Such, then, I have found to be the state of affairs in antient times, though hard to be credited, even when esta- blished on regular and constant proof’; for men catch up 2 In conformity with.| Or suitably to, in subservience to. 3 Oligarchical forms.] In order to the establishment and preservation of these, they placed governors over the allied states, called harmoste, literally regulators. See Diod.1.13, 66. Now the common people every where favoured the Athenians; the higher ranks, the Lacedemonians. For the former strove to establish in all parts the popular government they them- selves used ; but the aim of the latter was, that they should be governed by the few, and in such a manner as was conducive to their own advantage. Indeed, it is clear from this whole history, that the Peloponnesian war was but a contest of the two forms of polity. See 1,76. (Goeller.) 4 Greater — state.) We may take this on the authority of our accurate annalist, though it would not be easy to prove it, since the accounts we have only regard the contributions of the allies; but do not tell us the private revenue of Athens at either of the periods here mentioned. What it was, not long after the Peloponnesian war, we partly learn from Xen. de Republ. Athen. Mitford considers Athens as having been at the summit of her greatness about 448 B.C., 16 years before. 5 Confederacy unbroken.| This may be understood by considering that the perpetual contests which our author records, of the Athenians with their allies, until they were at length reduced to complete subjection, must have considerably exhausted the strength of those states. See 1. 3, 11 and 46. 1 Such then —proof.| This I conceive to be the sense of the passage, which has been not a little controverted. The phraseology is, indeed, awk- ward, and, as often, obscure from its brevity. The difficulty hinges on motevoa. This Reiske and Wyttenb. would remove by reading mioréoa. But for this alteration there is no authority; and it is better to suppose with Goeller, that the author has not fully evolved the sense; which would have required yadera évra miorevoa, Tayti tec rexunpip weTtoTopéva, dif- ficiles ad credendum, omni deinceps argumento probatos. Why the TeTLoTwWHEVA Was Omitted is obvious. By wavri rexpnpip is meant all necessary proof. And 2&fc¢ is used (in the words of Goeller) “ quia in tantee vetustatis obscuritate non simplex argumentum sufficit, sed aliam rem ex alia colligendo, et longam demum post ratiocinationem ad sententiam pro vera statuendam perventum est.” * Our historian (he continues) proceeds to show why these arguments are 48 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. from each other the reports of past events (even though they be those of their own country), alike* without scrutiny® or examination. Among the Athenians, for example, it is the popular opinion, that Hipparchus was the tyrant, and was slain by Harmodius and Aristogiton; nor is it generally known that Hippias*, as being the eldest of the sons of Pisis- tratus, then held the government, and Hipparchus and Thes- salus were his brothers; and that on the day in question °, just at the crisis, Harmodius and Aristogiton, suspecting that some disclosure to Hippias had recently been made by their fellow-accomplices, desisted from attacking him, as one fore- warned [and therefore forearmed]. But being willing, before they should be apprehended, to venture on achieving some- thing, and happening to meet with Hipparchus somewhere about the Leocorium ®, regulating the Panathenaic procession, they slew him. But many other matters are there, even such as concern the present times, and are not clouded in the oblivion of antiquity, on which the other Greeks’ entertain hard to be credited, by adverting to the carelessness of men in examining the antiquities even of their own country, their prejudices, and that supineness which makes them decline the labour of investigating truth, and be disposed rather to acquiesce in opinions ready made to their hands.” This passage was had in view by Dionys. Hal. Antiq. Procem. p. 7., and also by Livy, 1.3, 5,12. Drakenb., which I shall cite, because it confirms the common reading: “ Difficile ad fidem est in tam antiqua re— exacto ad- firmare numero,” &c. = Alike.| Namely, as if they were foreign. We may dispense with Reiske’s conjecture dpwe. 3 Without scrutiny.] The passage has been imitated by Dionys. Halic. p-11, 26. wept wpayparwy rarai oy aBacavioruc Ta Neyoméva Oéyeoat, and by Heracl. Pont. Allee. Hom. p.411. aBacaviorwe airoic 4 rig adnSeiac kpiow épprrat, besides many other passages which I shall adduce in my edition. 4 Hippias, §c.| A full narration of this story may be seen at 6, 54., though introduced on slight cause, and enlarged on with unnecessary, not to say offensive, minuteness. See Meurs. Pisistr. c. 11. 5 The day in question.| A not dissimilar use of the phrase occurs in 1 Tim. 1, 12. & 4, 18., where see my note. 6 Leocorium.] A temple in the midst of the Ceramicus. See Maussac. on Harpocr. in v. Meurs. Panathen. c.19., and the note infra 6, 57., and Poppo’s Prolog. t. 2. p.242. 7 The other Greeks.| By these are meant all dué the Athenians; or, in this instance, some out of all the states evcept Athens and Lacedemon; for we cannot well suppose the Spartans to have been ignorant of such matters as those here mentioned; whereas others, from the studious care with which every thing respecting their civil and military polity was con- cealed by the Lacedemonians, might not know them. See l. 2, 39. CHAP. XXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 49 erroneous notions: —as that the Lacedemonian kings each gave their suffrage, not with one vote, but with two’; and that there is a band among them called the Pitanitan 9; whereas there never was any such. So little diligent ’° is the multitude in the search after truth, and so much more are they disposed to take up with opinions ready made to their hands.?? XXI. He, however, who, from the proofs above deduced, shall think the things I have thus cursorily treated on be really such as I have represented them, (and not giving credence rather to the songs of the poets, who have used the embellishments of exaggeration, or to the narratives of his- torians, who have formed their accounts rather alluring to the ear than agreeably to truth, especially as the things recounted admit not of refutation, but mostly, from length of time, have passed into myths entitled to no credit,) he, I say, who thinks them to be such, and, considering their remote § Lacedemonian —two.} In this passage our author has been supposed (as at 2, 97. 1, 23. 2, 8., and elsewhere) to aim a secret blow at the Father of History, 6, 57. Yet Wesseling, in loco, doubts whether the words will authorise such a sense. And he proposes another mode of taking them, which, however, cannot be admitted, since there is a subaudition of éxarepov. Perhaps when the suffrages of the senators were equal, either of the kings, when one alone was present, or the senior one, when both were present, might have the casting vote ; from whence the story might be fa- bricated. It has indeed been doubted, by some eminent recent critics, whether the writings of Herodotus were ever known to our author. Ona subject of such uncertain discussion, it were presumptuous to offer any decided opinion; but I at present see no reason to abandon the in- variable persuasion of the antients, and almost all writers, that they were known to him. Indeed, my extensive and minute researches into the phraseology of both these great historians, have furnished me with what may be considered proofs of the above, in passages of our author, which seem imitated from, or to have been partly suggested by, others in Hero- dotus. 9 Pitanitan.] See Stroth and Irmisch on Herodian 4, 8, 7., and espe- cially Wessel., Valck., and Schweigh. on Herod. 9, 53, 7. 10 Little diligent.| ‘This whole’passage is imitated by Atlian Frag. p. 1010. aX’ éxeivoc re (I conjecture ye) adBacaviorp ypagy Te Kai dradairwoy Tijc adnSeiag, x.7.4. Aristoph. cited from Etym. Mag. by Morell Thes.: otrwe avroig drarkaTopwe 1) Toinot Oidkerat. 11 Ready made.] Perhaps Thucyd. had in view Hom. Il. w. 627. ot & éx’ dveiaY iroipa mpoxeipeva yeipac taddov. Bauer aptly compares the Horatian frui paratis, Carm. 1, 31, 17., i.e. what is ready, and may be obtained without trouble. VOL. I, E 50 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. antiquity, to be sufficiently well made out, and on the plainest evidence, will not err in his judgment.' And. although men fancy the wars in which they have been engaged the greatest, but when they have ceased from military service admire the old most; yet this war will, to those who judge from facts themselves, appear to be greater than those” antient ones. X XII. And as to the words, and what was spoken’ by orators, of whichever side, either when about to enter on the war, or 1 He, however, who —judgment.] Such, after long and frequent exa- minations, I have no doubt is the true sense of this most perplexed and truly Thucydidean passage, and the clearest mode of representing it in a modern language; though, to have made it quite tolerable to the ear of an English reader, is more than I can hope to have attained, I have chosen to keep as close as possible to the construction of the original, for the benefit of students. Indeed to have expressed such a density of sense in the number of words required by modern usage, would have made the whole even more distasteful to general readers. _ By the poet is particularly meant the poet of history, Homer, of whom our author uses the very same expression ézt 76, peiZov Kkoopijoat, supra 10. It is proper to note the antithesis between turhxace and EvviSecay. Goeller has truly remarked, that a@ricrwe is to be expressed per circumscriptionem, ita ut nulla fides tis habeatur. Such a use of an adverb for a whole clause, is found both in Thucyd., and in other writers of close brevity, as /Eschylus, Tacitus, and St. Paul. Thus, there is no reason to adopt the conjecture of Reiske. The common reading is, moreover, defended by an imitation in Philostr. Heroic. c. 1. p. 667. gijpe yap driorwe dvaksioyat Wpoc TA pusoon. The words w¢ warkaa eivat are taken like éxwy eiva, and other such phrases. The words cai w¢ rourai tprijact, &c., were in the mind of Livy Preef. Hist., “ Quze ante conditam condendamve urbem poeticis magis decora fabulis traduntur.’ And Joseph. p. 540,34. Sext. Empir. Adv. Matth. 59. D. cai bre ot cvyypadeic paddov 1) of Trownrai Ta xpHoma TH Bip Onrovow eveTthoytoTOY, ot piv yao TOV aAnI0VE oToYyaZovTat, oi O& EK TAYTOC. Also Plut. p.557. E. tre 0 obd« gouxe ravra Kopp puSetpacw apaoic Kat dvakévowg TAdopao, cia ToNTal Kai Noyoypahot, KaSaTEP Ol Apayvat, yevvaYTEC ao éavréy. See a fine sentiment in Pind. Olymp. 1, 44. The doyoypador are those whom Herod. 1, 1. styles the ot Noyiou. : 2 And although — those.| ‘This obscure and difficult clause has not been well explained by the commentators. The above seems to be the true sense, since it is required by the construction, and is agreeable to the con- text. At év ¢ must be understood ypdyvp; at ravoapévwy, rod Todepeir, from vodeuaoat; and at rd dpyaia, mpdypara, in the sense of war, as fur- ther on and often elsewhere. By ceasing from war is meant, being beyond the age for military service. Now, such persons being old, become Jau- datores temporis acti. The airéyv must be referred to dpyaia, the antient wars. And so one of the Scholiasts. . 3 And as to— spoken.| Such I conceive to be the true sense of this passage, the difficulty of which has arisen from a .confusion of two con- structions. See Goeller. The cizoy must, of course, relate to orators ; but I cannot, with Goeller, recognise this sense in \6yy (which ought thus to be Adyog). That word is rather antithetical, as in Adyy and tpyw; but CHAP. XXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 5l when engaged therein, it were indeed difficult both to myself when present, and to others from whom I received them at here it has no épyw referring to it; the phrase is changed to ra & toya roy TPAXIEVTWOY. The whole chapter, indeed, is so important to the determination of im- portant questions concerning the faith and credit of our historian, that it will claim to be considered at large; especially as no portion of the history has been so misunderstood, nay, I had almost said, misrepresented. And first, the scope of this chapter seems to be, to preoccupy some objections which might be made to the history, both on the score of words and actions, the speeches recorded, and the actions narrated ; and each of these in order. The speeches, it might be objected, cannot be genuine, because it were impossible to preserve in the memory the exact words spoken. To which it is replied, that to do this were indeed difficult ; but that it is more than the historian undertakes. All that he professes to do isto record such as he considers the most pertinent observations on the points under con- sideration, and to clothe them in his own words, only keeping close to the general meaning of the sentiments really uttered. No other sense than this is admitted by the construction, which is as follows : — we dé Ekaorou ay £0dkovuy eimeivy Ta OéovTa parvora Tepl THY asi TapdYTWY, o'TW Eionrat (epol) évonevp, &c. And yet many antient, and almost all modern commen- tators, adopt a mode of interpretation which would impute to the greatest of historians the fabrication of the speeches. So Dionys. says: rot¢ re Tpdypace mpoonKovra, Kal_Toig auvekndvsdow sic roy otAoyoY TpocwTrOLG dpporrovra mémhaxe Oudoyoy, éydpevoc. So, also, the Schol. paraphrases : wo toga Oé Ort eimov dv adynSGc, obTwE EipnKa, Et Kal pur) adTa éKEiva Ta AexSévra pyyara. And he is not ashamed to add, that the historian, for his own purpose, “ pretends ignorance, that he may bring forward his own sentiments ;” i. e., as Steph. explains, play the orator. But before we fix a charge that must materially impeach the credit of the author, and lessen the value of his work as an authentic history, we should be sure that the sense in question can be proved to exist in the words. Now, I am bold to say, that it can not be elicited therefrom without doing great violence to them. The clause éyopévm—deySévrwy can only signify that the historian kept as close as possible to the general sense of what was really spoken. But this excludes all idea of fabrication. The writer brings forward nothing but what was really: poken; though he does not undertake to record all that was spoken, but only what seemed to him most pertinent to the case in hand, Yet he avowedly keeps as close as possible to the general sense, and only professes to furnish the words ; and that from the difficulty of remem- bering the exact expressions of the speaker. Though, when he says it was difficult for him to keep in memory the words, we may reasonably suppose that he did his best to evercome that difficulty. And, as he sat down to write the history of the war at its beginning, he would both regularly attend when orations were delivered, and use such close attention as to bring away no little of the phraseology as well as the general sense; and sitting down, as he doubtless would, immediately, to form the orations he chose to record, he would, from his own memory, and that of others, be enabled faithfully to represent all that he thought it important to record. We are to remember, too, that the preservation of the exact words is only mentioned as a difficulty, not an impossibility ; and this difficulty would be much lessened by the assistance Thucydides would have at his command ; and when we consider how much, in our own times, of the phraseology of y te 52 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. second-hand, to remember the exact words that were spoken ; but as either party might seem to me to speak the most to the purpose on the matter any time in hand, so I have expressed it; keeping, withal, as closely as possible to the general sense of what was really spoken. As to the deeds® which were actually performed in the war, I judged it proper not to nar- rate what I heard only by random report, but only such as I was myself present at, or had heard from others who were so, investigating as accurately as possible the evidence for each circumstance. Laborious, however, was the research; since even those who were present at a battle, did not agree in their accounts of the same actions, but spoke, on either side, according as they each stood affected in respect of partiality or prejudice +, or as they could remember. Now, as far as the Parliamentary speeches is brought away by the reporters, that difficulty will appear not insuperable; especially as there is some reason to suppose that stenography, which was commonly practised at no long period after- wards, was then in some degree known. But how, it may be asked, could such a sense as the above have been almost universally ascribed to the passage? I answer. First, because an dv occurs before éddcovy; and secondly, because the true construction was not seen. The dy in question is, indeed, somewhat puzzling. Goeller affirms, that it belongs not to ddxovy, but to ciety. But to attempt to remove a difficulty by resorting to so harsh a hyperbaton “ for the nonce,” cannot be thought of. And here the difficulty is nof removed. For the two parts of the version proposed by Goeller are so inconsistent with each other, as to remind one of the Humano capiti cervicem pictor equinam, &c., of Horace. The dy must, then, be referred to édxovrv. But the potential use of the particle is so in- consistent with the words of the following clause, that Portus and Kistem. translate as if it were not there. And, indeed, its sense seems so faint, that it may be dispensed with. It has, however, I conceive, that force treated on by Matth. Gr. Gr. § 598, 2. a, by which it expresses repetition of action, or habitual action, equivalent to our might or would. The sense, then, is, “as each might or would seem to me,” &c. Finally, the Zyouévy must refer, not to the éuoi above expressed, but to the repetition of it in ELONTAL. Thus, it appears that the intent of the author was, to use the words of Livy, 45,25., “ consecrare simulacrum eloquentiz vivorum clarissimorum.” 3 As to the deeds.| The ra & tpya correspond to the dca péy Ady before. With respect to the zpay3évrwy, there was no reason why so many should have stumbled at it, and some proposed to caneel it. A similar pleonasm is cited by Dorville from Manetho, zpnitec Zoywv. Ladd Pind. Ol. 2, 29. The ézeéeASwy imports diligent investigation ; and when united with dor Suvaroy axpiBea, it gives a sense that cannot well be stronger. 4As they each stood affected in respect of (wepi) partiality or prejudice.) * According (the Scholiast explains) to the partiality of private interest, or the ill-will he might bear from compulsory service.” And indeed there was much of this compulsory service. So in a similar passage, 7,57. w¢ CHAP. XXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 53 the gratification of the ear reaches, probably their very free- dom from mythic embellishment may be thought not so agreeable. As to those, however, who shall desire to have a clear view of past events, and indeed of future ones (such and similar ones being, according to the natural course of human affairs, again to occur); for those to esteem them useful, will be sufficient ° to answer every purpose I have in view: éxaoroic ripe EvyTuyxiac, 1) Kara TO Evppopoy, 7) dvayKy éoyey. Yet our author has, I conceive, chiefly in view national partiality or prejudice: and, as he had free correspondence with persons of both the belligerent parties, he would have to be on his guard in this respect. 5 As to those —sufficient.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this most obscure, difficult, and controverted passage. The various modes of inter- pretation are well detailed by Goeller, whom see. Most of them are founded either on some proposed change of reading, or contortion of sig- nification ; and the sense they elicit is harsh, and little to be relied on, as worked out by violence. Perhaps, too, the difficulty of the sentence is unnecessarily increased by pressing too much on the sense of certain terms, and pushing them to philosophical nicety, rather than taking them in their popular acceptation. To lessen the uneertainty of philological exposition, it is of consequence that we should ascertain, on critical principles, the true meaning. Now éyrwy is not found in many good MSS. and Diony- sius; and, as it confuses the construction and obscures the sense, it has been (rightly I think) cancelled by the best critics; who are, however, not agreed on the sense contained in the other words. The most probable interpretations are,— Ist. That of Steph., Matthiz, Poppo, and Goeller: * Q@uicunque autem volent veritatem eorum; que evenerint, considerare, et eorum, que, ut sunt res humane, vel talia omnino vel similia sint even- tura, illis satis erit, ea esse utilia judicare.” 2dly. That of Wolf and Haack: * @uicumque autem voluerit, perspicue considerare et ea que facta sunt, et ea que fortasse aliquando, ut sunt res humane, denuo vel tali vel simili ratione fiant, illos utilia hzec indicare, (mihi) suffecerit.””_ Now both these classes of commentators are agreed on the sense of the former part of the passage, which, notwithstanding the scruples of Krueger and Thiersch, is _ open to no serious objection (since cagéc must, as applied to the future, be taken in a qualified and popular sense; but, on the words w¢édtua Kpivecy avra, dpxobyroc ee (in which, indeed, the whole difficulty centres), they are divided in opinion. The former supply rodroic; and the latter, rodroug. But the subaudition rodrorc is very harsh, since at docobyrwe ter the context and sense require joi, which is omitted dignitatis gratia. Besides, the sense thus arising is frigid, and not very pertinent. I therefore prefer the second interpretation, which coincides with that to which I had myself been led by diligent and repeated examinations of the passage during a long series of years; except that I took kpivew for xpivecSa (active for passive as often), and understood rodroic, governed of wpé\yia. The sense, however, is the same in either case. As to the arrogance which some critics here fancy, I see none such, at least not in this passage; if any there be, it may be rather recognised in the xrijpa eic aici a little after. The historian may safely affirm that the study of past events, when truly narrated, will exceedingly enlighten the mind in foreseeing and providing against future ones. This high E 3 54 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. and I have composed them, not for an ambitious subject of temporary display®, and gratification for the ear, but for an EVERLASTING POSSESSION.! XXIII. Of the former wars’, the greatest was the Median ; and yet that was brought to a speedy decision in two sea- fights? and as many land engagements. But zis war was drawn on to a considerable length, and such calamities befel utility is adverted to in a passage of Lucian t, 4. p. 205., written with a view to the present one: krijua re yap pijoe paddov é¢ dei ovyypaper, Hep éc TO Tapdy aAyoviopa, Kal pr TO pysSOdee dowdaZecSar, GAG THY adynSetay TOY YEYVEVNMEVwY aodETEY TOIC borEpoY’ Kai éEmayEL TO YpHomor, Kal 6 Tédog GV Tu & dpoveyv brdSotTO ioropiac, we si wére Kai abSig Ta dpota KaradaBot, EXOLEV, HNL, TPE TA TOOYEYpappéva AToBAETOVTEC, eb ypHoSae Toic éy Todt. I cannot omit to notice the following passages imitated from this of our author. Appian 2, 3,7. Joseph. p.17,94. Dionys. Hal. Proem. Antiq. p- 7,53. tva kal Toic wepi Tove ToALTLKODE OvarpiBovat Adyouc, Kal ToiG TEpt TAY prdcopoy torrovdakdot Jewpiay, Kai & Tis doxANnToU Cshoe Ovaywyie év toro- pixoic avayvwoopac, aroxporTwe éxovoa daivnra. See also similar senti- ments In p,321, 42. 675, 43. 685,25. The passage is also clearly imitated by Procop. in the proem to his history. And hence may be explained Pausan. 8, 2,3. and Plut. Sert.c.1. Indeed it has ever been the opinion of the wisest of every age, that the true use of history is, in the words of Soph. Cid, T. 916. to enable us ra kaiva roig rédat rexpaipesSat, which is imi- tated by Isocr. Paneg. ra péddovra roic yeyevnuévac TexpaipecSat, by Dionys. Hal. 456 and 507. and Joseph. p. 152, 23. See some excellent obserya- tions on this political prescience, illustrated with pertinent examples, by Mr. D’Israeli in his interesting Curiosities of Lit., New Series; also in Mr. Roscoe’s Preface to Leo X., p. 37. 6 Lemporary display.| Perhaps our author alludes to the history of Herodotus, which was recited at the Olympic games. For that is the pri- mary sense of dy#vopa. And so theScholiast and Lucian t. 4. p. 205. See more in Goeller’s note. 7 Everlasting possession.] ’Ec aiei is found in the best authors, and exactly corresponds to our old “ for aye,” ypévoy being understood, which is supplied in Eurip. Pheen. 1540. Krijpa here signifies something adapted for use, as distinguished from what will only furnish matter for words. This use of erijua is rare, and I know nothing parallel to it bit an expres- sion of Kurip. Ereth. Frag. 2, 4. (perhaps in the mind of Thucydides), Tapaiverae Keppra eoddra kai vious yphoysa, monita salubria. So ABlian, in the proem to his History of Animals, says: Kephduov od dorobdacroy EKTOVYHOAL TWETTLOTEVKA. | Of the former wars.| The 62 has, I think, the transitive force (on which see Hoogev.); for, though the commentators seem not to have per- ceived it, the preface properly ends at the close of ec. 22., and c, 23. com- mences the history itself; though it is somewhat introductory to it, con- sisting of a comparison of the former war with the present one. 2 Two sea-fights.| The sea-fights were those at Artemisium and Salamis; the land engagements, those at Pylee and Platea. CHAP. XXIII, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 55 Greece in the course of it as are not to be paralleled in the like space of time. For never were so many cities stormed and brought to desolation; some by the Barbarians®, others by the Greeks at war with each other‘: nay, some there were which, when taken, changed inhabitants.> Never was there so much of banishing and bloodshed °; partly in the course of the war itself, partly by sedition. Things which had been formerly heard of, indeed, by report, but had been very rarely confirmed by facts, now ceased to be incredible ; as in the case of earthquakes, most extensively prevalent and most violent in their effects’? ; eclipses of the sun, frequent beyond what was remembered from former times. . 3 Barbarians | Here Mycalessus is meant. See 7, 29. 4 At war with each other.| Plateea and Mytilene (Goeller thinks, Thyrea) are supposed to be here meant. There may also, if avrirodeuotyvrwry be applied to civil war (as Joseph. p.833, 19.), be an allusion to the horrid tra- gedy at Corcyra, l. 4. 5 Changed inhabitants.] Or, “ had its inhabitants expelled, to make room for others ;”’ as gina (2, 27.), Potideea (2, 70.), Scione (5, 32.), and Melus (5, 118.). This was an antient Oriental custom. 6 Banishing and bloodshed.| There is, perhaps, especial reference to the cases of Corcyra and Mycalessus; though, indeed, both might be said to occur in a greater or less degree every where throughout Greece. 7 Extensively —effects.| The translators and commentators represent these earthquakes as extending to the greater part of the habitable globe. But for this there is neither historical evidence, nor probability. ‘That sense, too, would require the article rij¢ yijc, which, indeed, does occur in three MSS., but those the worst, and proceeding from alteration. And in vain would it be to seek to confirm the other interpretation from Matth. 27, 45. iri racay Tic yic, for the best commentators have long been agreed that that phrase can only designate Judea. (See my Recensio Syn. in Loc.) Some, indeed, may think that rij¢ yj¢ might, in like manner, here mean Greece. But that use of the word seems Hellenistic. The yij¢ plainly signifies land, earth, territory. The sense is such my version represents it. Hence may be illustrated the phrase in Matt. xxiv. 7. kai toovrat ceopot kara rémouc. Now Greece, from the nature of its geological structure, which is, like that of Palestine, rocky and cavernous, has ever been ex- tremely subject, throughout most of its surface, to violent shocks of earth- quakes. The same, indeed, may be said of the south of Europe in general. It may be observed that our author, by mentioning national calamities, as earthquakes, eclipses, and droughts, together with those occasioned by the crimes of men, hints that these have a natural connection with each other, and the one was meant as a punishment for the other. Such were, indeed, commonly thought, in a certain sense, supernatural, as being out of the ordinary course of nature; and were considered by many as signs or pre- sages of public calamities. See Matt. 24,7 and 8, See also the classical passages adduced by Wets. on Matth. 27. 45., to which might be added many from Josephus. E 4 56 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. Great droughts, too, were there in some places; and thence arose famines *, and (what produced most damage, and to a certain extent 2 devastation) the pestilential disorder: for all these calamities beset them at once, together with the war.’® That the Athenians and Peloponnesians began, on breaking the thirty years’ truce which they had entered into after the reduction of Euboea. The causes why it was broken, and the differences [which led to it] I have, in the first place, nar- rated, in order that none should ever have to enquire how a war so momentous to Greece arose. ‘The truest cause, then, though the least apparent in words, was, I conceive, the in- crease of Athenian power, which struck a fear into the Lace- demonians, and urged them to the contest; but the ostensible reasons for which they respectively broke the truce and went to war, were such as the following narration will declare: — XXIV. } There is a city called Epidamnus®, situated on 8 Droughts —famines.} Now drought naturally leads to famine, which as naturally breeds pestilence. The connection indeed between A1wd¢ and Aoude was almost proverbial. So in Matth. 24, 7. cai éoovrat Aupoi Kai oot. 9 To acertain extent.) i. e. of territory ; for at zépoc I would understand yiic, namely ’Arricfje. 10 Beset them at once —war] Such is the plain sense of the words, which by no means admit of that ascribed to them by Hobbes and Smith. We need not, however, so press on the terms as to suppose the meaning to be that droughts prevailed during the whole of the war. They were sometimes beset by all three at once, and were seldom without the two last. 11 Truce.] Hobbes renders “ a league.” I have used the term truce, because it is most applicable to treaties of peace of a limited duration, which seem to have been sometimes preferred to unlimited ones, as being less likely to be broken. 18 In order —how, §c.) A similar reason is assigned by Polyb. 1, 3, 8., referred to by Kreuger. _ 13 Cause.] This sense the context requires to be assigned to mpddacte, as it afterwards does to airiay that of pretext ; though Goeller remarks that the two might have better changed places. And, indeed,I have noted down such a position in Appian, 1, 228, 6. aric dé Ty ‘AvviBy yéyove Tig toBodrjg airia Té kat adySjc, Kai modpaocte ic TO Havepoy. But rpopacie may very well signify the true cause, since that is, perhaps, its primary signification, and though rare, it occurs also in Dionys. Hal. p. 160, 40. 173, 6. and Theodect. ap. Stob. Phys. 1, 116. 1 Krueger remarks on the epic air which distinguishes this commencement of the narration. 2 Epidamnus.| From Euseb. Chron. it appears that it had been founded 188 years before. As to the derivation of the name propounded by Steph. Byz. it is such as few can approve. I should rather suspect that it was corrupted from éiSapyvog, t. €. cbvdevdpoe réroc. See Hesych. on Sapvoc CHAP, XXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 57 the right side as one enters the Ionian gulf? Bordering on it are the Taulantii, a Barbarian tribe of the Illyrian nation. The place was colonised by the Corcyreans, and the founder of the settlement was Phalius, son of Eratoclidas, a Corinthian, of the lineage of Hercules, called to this office, according to antient custom*, from the mother state. With them, too, and Sauvove. Now this would be not unsuitable to a tract then, doubtless, rough, desert, and overgrown with thickets. Thus the more recent name, Dyrrachium, had a reference to the rockiness of its coast; for it answers to the Greek Avopdyoy, as is evident from a fragment of an antient geographer, preserved by Steph. Byz. in v., who there applies to the town, as the epithet, duopdywr. See, also, note on 1.4, 10. Pausan. 6,10, 2. derives the name, Dyrrachium, from its founder; a perpetual mode, in such a case, resorted to by the antients, of hiding ignorance, shuffling over the difficulty. The place now bears the name of Durazzo. Poppo thinks that Epidamnus and Dyrrachium were not properly the same; but that the latter was a little apart from, and the port of, the former. And this he proves from Appian and Pausanias. The Taulantii are, 1 mtist observe, wrongly placed, in some maps, beyond Epidamnus ; since it appears, from Strabo, that they were situated between Epidamnus and Apollonia. And this may be proved from Thucydides. See more in Dodwell and Pouqueville’s Iter per Greeciam, t. 1. p. 524. seq. 3 Ionian gulf.| ‘This expression (which not a little perplexed Hudson) is to be carefully distinguished from the Ionian sea, and is confined to that part of it afterwards called the Adriatic, which was bounded on the Illyrian coast by the Acroceraunean promontory. Now the most antient and im- portant passage in this appellation is Herod. 6, 127. See, also, the learned note of Dr. Blomfield on Aéschyl. P. v. 865. Gloss. (Stanley 839.) As a proof how long antient names continue in use even after modern ones have been given, I would observe that it is so called by Sozomen. Hist. Eccl. 1. 2, 3. 4 Antient custom.) Or law. As to what were the rights due from colonies to the parent states, it may be observed, Ist, That the colonists were fur- nished with arms, utensils, and stores of provisions, by their citizens, at the public expense. They were also provided with diplomata, called raroixia [constituting them a colony. T.] But, above all, the colonists carried with them the country’s goods, and the sacred fire lighted at and taken from the penetrale urbis, and which, if it should chance to be extinguished, had again to be kindled from thence. It was the custom for the colony to annually send deputies to the mother country, to celebrate divine rites in honour of their country’s gods. It was also usual for the colony to take its high priests from the parent country. And, moreover, if the colonists should ever choose to plant any where another colony, it was customary for them to ask for a leader of it from the mother country. See Vales on the Excerp. Polyb. 6. p. 7. and Spanh. Diss. 9. de usu et praest. Numism. p. 570. seq. (Duker.) The Corcyreans, it must be observed, were originally colonists from Corinth}; and thus their colony, planted at Epidamnus, had to be settled by some one from Corinth. , As to the yépa afforded by colonies to the parent state in the public games, they are called by the Scholiast rai and zpoedpiai, the chief seats on the benches. But many other privileges are also understood, as éxtyapiat, krijowe yc, &c., which are often found in the Greek decreta. It 58 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. some Corinthians, and others of the Doric race, had taken part in the settlement. Now, in process of time, the city of Epidamnus became large and populous’; but after having laboured, it is said®, many years under intestine feuds, they were not a little weakened by a certain war with the neigh- bouring Barbarians, and deprived of most of their power. At last, just before this war, their commonalty had driven into exile the higher ranks.’ ‘These went and joined the Bar- may also be observed, that legates were sent to the mother country, to be present at the festivals. (See Thucyd. 6, 5. and that magistrates were also taken from thence. (Goeller.) It was thought right that the mother country should have the love and respect of the colony, and be its leader and guide; and, on the other hand, that the colony should yield to it (1, 38.), unless grievously injured. (1, 34.) Thus it was thought so great a crime to bear arms against the mother country, that the Melians chose rather to suffer siege and destruction than be guilty of such impiety. See 1, 5. fin. The colonies themselves, when in danger, fled for help ad minorem patriam, as, in the present instance, Epidamnus did to the Corcyreans. (Poppo.) “ They held themselves bound, (observes Mitford,) by a kind of religious superiority. Thus it was supposed that the gods of their fore- fathers would still be their gods, would favour the enterprise, and extend lasting protection to the settlement.” See more in Poppo’s Memoir on the State of Greece, &c., and Wessel. on Diod. Sic. t. 5, 64, 10. 5 Large and populous.| Mitford adds, that “ it asserted independence, and maintained the claim.’ But for this there is no authority, and it does not seem warranted by the words. 6 It is said.] On the punctuation, and, as depending thereon, the sense of this passage, the commentators are not agreed. Some take the clause we Aéyerat with the preceding, but most with the following, words. According to the usage of the best writers, it can only belong to the former. Most recent interpreters, however, (like Abresch,) place a comma after BapBapwr, and take dz in the sense after, or because of. But the authority for this signification, in any prose writer of the dest age, is slender, and the sense not very apt. Factions and feuds would be likely to arise (as they too often did in other colonies), without the intervention of a Barbarian war, especially as the colonists, being composed of settlers from two states that had long disagreed (see 1.1, 37.), would be likely to fall into dissen- tions. Whereas, after worrying each other by intestine feuds, they would be ~ ill prepared to resist the attacks of the Barbarians (by whom are be under- stood the Taulantii. The dz, then, stands for i, a very common idiom in our author. Here, we may observe, the progress towards ruin is marked by very natural gradations. As to the circumstance of being long harassed with internal feuds, that was one which often occurred in the Grecian states. 7 Commonalty — ranks.j By the dijpog is sometimes, and possibly here, meant the democratic party. By the oi dvyaroi are denoted persons of power and influence, acquired by wealth or other means. There was here, it seems, as well as elsewhere, that contest between the ot éyovrec and the ot od« éxovrec, the have-somethings and the have-nothings, which has harassed, more or less, every nation that has arrived at any height of civilisation, and seems particularly to infest old settled and thickly inhabited countries. It CHAP. XXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 59 barians, and with them carried on devastating hostilities § against the citizens both by land and by sea, But they being hard pressed, sent ambassadors to Corcyra, as being their parent city, imploring them not to look on and see them perish, but to reconcile the exiles ° with them, and put an end to the war with the Barbarians. ‘These entreaties they pre- ferred, sitting ’® in the temple of Juno. The Corcyreans, however, rejected their entreaties, and sent them away without having effected their purpose. XXV. The Epidamnians, then, finding that there was no help for them from Corcyra, were in great perplexity what measures to adopt under the present exigency; and sending is well remarked by Mitford, that “ the spirit of faction remained, in spite of misfortune, untamed; they had learned nothing even from the lessons of adversity.” $ "EhyiZovro does not signify robbed (as it is rendered by Hobbes), but denotes that sort of petty war which consists chiefly in ravage and devas- tation. 9 Eviles.| There is also an allusion to their being impleaded for trial, and avoiding it by flight; for to such ge’yew was applied in opposition to duce, used of the prosecution. 10 Sitting.] This was the posture of suppliants, from which, also, they arose on being raised by the person whom they addressed, and who, thereby, was understood to grant their petition. See 1, 126. and note. They selected the temple of Juno, as being (it seems) the most sacred fane in the city. Though Palmer (Antiq. 352.) suspects it to have been without the city, on the promontory Leucimne. Mitford infers from their taking the character of suppliants, that “ they felt they had no claim of merit from the mother country, especially as the government of Corcyra was aristocratical, and theirs was now democratical,”’ The inference, however, is weak, since they would, probably under any circumstances, have assumed that character. It is truly observed by Hobbes, that “ the manner was in those times to take sanctuary, not only for crimes, but for obtaining aid in extremities, tacitly disclaiming all other help save that of the gods, and those to whom they made supplication.” ‘The dissimi- larity, however, of the two forms of government, is sufficient to explain how so moderate a request should have been refused. Though the refusal was probably grounded, in a great measure, on the Epidamnians having thrown off all dependence on the parent state, which, of course would (as the duties of both were reciprocal) deprive them of all claim upon its protec- tion. This independence was probably not openly proclaimed until the expulsion of the aristocratical party by the democratical. The refusal in question was certainly natural, for when the democratical party ask of the Corcyreans their mediation with the aristocratical, they seem not prepared to establish things on their old footing, without which Epidamnus would not have been a safe residence for the restored exiles. 60 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. to Delphi’, they enquired of the god whether they should deliver up their city to the Corinthians as their founders *, and endeavour to procure some aid from them. The response was, that they should deliver themselves up to them, and make them their leaders. ‘Then the Epidamnians, in obe- dience to the oracle, went to Corinth, delivered up the colony, (proving ® that their founder was from Corinth, and declaring the answer of the oracle, ) and entreated them not to suffer them to be utterly ruined, but to succour their distress.* The Co- rinthians undertook their assistance, both in consideration of the justice of the request (esteeming the colony to be as much theirs as the Corcyreans), and through hatred of the Corcyreans, because, though their colony, they contemned them. For they neither, in the public festive assemblages °, paid them the right- ful and accustomed honours, nor committed (as did their other colonies) the leading part of the sacrificial rites to a ° Corin- | Sending to Delphi.) “ The usual resource, (says Mitford,) of despond- ing states.” Indeed, religious helps and consolations are naturally resorted to by those in adversity: but here, probably, this step had been deliberately resolved on in the council, and the application to Delphi only made in order to procure religious countenance to measures of political expediency. 2 Deliver up —founders.| Muitford thinks we are without the means of determining the exact import of this expression, and the »jyeudvac rroeioSau: but I see not any difficulty. The sense seems to be plainly this; whether they should deliver up the city to the Corinthians, by formally making them the immediate, as they were the mediate, founders. Now this surren- der had to be formally made; for it appears that the duty of a colony to its parent state did not involve any to the parent state of that. Though it seems that a transfer of allegiance, &c., might be made to it, at least if the founder had been regularly taken from thence. Nay, sometimes the reye- rential respect and religious observances paid to the original founder, were transferred to some other person who had been a great benefactor; thus at 5,11. we read that the Amphipolitans transferred this foundership from Agnon to Brasidas, cai 71)v drouiay we oixiory mpoctSecay, where mpoa. ex- actly corresponds to wapadoiey here. — As to syyeudvac rroveioSa, it is plainly exegetical of the preceding phrase. 3 Proving, §c.] This it was perhaps necessary for them to do, in order to give them a claim to make the transfer. 4 Succour their’ distress.| Diod. Sic. adds that they requested also some fresh colonists to be sent them. 5 Public festive assemblages.] Such seems to be the truesense of the term, on which see the learned note of Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. Sept. 206. (Gloss.) The Scholiast explains it of the Olympic and Nemean games. Those, however, cannot here be meant, but the public festivals of each city. Of the nature of these honours we can have but an imperfect knowledge ; yet we may safely (with the Scholiast) include the zpoedpia, on which see my note on Matth. 23, 6. ® Committed — Corinthian.] Such is, I conceive, the true sense of the CHAP, XXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 61 thian, but despised them, as being themselves, in point of wealth, at that time, equal to the richest of the Grecian states, and in military preparations an overmatch for them. They were puffed up, withal, by their naval superiority, and proud of their isle having been formerly the abode of the Phzeacians, so famed for their nautical skill. Hence they had paid more attention to the formation of a navy, and, indeed, had a very powerful one, being in possession of 120 triremes when they commenced the war. XXVI. The Corinthians, then, having, on all these ac- counts, just cause of complaint, willingly sent assistance to Epidamnus, making proclamation’ that every one who chose might go as a colonist, and ordering thither some troops of the Ambraciots, Leucadians, and their own cities, to garrison it. These went by dand to Apollonia’, a Corinthian colony, words otre KopiwSin avdpi mpoxarapxopevor tHv teodv, which are obscure from brevity, and have been variously explained. One thing seems certain, that they cannot have the sense ascribed to them by the Latin and English translators, “ began with a Corinthian in the distribution of public sacrifices.” There is no mention of distribution ; and the sense in question would rather require KopivSiow avdpaor. The KopiySin dvdpi can only refer to some one Corinthian who had especially to do with sacrificial rites ; and the antient and the recent modern commentators are rightly agreed that that must be the chief priest, who, the Scholiast (doubtless from some antient writer) says, was sent from parent states to colonies. There is, indeed, some diffi- culty in the construction ; but it seems to have been best removed by Reiske, Gottleb., Haack, and Poppo, who subaud éy, in the sense cum, per. This, in- deed, Goeller denies to be good Greek. But perhaps that language is not yet sufficiently understood to] enable any one to pronounce thus positively ; especially as the usage of our author differs so materially from that of the other classical writers. To avoid the above fancied difficulty, the learned commentator devises a new mode of interpretation, which, however, in- volves a violation of the construction, and silences the force of the xpd. As to the principal offices here alluded to, the commentators agree in understanding them of the pouring the wine on the victim’s head, sprinkling over it the crumbs of the bruised salted cake, and clipping off the hair of the forehead, and casting it into the fire. 1 Making proclamation.| The word xedsvovrec must, per dilogiam, be taken in two senses, accommodated to two clauses to which it belongs. The term seems, as applied to the former clause, to import an union of permit and urge. The one, it should seem, was requisite, the other expedient. Indeed in the then over-peopled state of the principal cities of Greece, colonisation was a necessary expedient to carry off a superabundant, and therefore burthensome, population. her 2 By land to Apollonia.| A colony of the Corinthians, formed, as we learn, from Steph. Byz.,on an old town of the Illyrii, Scymnus and Strabo say that the Corcyreans had a share in colonising it. Hence in Steph. Byz. torepoy diakociwy KopwSiwy droia cig adtny éoradn. Bekker 62 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. lest the Corcyreans should hinder their passage by sea. Now when the Corcyreans had heard of the colonists and troops proceeding to Epidamnus, and that the colony was given up to the Corinthians, they were fired with resentment, and setting sail immediately thither with twenty-five ships®, and afterwards with a reinforcement *, they insultingly ° ordered them to receive the exiles: for ® the Epidamnian fugitives? had gone to Corcyra, pointing to the sepulchres of their ancestors, and claiming kindred; on which ground they en- treated them to restore them to their country. But the Epi- dammnians hearkened to none of these demands. Whereupon ® would read Kopkupaiwy kai KopwSiwv. But as the Corcyreans had at least only an inferior share in colonising, and are placed after by Scymnus, this conjecture cannot be admitted. I rather suspect that dcaxociwy should be changed to dé. For 62 and du are perpetually confounded. And xoowy seems to have originated in an abbreviation of KopwSiwy, 1. e. Kop. The place is now called Polina. Our author does not directly say that they went all the way to Epidamnus ; but w«¢7 must be taken emphatically, and then such may be implied. That they did we find by what follows. It may be observed that they went by sea from thence, to avoid the danger of passing through the territories of the Taulantii. 3 With 25 ships.] ‘These would seem to have been all that were then, as we should say, in commission, and equipped for sea. For though we learn that the Corcyreans possessed 120 triremes, yet only a small number were ever in actual service. 4 A reinforcement.| Consisting, as we afterwards learn, of fifteen sail. ’ Insultingly.] Or, abusively. Goeller renders “ aus hdhnender scha. denfrende.’ ‘The term may include a union of abuse, and insolent threatening. As illustrative of the force of the term, Wasse refers to an opposite passage of Aristot. Rhet. 1. 2, 2., and Duker to Salm. Obs. ad. Jus. Attic. 2,9. p.115. [tis a rare phrase, but it occurs in Dio Cass. 169, 31. 744, 33., and in Pausan. 1,9, 10. rade éore davepdc érnpsta cvySetc. Loescher conjectures kar’ érnpeiay. Facius é¢ ex., which I prefer. But the true reading is éarnpsia (sub. éz’), which occurs in Philostr. ap. Steph. Thes. inv. That threatening is included in the force of the term, is clear from Herod. 6, 9, 22. rade Néyere EryperaZovrec. See my note on Matt. 5, 44. 6 For the Epidamnian, §c.]| The author here assigns a reason why the Corcyreans had so soon altered their determination not to interfere in the disputes at Epidamnus. This, however, was doubtless not the principal reason. 7 Fugitives.| Or banished men. Divers occasions force men from their country. Sentence of law, which is commonly called banishment. Pro- scription, when the sentence is death, for which cause they fly into banish- ment; but those that are here meant are such as in seditions, being the weaker faction, fly for fear of being murdered, whom I here call banished men; or might call them, perhaps better, outlaws or fugitives, but neither of them properly. (Hobbes.) 8 Whereupon.| There is something peculiar in this use of ¢\\d, which, though abrupt, is very spirited. The Scholiast, Gottl., and Abresch explain it by kai. But this is peddling criticism, and settles nothing, CHAP. XXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 63 the Corcyreans proceeded against them with forty ships®, in conjunction with the exiles (whom they pretended they were come to restore), and with the additional aid of the Illyrians ; and blockading the place '°, they made proclamation that any one who chose, both of the Epidamnians and the strangers '', might depart unmolested ; otherwise they would be treated as enemies.’ But as they were not induced to submit, the Corcyreans proceeded (now the situation is that of an isth- mus '*) to lay siege to the place. XXVIT. But the Corinthians, as soon as messengers reached them from Epidamnus with news of the siege, pre- pared an armament, and withal proclaimed a colony to Epi- 9 Proceeded — ships.| Such is the sense of orparevovowy, and not warred upon, or proceeded to hostilities. For it appears from what follows, that hos- tilities were not commenced until after all fair means had been tried in vain. ; Hence it appears that, though the requisition might be sent as soon as they had arrived with twenty-five ships, yet they did not put the expedition in motion for Apollonia before the arrival of the second division of fifteen ships. fuctene of forty ships Diod. Sic. says fifty. But as that writer conti- nually imitates our author, the difference seems to have arisen from an error in his MS. 10 Blockading the place.| For the same reason that I have rendered orparevovow proceeded against, I assign to mpockaSeopuevor not the sense besieging (with the translators), but blockading, taking a position; since it was after the Epidamnians would listen to no proposal that they, it is said, ézrodopkouy THY woALy. In fact it is plain that the word does not properly denote to besiege, since it is often used with wodwpréw; as Herodian 3, 3, 1. 3, 9, 6. Herod. 2, 157, 28., and many other passages, which I could ad- duce. In fact, when taken by itself, it rarely signifies more than “ to take a position before a place, to blockade it. See Valckn. on Herod. 6, 133, 7. and 5, 104, 14. 11 The strangers.| An invidious term this, applied to the Ambraciots and Leucadians, hinting that they had nothing to do with Epidamnus. That it was not meant of the Corinthians appears from c. 29. 12 Treated as enemies.] ‘The commentators here, as often, are pleased to overlook a real difficulty. The truth is, that though ypjoacSa must gram- matically depend upon zposizov, yet that verb may be repeated in another sense, which is included in proclaim, i. e. order.. The literal meaning is, “ otherwise they ordered their troops to treat them as enemies.” 13, Hspecially — isthmus.] Such is the purport of this insertion, which, in the original, is so abrupt, that I once thought it from the margin; but the experience of such kind of clauses, in the best authors, especially the present, has made me “wiser than of yore.” So a passage of St. John, 6, 10. ry O& ydproc Todde Ev TY TOT. ' Isthmus, the Scholiast explains y# dupiSardoowc. But the sense seems to be, that the place was situated on the isthmus of a peninsula, and con- sequently favourable for being besieged by those commanding the sea. 64 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. damnus; so that any one who would might go, on condition of enjoying equal and like privileges’; and that if any one should be unwilling to join immediately, and yet wished to take part in the colony, he might remain, on paying down fifty Corinthian drachms.? And many were there who went on the voyage, and many who paid the money. ‘They, more- over, entreated the Megareans*® to convoy them with some ships, lest their passage should be obstructed by the Corcy- reans. And they prepared to accompany them with eight ships, and the Palians with four. They requested some, too, of the Epidaurians, who contributed five; the Hermionians one, and the Troezenians two; and lastly the Leucadians ten, and the Ambraciots eight. Of the Thebans and Phliasians * they requested money ; of the Eleans empty ships and money. The armament fitted out by the Corinthians themselves was thirty ships, and three hundred heavy-armed.? XXVIII. But when the Corcyreans heard of these exten- sive preparations, they went to Corinth, taking with them some Lacedemonian and Sicyonian ambassadors’, and charged 1 Equal and like privileges.) i. e. either with the old colonists, or the Corinthians themselves, sub. poipg, or the like. So infra 34. it is said of colonists, od yap émi rg SovAo1, GAN eri TP Gpovoe Toig evTopévoug eivar EKTEMTOVT AL, 2 Paying fifty drachms.] Namely, towards defraying the expenses of sending out the colony. 3 Megareans.| This, and the following, were those states with which Corinth was most intimately connected by consanguinity, amity, and com- munity of political views. 4 Thebans and Phliasians.| As being wealthy states, and the money doubtless to be repaid. Ships they asked not, since Phliasia was an inland state, and had none; and Beotia was far from being a nautical one, at least it had no convenient port on the Sinus Corinthiacus. The Leucadians and Ambraciots contributed many, as being nautical states. Of the Eleans they obtained money, since they were a wealthy people, and empty ships, since they were not attached to maritime pursuits. The number of ships seems to have been seven. 5 Heavy-armed.] i. e. those who were sheathed in armour, and wielded long and stifflances, and heavy swords; somewhat like the men at arms of the middle ages. ' Some — ambassadors.] Whom they had prevailed upon to go with them as mediators. Hitherto they had had no connection with either of the two confederacies, but now were justly alarmed at the powerful com- bination forming against them. They, it seems, had recourse to the Pelo- ponnesian alliance, as nearer to them and more connected by blood. And the Lacedemonians and Sicyonians were, it seems, well disposed to preserve the general peace. CHAD. XXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 65 the Corinthians to withdraw the garrison and colonists at Epidamnus, since they had no concern with that city. If, however, they had any claim to allege, they were themselves willing to submit the cause to be judged before such states of Peloponnesus as might be agreed on by both; and to whom- ever the colony should be adjudged to belong, those should have possession of it. They were willing also to leave the cause to the arbitration of the oracle at Delphi.2 As to a war, they protested against it?; but if* there must be one, they should be themselves *, at their compulsion, driven to make friends ° such as they would not’, and quite other than their present ones, for the sake of succour. ‘The Corinthians answered, that if they would withdraw their fleet and the Barbarians from Epidamnus, they would take the proposal into con- sideration; but before that was done, it would not be well for those to be sustaining a siege, while themselves ® are litigating on the question. ‘The Corcyreans replied, that if they would withdraw those in Epidamnus, themselves would do the 2 At Delphi.| Though that the Corinthians had already accounted fa- vourable to them. So that, upon the whole, the Corcyreans could not offer more reasonable terms. 3 Protested against it.} Or dissuadedit. Literally, forbade it, q. d. there should be none with their good will. So 2, 21. 4 Tf, §c.] 1. e. otherwise, if it should be different to what we wish. So in Mark, 2,21 and 22. I know not why Goeller should have conjectured él 8, 5 They themselves. i. e. as well as the Corinthians, as the Corinthians were doing. 6 Make friends.] Literally, attach persons to them as friends, It is _ proper to observe the force of the middle verb, in the place of which St. Mark, 16, 9., uses the verb active and the pronoun: ohoare éavroic pihovug te TOU papwva, &c. 7 Whom they would not.] i. e. (says the Scholiast) the Corcyreans, not the Corinthians. There are similar expressions in St. John, 21, 18. Heb. 10, 5. The friends in question must be the Athenians, with whom they had no connection of any kind. As to the paddoy, the idiom of our language would not permit it to be expressed. Certainly, there was no reason for the commentators to have stumbled at it. They might have compared Aéschyl. Choeph. 215. pur) parev’ twod paddoy pior, 8 Themselves.] i. e. (as Bauer rightly explains) the two litigant parties, both the Corcyreans and the Corinthians, not the Corinthians only, as the older commentators and Smith take it. Thus, the cadéc éyew refers to Soth. ‘The sense is, it would not be well, it would be absurd, for them to be at issue concerning the possession of a city whose very existence was threatened, or that their mutual friends should be endangered, while they stood by disputing. AccdZecSar signifies to be impleaded, to be at issve in a suits VOL. I. ? F 66 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. same. They were also ready to agree that both parties should remain where they were, and a truce be made, to continue until the cause should be decided. X XIX. The Corinthians, however, hearkened not? to these proposals, but as soon as their ships were manned, and their allies were come up, having sent forward? a herald to first declare war against the Corcyreans, they put to sea with seventy-five ships and two thousand heavy-armed ®, and made sail for Epidamnus, to commence hostilities against the Cor- cyreans. ‘The fleet was under the command of Aristeus, son of Pellichas, Callicrates, son of Callias, and Timanor, son of Timanthes: the land forces under that of Archetimus, son of Eurytimus, and Isarchidas, the son of Isarchus. When they arrived off Actium‘, in the territory of Anactorium, about the plain where stands the temple of Apollo, at the mouth of the Ambracian gulf, they found a herald ° whom the Corcyreans had sent forward in a skiff, in order to forbid them to pro- ceed. In the meantime they were manning their fleet, having repaired and made seaworthy the old ones, and fitted out the rest for action.° Now after the herald had brought back 1 Hearkened not.) Depending, it seems, on their apparent superiority ; and, trusting that they should not be impeded either by the Lacedemonians or the Athenians, they therefore refused to treat on equal terms. 2 Having sent forward, &c.] They delayed this ceremony claimed by general usage, as long as possible. It is strange that the Scholiast should recognise in this an insulting bravado. 3 Seventy-five ships, and 2000 heavy-armed.] Of these seventy-five ships thirty were Corinthian ones; the rest furnished by the allies, of which it hence appears that the Eleans furnished seven. Diod. Sic. says there were seventy-five ships. The number of heavy-armed is less by a thousand than it was,c.27. Kither there is some mistake in a figure, or the whole force could not be got ready to embark with the fleet. Which is more probable than supposing, with the Scholiast, that there was found no need of them, and that they were left behind in contempt of the Corcyreans. + Actium.] 1.e. the port of Actium; “a place,” as Mitford observes, “ destined hereafter to be the scene of a much more important action.” ’ Herald.) The Corcyreans meant by this to gain time, and were anxious not to leave any thing undone to avert hostilities; yet they pre- pared for them with judgment and spirit. Bekker says that Diodorus makes the Corcyrean fleet seventy ; but he is mistaken. Diod. says the ten of the Corinthians. 6 Repaired —action.| Such seems to be the sense of this passage, which is somewhat difficult, from our imperfect acquaintance with the nautical terms of the antients. Hence some (as Reiske) have resorted to critical con- jecture; and others have propounded interpretations which are hypothe- CHAP. XXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 67 nought but hostile news from the Corinthians, and as soon as their ships were manned to the number of eighty (for forty were maintaining the siege of Epidamnus), they put to sea, and ranging themselves in line against the Corinthians, en- gaged them; and the Corcyreans were decidedly victorious, and destroyed fifteen ships of the Corinthians. On the same day it happened that their besieging force before Epidamnus tical, and destitute of all authority. Such I must regard that of Coray, ap. Levesque, and even that of Goeller, who maintains that ZedZavrec must signify caulking ; and iztor., fitting out for sea. The same may be said of the common interpretation, founded on Portus, “ refitting with benches, oars,” &c. ‘Those who, as Smith, render repairing, only avoid encountering the difficulty. Under these circunistances, the antient lexicographers should be consulted; though the commentators have made little or no use of them. Now Pollux, 1, 125.,in a chapter on nautical terms, says : rd¢ dé weTovnkviac Kai Kexakwpivac (scil. vave) Eore Separrevoat, éxisKxevdoat, twoKEv- acacsa, Cevéa, ZebtacoSar. Andasherefers to Thucyd. in the words imme- diately preceding, so he seems to have had in view the same author, in the passage now before us. And though he does not exactly tell us im what the cevEae consisted, yet he says enough to overturn the interpretation of the other term és. proposed by Goeller, segelferlig machen. It is plain from 7,1, 36 and 38. and many passages of the classical writers, that it meant to repair a ship. And from the manner in which Zevé. is there introduced, it is evidently included among verbs of repairing ships. Now caulking scarcely suggests that idea. ‘The same objection lies against the interpreta- tion of Levesque, who takes ézuick. to signify caulking. Still we have rather seen what is not, than what és, the sense, and have, at best, only obtained a general notion of the word, Nowas, unfortunately, classical usage fails us, the best we can do is to make use of what were founded upon it, the inter- pretations of the Scholiasts. Now one of the Scholiasts on our author explains, Zuy@para abraig évSivrec sic 7d cuvexiodar. And again: rdc¢ piv éZevéay dvaredipevac ovcag Kai Cvywpdarwy rposdenssioacg sig suvoxny, &c. But what may be the signification of Zuy#para we have yet to learn. Now though the lexicons only tell us that it signifies the lintel of a door, it no doubt also denoted what is called in Exod. 12, 7. the upper door-post. Now, by analogy, we may very well suppose that it might denote inner blocks, beams, and stays, by which the frame of ships is held together, and which must be renewed on repairing. I cannot at present point out any passage where the word has that signification ; but such is clearly the mean- ing of the primitive Zvydv, though in a metaphorical sense, in Theog. Ad- mon. 513, where he thus addresses a broken-down seaman, who had applied for relief: vyd¢ rou whevpiow i706 Zuya Shoousy iycic. Now when ships grow rickety by time, or wear and tear, they not only require these Zevyépara to be repaired and renewed, but need a sort of inner belting, on which I have treated at Acts, 27, 17. BonSetare typdvro. Thus much may suffice for the Zev. As to the iziok., it presents no real difficulty, since from the way in which it is mentioned (the rag d\Xac éxiok. being opposed to the rade wadade Zev’. it plainly denotes repairs of a minor sort, such as even vessels that are not old require, to fit them for sea, including equipment of every kind. F 2 68 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOCK I. compelled it to surrender’, on condition that the strangers should be sold® for slaves, but the Corinthians be held in custody until some other course should be decided on con- cerning them. XXX. After the battle, the Corcyreans having erected a trophy on Leucimme, a promontory of Corcyra, put to death the rest of the captives whom they had taken, after reserving the Corinthians, whom they kept in bonds. And now after the Corinthians and their allies, being defeated in naval com- bat, had retired homewards, the Corcyreans were masters of the whole sea thereabouts, and sailing to Leucas, the colony? of Corinth, they ravaged part of its territory, and then went and burned Cyllene, the naval arsenal ? of the Eleans, because they had furnished ships and money to the Corinthians. And indeed, after the battle they were masters of the sea, and 7 Compelled it to surrender.] Literally, brought them to agree to terms of surrender. Those who were formerly called Zéyvo., are here called émndvdec; which literally signifies new comers. Pb 8 Sold.} Such was the condition, which, however, was afterwards vio- lated, for they were slain. Reiske, indeed, conjectures dé\eoSa. But that would scarcely be Greek ; and it is highly improbable that such an atrocity should be inserted as a condition of the surrender; whereas, consi- dering the cruelty afterwards evinced by the Coreyreans, it was not un- likely that, in the moment of triumphant elevation occasioned by setting up the trophy, the democratical party should commit this atrocity; perhaps from the deliberate instigation of their leaders, in order thereby to cut off all hope of accommodation with the aristocracy, whether foreign or domestic. On the trophy, see'Potter’s Archeeologia. ' The colony.| The article is here used with reference to the previous mention of the place, though not as a colony of Corinth. - 2 Naval arsenal.| Most ancient cities, it has been before observed (6, 7.), were built away from the sea-coast, in order to be out of the reach of pirates. And the same policy was pursued, and for the same reason, in Spanish America, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Thus Sparta, Messene, Argos, Mycenz, Thebes, Delphi, Sicyon, Megara, and Athens. On the growth, however, of arts and civilisation, and the rise of commerce, these antient sites were found inconvenient, and such as made them unfit to compete with the modern ones on the sea-coast. And the only remedy for it was to build towns on that part of the coast which was nearest to them, to serve as ports and naval stations for the reception and transmission of the imports and exports, and all other commodities. Hence arose such places as Piraeus, Niszea, Nauplia, Gytheum, Lechzeum, pe among the rest, Cyllene. ‘These were, when. possible, connected by walls, Pausan., with a view to this passage, has Ku\Ajvn, iiveor odca’Héiwr. CHAP. XXX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 69 continued for the most part? cruising upon and ravaging the allies of Corinth until the return of summer, when the Corinthians, to sustain the cause of their distressed allies, 3 For the most part.) The sense (which has been missed by Smith) is, that after the sea-fight they were masters of the sea, and evinced them- selves as such, by, for the most part, cruising upon and ravaging the Corin- thian allies, until, &c. There is here a sort of Synchysis not unfrequent in our author. Had the recent editors, Haak, Bekker, and Goeller seen this, they would not have brought back the old reading wepiovre (which had been altered to zepuidyrs by Gottl. on the suggestion of Reiske and Abresch), nor endeavoured from it to introduce the sense (perhaps derived from Palmer, Antiq.) “ supereunte adhuc estate,’ “ what yet remained of the summer,” “ during the remnant of the summer.” It may be doubted whe- ther that sense can be elicited from the words; and, if it could, it would involve such an improbability as to deserve little attention. The season must have been somewhat far advanced at the period of the late engage- ment; for, considering that this was an armament composed of various con- federates, it is not probable that it should have been got ready very early in the season. Then, allowing for the time consumed in the voyage, it 1s not probable that the battle was fought sooner than the end of July, after which (though with what delay we know not) they, it is said, returned home to refit. Now considering how very roughly the fleet had been handled in the late engagement, it is not at all likely that it could have been got ready for any maritime service for the short remainder of the summer. There would have been hardly time for the Corinthian fleet to have returned and taken port, even for a few days, at Actium and Chimerium. Certainly, in such a case, the words which follow, d\Aa rd Séipoe rotro ayrucaSeZopevor, &c., would not be applicable; since, then, the reading in question is so in- consistent with the context, and so highly improbable, scarcely any evidence would suffice to establish it. But here the case is very different. It varies in so slight a degree from the other (zeptidvrr) that MS. testimony is of no weight; in fact, the words are perpetually confounded. And as to the phrase, though it is not found in the lexicons, nor noticed by the critics, yet it has sufficient authority. Thus Xen. Hist. 5, 2, 25. in a kindred pas- sage: meptidyTe O& tviavT@ paivovor madw dpovpay (expeditionem) ézi ry “H\uy. where the very mistake is made; some MSS. reading zepiyrt, which was adopted by Castalio, “ quasi (Schneider remarks) reliqguo anni tempore iterum duxisset exercitum Agis contra Hleds.” Though it is clear, he adds, from what follows, that the time meant must be another season; and so Dodwell. In Plut. Pomp. 38. for weptidv7: of the text some MSS. erro- neously have zepiovrt. On the contrary, in Pausan. 3, 15,5. for weplovriof the text some MSS. read wepiidyrt, which Facius ought to have received into the text. In Arat. Dios. 1145. atsi 0 dy mepibyroc ériavrod apiSpoing Zypara, the second iota is sunk by poetical license. In Herod. 4,155. occurs a kindred phrase: ypdvou 0& meptidyrog, teyévero ot rdic. Schweigh., in his Lex. Herod., also cites it from 2, 121., also 2, 120. 6 kikhoe Tév wpswy ée rwurd mepuiwy. Thus there can be no longer any doubt as to the authority of the phrase in question, which is well rendered by Steph, Th. circumactd estate, redeunte estate. So circumagi is often used by Livy with annus and tempus; e.g. 9, 33. circumactis xvii1. mensibus. And so Virg. An. 3, 284. interea magnum sol circumvolvitur annum. Finally, the above inter- ‘pretation is confirmed by the authority of the antient Greek commenta- tors, who, however, doubtless read weptidy7t, which Dindorf has rightly restored. F 3 70 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. sent a naval and military force, which was stationed at Actium, and about the Chimerium* of Thesprotis, for the defence of Leucas, and such other states as were friendly to them. The Corcyreans took an opposite station, both with a fleet and army, at Leucimme.° Neither party, however, ad- vanced upon the other; but after remaining in opposite stations this whole summer, they each, on the approach of winter, retired homeward. XX XI. During a full year’ after the sea-fight, and the one subsequent to it, the Corinthians, feeling indignant * at this issue of the Corcyrean war, busied themselves in ship- building, and made every preparation in their power for a 4 Chimerium.| This (Palmer observes) appears from the present and ano- ther passage further on, compared with Strabo, |. 7., to have been a promon- tory which closes the west side of the Glykys Limen, not far from the pre- sent town of Phanaro (probably so called from a light-louse formerly there). It is not unlikely that that occupies nearly the site of some town which formerly existed at Chimerium ; tor Palmer infers;from Steph. Byz. giving it a nomen gentile, that it must formerly have had a fown. ‘The name Chi- merium, Palmer thinks, was given to this promontory, from its being a place for ships to winterin: but rather, I imagine, from its wintry and stormy aspect ; since mountainous promontories often attract the clouds. Thus such are frequently what we call cloud-capped, sub. dpowe. Hence also, perhaps, ‘Ipioq, or Xeiuepa, in Sicily. 5 Leucimme.| So called from the whiteness of its cliffs, as the name Albion was given to our own country from the white cliffs of Dover. The appellation was applied to doth the horns of the south of Coreyra; though now the name, Cape Bianco, is given only to the southern one. | A full year—war.| According to the most correct view which I am able to form of the chronology of this part of the history, I would say that the sea-fight took place in the summer of 435, B.C. The position and encampment spoken of at the close of the preceding chapter, oceurred in the summer of 434. ‘The preparations here mentioned seem to have occu- pied: the whole of the year after the battle, and the year after that. Now if the expressions be taken in their literal sense, the preparations must have been brought to a conclusion in the summer of 453; and the subse- quent expedition must be fixed to the same year; and so Diodorus. Yet most chronologists fix the second expedition to 432, And this may be admitted, if by the year after the sea-fight be understood the year 434, and by the year after it, the year 455. Then the year of the second expedition will not be till 432, and of course not before the usual time, namely, late in the spring. 2 Feeling indignant.) I see no reason to abandon the sense commonly ascribed to dpy7 gcpovrec, though some recent philologists take éoy7 to mean animose, with energy and spirit, But though épyj occurs in this sense in Thucydides, yet wé\euoy dépecy does not appear then to have been in use. Whereas dpyy éxetv occurs inl, 2, 8 and 85, CHAP. XXXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ea naval armament; drawing together, by offers of high pay °, mariners both from Peloponnesus and the rest of Greece. The Corcyreans, however, hearing of these preparations, felt alarm, especially as they were confederated with no Grecian power; having entered themselves neither into the Athenian nor the Lacedemonian league. Hence it seemed prudent for them to have recourse to the Athenians, and by assenting to their alliance, endeavour to obtain their assistance. This, however, coming to the ears of the Corinthians, they also sent an embassy to Athens, lest the addition of the Athenian navy to the Corcyreans should prevent them from bringing the war to any favourable issue. On anassembly* being met, the opposite orators proceeded to debate on the great question, and the Corcyreans spoke to the following effect : — XXXII.’ “ It is but just, O Athenians, that those who, as we now do, address themselves to others”, to entreat succour, without the claims previously due® from signal benefits or 3 High pay.| This seems implied in the words épérac puod@ reiSorrec. There is a similar passage in 1, 143. s&&—puoS@ peSov reppo@rro rjpov uToaPety Tode E€vouc TOY VaUTOY. 4 Assembly.| On this see Potter’s Archezol., or the Travels of Ana- charsis. 5 To the following effect.| Such is the true force of rode: for our historian does not profess to record the very words used. See supra, p. 50. note 5. Of the pair of orations now laid before the reader, the Scho- liast justly remarks, that that of the Corcyrean orator urges the argument of expediency rather than of justice ; that of the Corinthians is founded on justice rather than expediency. For the Corinthians were, indeed, allies, but the Corcyreans had a navy of 120 ships. 1 The exordium of the present oration must be considered very mas- terly; and it has been much admired. The commentators have failed to remark, that it was had in view by Livy, 1.7, 50., in the oration to the Campanians. The beginning of it is imitated by Sallust, p. 137. edit. Maittaire, “ Omnes qui secundis rebus ad belli societatem orantur conside- rare debent, liceatne tum pacem agere,” &c. » Others.) It is strange that the antient interpreters should take the wéXac figuratively It is rather to be understood popularly, with reference to ail those with whom we have any intercourse. 3 Previously due, rpoopeopévncg —evepynoriac.| It is strange that Reiske should have doubted whether the word zpoogeiiw were used jby any Greek author, and have had recourse to critical emendation. The word occurs in Herod. 5, 82. and 6, 59. Aristoph. Lys. 648. Av. 5. Eurip. Heracl. 241. Iph. Taur. 523. Aristid. T. 2, 156. Besides, the present reading is defended by an imitation in Pausan. 1, 12, 2. rpovapyotvone piv ic abroy evepyeciac, and others which I could point out. It is remarkable, that in Herod. 5, 82. it should be used in malam partem. 1) x3pn 4 mpoogeropévyn ec ’AInvaiove, F 4 72 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. antient alliance, should, first of all, make it appear that what they ask is advantageous to, or at least involves no detriment to, the grantors; and next, that they will have the favour securely laid up for future return.* But, if they can establish neither of these points, they must not take it ill if their suit should be rejected. Now the Corcyreans have sent us hither to entreat your alliance, fully persuaded that they shall be able to establish these preliminaries to your satisfaction. It has chanced °, however, that a line of conduct has prevailed among us which is zrratzonal 6, when viewed with reference to our interests as regards you, and, as concerns the present state of our affairs, prejudicial. For, having never chosen 7” aforetime to be the allies of any, we come now as suitors for the alliance of others, being, on that very account, left desti- tute of help in this our necessity, even this war with the Corinthians. And thus our former seeming prudence, in not where Wessel. would not have conjectured zpooo¢., had he recollected this passage of Thucydides, and also that of Eurip, Iph. Taur. 523., capoi yap 1 mpovdurer kaxdy; which seems to be ridiculed by Aristoph. Av. 3. Kaxdy dpa raic TAEupaic Te Tpobpetrec péya. a7 ; 4 Have the favour — return.] The sense of the original is somewhat un- certain, and will depend upon what is taken as the subject of the assertion. It is most natural to suppose it to be the same as that of the preceding clause, i. e. “the persons who ask the favour.” And so think almost all the commentators. But what isthe most natural construction has, in ourauthor, sometimes the least semblance of truth. Neither can any suitable sense thus be elicited from the words. I am, therefore, inclined to agree with the Scholiast, who evidently refers it to the persons who confer the favour. He, too, explains yap by avriyapy, i. e. the return made for the favour. There, however, | do not agree with him. The sense seems to be this: “They (i. e. the granters) shall have the favour they have conferred securely laid up with the grantee, and be sure of a return.” This is con- firmed by what follows, c. 53. we dy padwora per’ asysvhorov papruptou ri)y xapw karaSnoSe; and Schol. on Pind. Olymp. 7, 1. dua rod dupou dperousyny xapw améowoac, and elsewhere. Also by Livy, 7, 30., who seems to have an eye to this passage: “ beneficium quoque acceptum colamus oportet.” ° It has chanced — prejudicial.| ‘This obscure and difficult passage is thus translated by Goeller: “es hat sich aber getroffen, dass unser bishe- riges Verfahren fiir unser Begehren in der Noth bey euch schlecht be- griindet ist, und zugleich fiir unsere gegenwartige Verhaltnisse unvor- theilhaft.” | } 8 Irrational, ddoyov.| For it would seem absurd that those who had aforetime minded only their own affairs, and selfishly consulted their own interest only, should now expect assistance from others in the hour of need. Hpd¢ tac, in your view.” "Ec rijyv ypeiay, “ quod attinet ad,” &c. 7 For, never having chosen.| ‘This sentence is exegetical of the preceding, and shows in what respects their custom was irrational and prejudicial. CHAP. XXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 73 engaging in alliance with others, that we might not, at their discretion, come into danger, has turned out to have been stark folly and weakness.®° It is true, that in the late sea- fight we, by ourselves, defeated the Corinthians; but since they are earnestly bent on making an attack upon us with a greater force, collected from Peloponnesus, and the rest of Gieece; and we perceive ourselves to be unable, by our own streneth alone, to survive the contest 9: and when we consider how fearful is the danger of being subjugated by our foes, necessity impels us to implore your aid, and that of every other state. And excusable may we be well thought, if we now adventure upon a daring course, so contrary to our former creeping maxims; which, however, originated not so much in evil intention '°, as in error of judgment." XXXII. ‘ Should you, then’, grant our boon, this re- lief of our necessity” cannot but in many respects redound to your honour. First ®, because ye will render this assistance & Turned out — weakness.| By weakness is meant, per meton., the cause of our weakness. ‘To the imitations of this passage, adduced by the com- mentators from Dionys. Hal., I add Procop. p. 256, 15. @Ad weptiornKer 1} Tore OoKovoa iuadv sehyywpoobyn viy avoia pavopnévyn. See also 216, 4. 9 Survive the contest.| Soc.55.% piv ody Képxupa otrw mepiyiyvera TY woh. 10 Evil intention.| Such is the sense of kaxia, which corresponds to the Latin malitia. See my note on Rom. 1,29. Bauer renders it inertia, ig- navia. But such rather applies to the azpaypootivn just after, which denotes a low, creeping, grovelling course of action. \ Error of judgment, ddgac apapria.] So Aischyl. Agam. 480. gpevir apapria. See my note on John, 8, 48. 1 Should you then, Sc.]| Goeller observes, that in these words are contained three reasons why an alliance between the Corcyreans and Athe- nians will be to the latter both honourable and useful. If this remark be well founded, the cad») must mean both honourable and advantageous. 2 Relief of our necessity.| Literally, meeting or supply of our necessity. There was no reason why the scribes and critics should have stumbled at the expression, and devised new readings and interpretations: the former of which are needless, and the latter little to the purpose. They would have hazarded neither the one nor the other, had they sufficiently appre- ciated the value of antient authority, as found in the Scholiast ; or remem- bered the imitation in Lucian, pointed out by Goeller, to which I add Plu- tarch T. Grach. 6. yoSévrec ry EvyTuyia rie xpeiac, and Vit. Arat. c. 54. irHvTnoe TH TOE TpPdc THY ypsiav. As to the transposition, no one con- versant with our author can stumble at that. 3 First.| It is observed by the Scholiast, that the orator puts the argu- ments deduced from justice first, 74: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. to the cnjured, and not the dyurers: and then, by receiving into your protection those whose dearest interests are at stake, you will effectually lay up the favour with an everduring pledge of remembrance.t We possess, too, a navy the most considerable, save your own, [in Greece]. And consider, what rarer good fortune * can befall you, or what more bitter to your enemies than this, that the power whose accession you would have valued® beyond much treasure and obligation, should now come voluntarily and offer itself without danger or cost: and moreover conferring, as to mankind in general’, reputation®; as to those whom ye will succour, favour; and as to yourselves, strength. Few, indeed, are those in the re- cords of time past? in whom these advantages have been united; few are there of those who sue for alliance, who come, as we do, to give to, rather than to receive security and credit from, those whom they call in to their aid. And as to the war wherein we may be useful, if any one of you thinks that it will not take place, he errs in his judgment, and does not con- sider that the Lacedemonians, through fear of your power, seek 4 Lay up—remembrance.| Such is the literal sense, which, more fully evolved, signifies: “ you will confer a favour, which will be laid up and re- posed in persons whose preservation will be an everlasting testimony of the favour so conferred.” On the phrase ydpw karariSeo3a I would compare Herod. 6, 41. Coxéovrec yap peyadnv KaradSynoeota rp Bao. See also Herodian, 6, 9, 2. 2,3, 15. Lucian, 3,619. Diod. Sic. 6, 481. 5 Rarer good fortune.] ‘This elegant passage is imitated by Aristid, Panath. 1, 231. B. cairoe rig rpoSupia Aapmporépa, Tic eipuyia pavEepwrépa. See Hom. Il. 1, 476., cited by the Schol. 6 Appreciated — treasure.| ‘The Scholiast and Suid. explain ériuno. by nyopaoare, for which they are censured by Stephens. But they seem not to have had the zpo in their copies, which is here very significant, and is defended and illustrated by many classical examples, which I shall adduce in my edition; and, indeed, is rejected by no critic. Hence, there is the less excuse for Smith in omitting it. Is it possible that he can have chosen, for once, to consult and follow the Scholiast ! I will only observe, that this whole passage is closely imitated by Agath. p. 79. s. f. 7 Mankind in general.) Such, I think, with Goeller, is here the sense of the expression ot zoddoi; as is, indeed, apparent, from its standing in opposition to the Corcyreans and Corinthians. ® Reputation.| Not glory, as is commonly rendered, but the reputation of liberality, (for such is frequently the sense of dperi). So several antient Jexicographers cited by Goeller, explain it eddogia, or d&iwou ripe aperije. 9 In the records of time past.| Such is the force of 7 zayri, for which several MSS. have wapéy7. But wayri is defended and illustrated by Dionys. Hal. 1, 162, 51. 6 6: réyrwy piv torw Ieioroy avSparoww, oraviwg | 06 Tiowy tk TOU wapEehYbyToc aidvoc tEeyéveEro. CHAP. XXXIII. _THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 75 to go to war with you'®, and that the Corinthians, who have most influence with them, are hostile to you"’, and begin with us first, with a view to an attack upon you, that we, through common enmity, may not stand by each other in resisting their encroachments, and that they may not be disappointed in one or other of their views, either to humble us, or confirm their own power.’? Our business’®, then, it must be to anticz- 10 Seek to go to war with you.] Such is the force of zrodeu., which is one of the verbs desiderative, often used by our author, like those in wrio of the Latin, and the conjugation *772D in the Hebrew. With the ¢68y r@ dpertom may be compared the ») ri}yv dperépay cavxnowy, in 1 Cor. where Koppe. \1 Are hostile to you.| The causes of this are detailed in Mitford’s Greece. 12 That they may not—— power. | Such | believe to be the sense of this difficult passage, the perplexity of which, Herman thinks has been occa- sioned by the author’s avoiding a repetition of ¢3aca, which ought, pro- perly, to have had a place after both the js. If so, p3dcac is now to be taken by itself, and depends upon wore understood, in the sense, “so that they may not miss of two things in which to be beforehand with us.” “ Now (says Poppo) he who would not miss of two things, he, if he can- not get two, wishes to have one. Whence, ‘that they may not miss of two,’ is equivalent to ‘that they may obtain one.’” And he thus expresses the sense: “neve duobus, que sibi parent, excidant, sed alterutrum potius prius, quam in Athenienses impelum faciant, consequantur, vel hoc ut Cor- cyreeos, si iis resistant et cedere nolint, malis afficiant vel hoc, ut seipsos, si Corcyrei perterriti tis subjiciantur, corroborent atque potentiam suam augeant.” In short, the only real difficulty is in ¢Sdoa, of which the Scholiast says there is an hyperbaton; though, in its present position, it is better to point it off thus, gSaca, and take it for sic, or mpdc, Td pSaoa. There is also an ellipsis of Sarép0v. The sense of this cropped sentence, if expressed at fall length, would have been, pndé dveiv apdprwow, addrA9a Sarepoy oSdowow, 7), &c. As examples of this idiom, Goeller adduces Soph. E]. 1312., and Andoc. Or. de Myst. 13 Our business.] I have, with the recent editors, adopted the reading npérepov, not so much from its being found in most MSS. (for in such mis nutiz MS. authority is of little weight), as because it seems most suitable to the words following. This reading the editors might have supported by a passage in Herod. 5,1., which our author probably had in view: Nov mperepov To épyov, &c. Yet Herodian, 1, 5,19., has ipérepoy ijdn epyor ebpely THY adySeav; and | confess that jpérepoy is more agreeable to what pres ceded. The formula 7d gpyov, with a possessive pronoun, is learnedly illus- trated by Valckn. on Eurip. Ph. 447. The whole passage is imitated by Procop. p. 47, 52. and others. indeed all the verbs used in this sentence are rare; and seldom found but in imitations of this passage. Amidst a variety of critical illustrations I will only adduce the following passages, which re- gard the sentiment : — Justin, 1.16, 1. “ Priorem se petitum ab Alexandro adlegat; nec fecisse se, sed occupasse insidias.” A. Gell. 7, 5. ‘ Beneficia promissa opperiri oportet, neque ante remunerari quam facta sunt. IJnjurias autem imminentes preecavisse justum est, et magis quam expectavisse.” It not impossible that Thucydides has in view the terse and pithy dict of Soph. Cid. Tyr. 617. “Oray raxtc rio ddrBovdrAcbwy AGSpa Xwpy, raydy Cet Kapé Bovredety war. . 76 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. pate them, and, by mutually interchanging engagements of alliance, to foreplot rather than counterplot their machinations. XXXIV. “ But if they urge, that it is not just for you to receive into confederacy their colonists, let them learn’ that every colony, so long as it meets with good usage, honours the parent state; when injuriously treated, is alienated from it.2 For? colonists are not sent out to be slaves, but to be on a footing of equality with those who remain behind. Now that 4 zhey have been the injurers in respect of us is plain; for when we had invited them to a judicial determination of our differences concerning Epidamnus, they chose to follow up ° their accusations by war, rather than substantiate them by any equitable procedure. And let their treatment of us, united as we are by bonds of consanguinity, serve as an example for 1 Let them learn.| Namely, ‘ what it seems they know not, and are slow in apprehending.’ Stephens has alone perceived this idiom, which is also found in 1 Tim. 5, 4. pavSavirwoay mprov roy Wduy oikoy evosBeiy; where see my note. 2 Every colony — from it.| This is a maxim which ought never to be absent from the recollection of those who are called upon to govern colo- nies, and which of itself is sufficient to regulate the conduct of parent states. It is good treatment alone which can prevent that alienation likely in time to occur, especially when the parent state and the colony are widely separated ; since distance of situation occasions separate, and even opposite, interests; and in the ardour of competition, and the conflict of clashing interests, the affection even of consanguinity grows cold, and then nought but the endearing recollection of that hand which guided their in- fant steps, and “led them up to man,” can preserve any sort of attach- ment. 3 For.] The yap has reference to a clause omitted; q. d. “and to this kind treatment they are justly entitled, for they are not,” &c. In the they of the original (for which I have substituted colonists) the construction is ad sensum. 'The passage is imitated by Procop. p. 106, 4. ‘ 4 Now that they, §c.] The doctrine just laid down the orator now applies to the case of the Corinthians ; and here, perhaps, there is an anticipation of the objection, that the alienation was produced by injurious treatment on the part of the Corcyreans. The argument proceeds upon the principle er those who decline judicial scrutiny, thereby tacitly proclaim their guilt. 5 Follow up. Literally, urge forward. The term cannot possibly mean meet, as it 1s rendered in the Lex. Thucyd. I would illustrate it from ZEschyl. Choeph, 975. Blomf. we réve éyw perprASov évdikwc popoy, Tov untpdc, AtyioSou yap ob Néyw pdpoy, where the learned editor remarks : “‘Verbum forense, In judicio accusatus dicebatur 6 gesywy, accusator erat 6 dudxwy.” Tadd Dio Cass. 549, 2, doove pdern dzoypiy eyedypare perereiv édtvayro. . CHAP. XXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 77 your instruction ®, so that ye may not be led astray’ by their sophistry, but may at once and flatly deny ° them the assistance they entreat. For he who repents the seldomest of gratifying the wishes of his foes, will pass through life with most security.? XXXV. “ But, furthermore, neither will you break the treaty with the Lacedemonians by receiving us, since we are allies of neither party. For in that it is expressed, that what- ever of the Grecian states is confederate with neither, shall be 8 For your instruction.] i_e. as a proof what you may expect. The spiv is a dativus commodi ; q. d. for your information as to what you may expect. 7 Led astray — entreat.| Such seems to be the full sense of awary pi} mapayecSat, which is strangely rendered by Portus, “ ne ab ipsis in fraudem inducamini;” which misled Hobbes, who translates, “not to be made their instrument.”? But the Corinthians did not so much ask the Athenians to assist them in subduing the Corcyreans, as they attempted to show them that they ought not to interfere in the dispute between a colony and the mother country. 8 Flatly deny, &c.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of the difficult ex- pression of the original, which is omitted by Hobbes. Its obscurity was increased by an error in the reading, eiSéwe for ed9éoc, which has been rightly emended by Bekker, but has, most injudiciously, been restored by Goeller, who assigns the following sense: “ Auxilium vero vestrum implo- rantibus ne statim sine heesitando preebeatis.”’ But this is scarcely sense at all, and certainly not that of the author. Still worse is the ex tempore of Portus. Besides, «sSéwe, which Goeller has brought back, is so far from being supported by authority, that I suspect it to have been a typographical error of the early editions. No authority, indeed, would be sufficient to establish it, since it is quite ungrammatical. EvSéo¢ is clearly the true reading ; and the sense was alone seen by Gottleb., who renders it by “sine mora et hesitatione.’? Perhaps, too, this is meant by the doxéarwe of the Scholiast. As Gottleb. and Bekker have omitted to establish the phrase by authority, and such is not found in the lexicons, I shall add a few exam- ples. Aristid. T. 2,525, tx rov ebSéiocg simeivy, and 1, 44. 5,618. Procop. p. 23. et seepe. Arrian EK. A. 17, 4. Hence is illustrated Eurip. Hipp. 494. roy svSbv teureiv M6yov, where Monk says it is for am’ edSéog (or, rather, he should have said, ad rod ebSéioc) And indeed our author himself, 1.5,45., has dzd rod ebSé0c Neydpeva; where, however, the same mistake occurs in some MSS. Indeed the scribes seem to have been leagued against the phrase; and what is more, their blunders defile the text of not a few passages of the classical writers. Thus in Pausan. 7,12,1. and 14, 4. é« Tov evSiwg wohiwoy dpacSa has been retained, and gravely defended by Kuhn. So in Niceph. Hist. p. 13., Paris, the editors retain é« rod eSéwe ; as also in Heliod. 2,241, 2. ie rod evSéwe oewopoupévn, where the sense is, “ bluntly reprimanded.” And the «%. is illustrated by the passage of Eurip. above cited, where the sense is, to speak out the blunt and downright word, love. Smith has here stumbled upon the true sense of the phrase ; but, with his usual ill-fortune, refers the words to the Corcyreans. 9 For he—security.] It is truly observed by Dionys. Hal. 782, 14. Kpeiaowy mpovola Tig meTapedeiac. ° 78 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. at liberty to accede to whichever alliance it may please. And hard indeed were it if shey must be at liberty to man their ships both from their confederates and from the rest of Greece (and, in no small degree, from your subjects), but we must be excluded both from the alliance we propose’, and also from every aid elsewhere to be derived. What then, they will, forsooth, account it an zyustice if you be persuaded to grant our suit! ‘True; but we shall have a much greater cause of complaint if you grant it zot.? For ye will reject our suit who are in danger ®, and are not your enemies; but of those who are your foes, and ready to attack you, ye will not only be no hinderers, but will even suffer them to add to their forces from your own dominions (a thing truly unjust); whereas, perfectly right were it that you should either hinder them from raising mercenaries out of your territory, or else send succours to us, in whatever mode you may be inclined to do it; or rather, and chiefly, that you openly receive us as allies, and succour us. Now many are the advantages (as we hinted at the commencement of our discourse) which we have to show; the principal whereof (and the surest pledge of mutual fidelity*) is, that the same persons are enemies to us 1 We propose.) Or aim at. Such is, I think, the force of the somewhat uncertain expression zpoxeévync, which is rendered by Portus, presenti ; by Smith, most inviting. The version 1 bave adopted is defended by Plut. T. 9, 96. cited in Steph. Thes. airn yap abroi¢c rpobcero 1) dddc, and Galen, mpokeiwevoc oxd7roc. See also other examples there adduced from Isocr., Herodian, Polyb., and other writers. 2 What then — grant it not.] 1 have here seen no reason to deviate from the punctuation of the editors up to Bredov. and Haack, who place a comma after wdedsiac, and consequently suspend Shoovra, &c. on the ei preceding. I dv not deny but that instances may be found to countenance this, where eira comes in at the close of a train of objections or objurgations. But here the preceding sentence is so evidently dimembris, that to tack to, this clause, gives it a very awkward air; whereas, according to the old punctuation, there is infinitely more spirit. ‘The «ira has the force treated on by Hoogev. de Part. p. 211, 8. on “ objections by interruption,” guid enim / Now here the objection of the adversary is first stated, and then answered. If the new punctuation be admitted, the version of Smith will best represent the sense. 3 In danger.) It was thought by the Greeks disgraceful to refuse the request of persons in peril and supplicants for aid. 4 Surest pledge of mutual fidelity.| Such seems to be the sense of this difficult clause, which Portus, by rendering card zéda, contrives to elude. The versions of Hobbes, “ which is manifest enough,” and Smith, “ a point too clear to require proof,” are intelligible, but scarcely apt, or worthy of the author. Now zrior, among its other senses, has that of bond, pledge, CHAP. XXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 79 both®, and those not weak, but able to make deserters ® from their alliance feel the weight of their resentment; and when a nautical, and not land alliance is offered you, the consequence of rejection is not alike. Yea, rather, your principal aim ought to be, to suffer, as far as you are able, no other state to possess a navy, or, at least, whoever may be the strongest in that arm’, such to make your friend. assurance, &c.; as 4, 74 and 86.; and that seems to be the true sense here. The version I have adopted, is also confirmed by Gail and Haack. “Orsp, which thing, i. e. our having the same common enemy. This sentiment is equally profound and true; for the Stagyrite somewhere says that “ there is no surer means to abate enmity, or restore decayed friend- ship, than to have the same common enemy.’’ 5 The same — both.]| Such seems to be the sense of this awkward clause, The reading 7piv is supported by the best MSS., and adopted by all the recent editors; and with reason, since wiv offers a far weaker sense. The chief difficulty is contained in the jay, for which one should rather expect siow. Now Kistem. takes it for jjoav dv; as, in Latin and German, the imperfect is put for the subjunctive pluperfect. And he assigns the follow- ing sense: “ foret nobis idem hostis, si inire nobiscum societatem velletis.”’ But this is a very precarious solution. I should rather suppose that the imperfect is used with reference to what went before; q. d.“ and as | at first adverted to the advantages of this alliance, and showed that the same persons were enemies to us both.’ Since, however, it is impossible to ex- press this in a translation, 1 have used the present time, by which there is no real alteration of sense. The argument then, is, that they both have the same persons for their enemies, and therefore ought to stand by each other. 6 Deserters.| The word peracrdyrac does not equally apply to both. The Corcyreans might be called deserters, the Athenians seceders. It may, indeed, seem strange that a withdrawing from alliance should incur such heavy wrath and punishment. But it must be remembered that alliance or confederacy then implied the subserviency, if not subjection, of several small states to the leading member of a league. Now any withdrawing from this was tantamount to a shaking off subjection; and as the retiring member must pass over to another, and perhaps hostile confederacy, it involved enmity. And though this does not apply to the case of the Athenians in respect to the Corinthians, yet in the then state of Grecian politics, any disavowal of alliance, in its proper import, was an avowal of hostility, and little less than a declaration of war. See Book V. throughout. 7 Strongest in that arm.] This seems to be the closest version of éxupwra- roc, or, as perhaps we ought to read from the early editions and some MSS. 6xvper-, a word which is found in the best writers of the Old Attic, as the dramatists, Xenophon, and others. So Blomfield on AXschyl. Pers. 79. edits dyupoicr, and rightly remarks on éyvpoior, “ que scriptura ubicunque occurrit in alterum reformanda est, quicquid Wass. ad Thucyd. 1, 35. et alii dixerint.” The learned editor, of course, means, every where in the Old Attic writers. I cannot, therefore, approve of its being brought by Irmisch into Herodian, 1, 8, 6., though he has collected much matter to establish the use of dyvp., which is assuredly the more antient term, and was applied both to things and persons. 80 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. XXXVI. “ And whosoever shall judge that the course of proceeding pointed out is indeed expedient, but fears lest by yielding to it he shall break the treaty, let him consider that his fear, if accompanied with strength, will rather intimi- date his foes; but that his courage, having, if he rejects us, less strength, will be the less an object of fear to powerful enemies}; and withal [reflect] that he is now deliberating not so much for Corcyra as for Athens, and that he does not fore- cast the best for her future welfare, in reference to an ap- proaching and all but present? war, when, by considering ° 1 And whosoever —enemies.}| Such appears to me the true sense of this obscure passage, which has not a little perplexed the translators and interpreters. In determining its meaning, we are to bear in mind that it is one of those acute dicta which not unfrequently occur in the orations of Thucydides; and, consequently, ought not to be too rigorously interpreted, since something of accuracy and truth is usually sacrificed to a witty turn, or a pointed antithesis. Had the commentators kept this principle in view, it might have assisted them in more successfully coping with the_ real difficulty of the passage, with which they have adventured to close. Haack remarks, that ro dedwe is “ fear lest the enemy avenge the broken treaty,” and Sapcovy is “ self-sufficient confidence.’’? ‘This may be true as far as it goes; yet the commentators all fail in seizing the complete sense, though each may have successfully discovered the truth in parts. Now I appre- hend that the chief difficulty centres in 76 péy dedwWe abrod, ioxdy ~xoy; and the best mode of removing it will be to consider that in conjunction with its antithetical clause 76 6& Sapooty pn OeEapévov aoSevic oy. In the latter, the words ju deZapévov are, I think, exegetical, and meant to disclose the dvavoia concealed under the pyrdv, or expressed. And therefore the words should be pointed thus: ré dé Sapoovy, jury OeEapévov, aoSevic dv. The construction is: rd O& Sapoody (adbrov) pur) SeZapévov (adrod ypdc). “ His confidence, if he does not receive us.” ‘The sense of the clause is thus apparent, and the only way to make the antithetical one clear also, is to express some similar exegetical words, which being omitted, and left to be understood, have caused all the difficulty. Now these are dsfapévou spac, which being supplied make all plain, and are only omitted, because they seem implied in the words following, icydy éyor, i. e. if it have the strength resulting from receiving us. To Sapoovy is that self-sufficient confidence which might lead the Athenians so to rely on their strength, as not to break the treaty for the sake of adding to it. Now that might well be called weak, as being productive of less strength, and therefore less the object of apprehension, especially to the powerful. Finally adséorepoy, in spite of Haack’s demur, must have the sense non formidandum, as was pointed out by Gottleb., and long before him by the Scholiast. ? All but present.) . Such is the closest sense of dcov od rapévra, which is probably the true reading; though I cannot dismiss the bcoy otzw with so little ceremony as it is done by Duker, and the late editors; for, to the authority of the Marg. and one MS. I have to add that such must have been read by Appian, who almost copies this passage at Bell. Civ. tom. 2. 459, 60. and 886, 21. I would observe, that od ra kpdriora is put, by an, elegant Atticism, for rade. 3 Considering.| Literally, looking round at, surveying. See St. Thes. noy. edit., to whose examples I add Dio Cass, 821, 10. CHAP. XXXVI. .THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 81 only the present, he hesitates to adjoin to him‘ a state whose friendship or whose enmity must be most critical >, situated, as it is, so opportunely for the passage ® to Italy and Sicily, j at it can hinder the approach of any navy thence to Pelo- — ponnesus, and further’ the passage of any one hence to that destination ; not to mention its commodiousness for many other purposes. ** But to sum up the whole argument, both as to generals and particulars °, in the briefest compendium, hence may you learn not to reject our alliance. There being but three navies of any consideration in Greece, yours, and ours, and that of the Corinthians, if you permit two of those to be united into 4 Adjoin.| Literally, adjoin to oneself, gain. : 5 Critical.] Kapdc signifies properly a point of time, the tempus op- portunum (from caw, pungo); and thence it denotes a crisis, what is most momentous either for good or evil. So 2, 42. cai ov édaxiorov Karpov Toxne, &c. 6 Opportunely for the passage.| Xen. Hist. 6, 2, 9. has almost the same words, and with the same arguments respecting Corcyra: ceiodatév kaddtorw Tov ei¢ Hekomévvyooy ad Lixediac Taparrov. The passage is also (to omit Abresch’s citations from Procop. and Dio Cass.) imitated by Pausan. 3, 2, 7. Ta TONopaTa—iv émtkaipw Tov wapdmhov. and 7, 18, 5. Tov mapamdov vouifwy Kad&e ripe Udrpac. Menand. Hist. émirndeiwe éxovoa Séoewc. So also Thucyd. 3, 92. In this and such cases zepi or évexa is to be supplied, Angl. for. In Latin it is expressed by the dativus commodi; as in Tacit. Agr. 24. “ Hibernia — Gallico quoque mari opportuna.” _I should not have noticed this, but that I wished to rescue the passage from rash emendations, or mistaken constructions. 71 Further.) Literally, set on its course, convoy. See the numerous ex- amples in Steph. Thes. At 76 évSévde must be repeated vaurucdy. By évdévde is meant, not Peloponnesus, as Hobbes thought, but Athens. It is observa- ble that the Corcyreans seem to have guessed at the ambitious designs of the Athenians respecting Sicily and Italy, which, indeed, were so much the more excusable, since as their great political rivals were intent upon exclud- ing them from Greece, so they endeavoured to make interest in what might be called a new Greece; and had this purpose been steadily pursued under the prudent guidance of Pericles, and not hurried forward to wild and Quixotic adventures by the democratical party, it might have been well for Athens, and indeed for Greece itself. . 8 Both — particulars.| Such seems to be the sense of the clause roic¢ re Lipract, kai kad’ Eeacrov. So our great poet, “To sum the whole, the close of all.’ The Scholiast, Smith, Poppo, and Haack refer it to persons, not things, rendering, “ for all and each of you.” But that is frigid and inept. I agree with the older commentators, who refer it to things, 1.e. momenta. Though I cannot, with Gottleb., understand éy. The géuaaou is rather a dative of object, for ; and ca éxacroy is also an adverbial phrase. There is also an ellipsis of iva Nywpev. Kepadaioyr signifies a compendium or sum- ‘mary; as Appian, 1, 426,2., imitated hence. “Ey xeg. often occurs with- out Bodye. Sometimes the ced. is omitted; as in Eurip. Suppl. 566 BovAe cuvayw wuSov iv Boayer, VOL. I. G 82 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. one, by letting the Corinthians first seize us, you will have to engage with the Peloponnesians and Corcyreans combined ; but, if you receive us, you will be enabled to maintain the con- test against them with a superiority of force.”9 Thus spake the Corcyreans; and after them the Corinthians, to the following effect : — XXXVII. “ Since these Corcyreans’ have not contented themselves with haranguing ? on the subject of your receiving them, but have thought fit to represent that we have treated them injuriously, and now unjustly go to war with them, it is necessary for us first to consider both these points, ere we proceed to the rest of what we have to say; and that in order that you may previously become the better acquainted with the nature of our request, and may not unadvisedly, and without good reason, reject their petition.* ® Superiority of force.| Such is, I believe, the true sense of meioge vavoi, and not merely, as it is rendered by all translators, “ with more ships,’ which would be frigid and inept; and the reading of most MSS. and edi- tions raic iperépace makes worse of it. The orator did not mean to tell them that, after the addition of the Corcyrean fleet, they would have more ships wherewith to fight against the Corinthians, but that they would have a superiority of force. For though there were but three navies in Greece, yet it might have happened that two out of the three being united, would not have been equal in force to the third. Whereas, by the union of the Athenians and Corcyreans, there would be a superiority of force against the Corinthians. Thus at zAzioo. we must understand rHy KopeSiwy or rér Hekorovyynctwy; for, by substituting Peloponnesians for Corinthians, the orator takes for granted that the Athenians will also be at war with the Peloponnesians. I would compare a similar passage of Soph. El. 1370. O° épeeerov, PoovriZeos we robrote re Kal copwréporc GdXote TAELOT paxorvpEvot. 1 These Corcyreans.| The pronoun is here and just after, and indeed often in the best writers, used contemptim; and the omission of the article tends. to the same effect. ® Haranguing.| Literally, making their harangue. The article is for the possessive pale ae 3 Both these points.| In which they will show, first, that the Athenians cannot in justice receive the Corcyreans ; and, secondly, that they are not treated worse than their deserts. The plural is used, because, though only one was the speaker, yet, since he was accompanied (as we may infer from e. 51.) by several ovpzpeoBeic who were the representatives of the whole state, both propriety and decorum required that he should use the plural number. ‘Thus at 1. 3, 52. fin. the Platzeans, requesting to speak in arrest of judgment, are said to have appointed Astymachus their spokesman; yet it is added, cai éredSdvrec Heyov rordde, and he in his oration uses the plural, as being the representative of the rest. * Request — petition.] Bredow remarks that déiwow denotes a request of CHAP. XXXVII- THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 83 ** Now they say° that it was for prudential reasons ® that they have hitherto declined the alliance of any state; whereas this their practice proceeded from mere villainy’, not from any laudable motive, but as not caring to have any as aiders in, and therefore witnesses of, their iniquities, nor to be put to the blush at calling them in to do evil.® And their city, withal, placed as it is in a situation self-sufficient °, and independent of foreign aid, makes them judges of those whom right and equity; xpsiay, a petition of necessity. Ifso,the former might be rendered claim ; but as afiwow ydpiroe occurs a little further on, I have preferred request. 5 Now they say.] Or, “they say then.” The oé has the inchoative sense. 6 Prudential reasons.| This is so evidently (from c. 32.) the sense in- tended, that one would wonder how Gail could render the term sagesse. 7 Villany.| Kakovpyia answers to the malitia of the Latin (not our malice), and denotes, like it, deliberate wickedness, proceeding on plan and principle. 8 Nor to be put —evil.| Such seems to be the sense of this awkward passage, of which the very variety of readings shows how much it puzzled the antients, asit has donethe moderns. Of these, however, zapakadovyrec is the only one that bears the impress of truth. Indeed upon this the recent editors and commentators are agreed, though not upon the sense. The question is, at what they would have blushed? At calling in allies, when they had acted as allies to none; say Gottleb., Kistemm., and Goeller. Or, because they would have been put to the blush at their seeing their crimes, and admonishing them to the contrary. But the former is too frigid and feeble; and the latter was already expressed in odd: pdp- rupa éyew, nor can it be elicited from the words. The most natural and only justifiable interpretation seems to be that of Bauer and Haack, which I have adopted. The sentiment contained in 0002 udprupa éyew is illustrated by Eurip. Hipp. 405, 6. got yap ein pare KavSavey Kara pnr aicypa dpwoy paorupac modXovc yey. And the words ore zap. aioy. by Kurip. Hipp. 1001. éricrapat pirowe xphoat— otow aidoc pyr émayyéXew ckaxd (petere inho- nesta) pir’ avSumoupyety aicyoa roiot ypwpévouc. Where the old reading aayyédXdev (which was judiciously restored by Monk, though again thrown out by Matthiz) is confirmed and illustrated by this passage of ‘Thucydides. 9 Self-sufficient, and, §c.] Such is the full sense contained in airdpen, which the Scholiast, Portus, Smith, and others strangely misconceive. They assign to it the sense suitable to, correspondent to. But this signification of the word is very questionable; for, though it is found in Hederic (not in Stephens), yet, in the passage by him referred to, it bears no such sense. I cannot omit to observe, that in the words of the Scholiast there is an error which it is strange should have escaped so many critics. vpBaiver is susceptible of no suitable sense. I confidently propose cvppove. Or we may supply appdrrwy after roXirwr. So further On, doporrer avrav TH yvojy. Here may be compared 2, 36. where Athens is called Aw roi¢ ricw— Kai tc Todor Kai é¢ eionvny avrapKecrarny. Gu 84 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. they injure !°, further than the compacts of civil society permit. For though they very rarely visit the coasts of their neigh- Tasos thsdecrtuineebsnmennetsbtess sates dru testar-n senna enensonrtei eas eS OC TIT COSTE DAS ee 10 Judges — injure, §c.] There are no less than ¢hree terms in this short sentence, of which, though they may, nay must present difficulty to most readers, the commentators have omitted to treat, except the last, and that very inadequately. These are, duaordc, PAdrrovor, and EvySheac. The explanation of them is connected with that of the terms xaxoupyia, and déduipara, &c., just before. These, it may be observed, are harsh terms, and the charges seem very serious. Yet on all this, the commen- tators preserve an altum silentium. Now, we are justified in supposing that much of exaggeration, if not of falsehood, is mixed up with, we may suppose, some portion of truth, I am diffident in expressing any opinion on a question where assertion, speculation, and hypothesis are easy, and proof arduous. But, certainly, this shameful injustice and injury, without redress, where the injurers are the judges, cannot be understood of piracy, or robbery on the high sea. Though the Scholiast seems so to have taken the passage, since he understands wodéyecSa just after, of receiving ships driven thither by stress of weather, and plundering them. This is incon- sistent with the context; since, in such a case, it were absurd to talk of ducacrac, or EvySheac, and the like. Nor could Corcyra have arrived at nautical power and commercial wealth by such means. It can, then, only, I suspect, have reference to what the Corinthians thought extortions in the exaction of port dues and customs, considered as taken from states of the same nation. The duwacrai probably may allude to a doard of judges, like our courts of admiralty, in which persons who complained of ex- action, or confiscation for some alleged infraction of the commercial laws, had to appeal to have their cause tried. Now as the judges were, doubt- less, Corcyreans, so the Corcyreans at large might, in the distorted view of rivals and enemies, be regarded as judges in their own cause. They could not truly be accused of fraud and injustice for taking customs, since such were required at all ports (Corinth, as well as the rest, which may partly be the sense of the od ravroc avdpoc eig K. to 6 wAotic), to defray the expenses incurred in forming or preserving them, As to the Zuy3h«ac, the word properly signifies a compact, covenant, or agreement: and some think there is a reference to arbiters, or umpires, to settle such claims between the government and individuals; but of this there is not a shadow of proof, or even probability. Goeller renders, “ potius quam ut foedera ineant ;” but that sense is neither to be elicited from the words, nor isit suitable. I have long thought (and I am supported by the opinion of Gottleb.) that it has reference to those tacit and un- written, but not less real covenants, which exist by the usages of civil so- ciety, and by which man is forbidden to prey upon his fellow man, when he is compelled (it may be) to have recourse to his assistance. Now, in the close intercourse which took place between Greece, Italy, and Sicily, and in the then imperfect state of navigation, it could not be but that many should, either in going or returning, be thrown into the situation described in the words following; from which also it appears that Corcyra had not only much direct intercourse with foreign nations, but served for a commercial depot both for imports and exports, and a sort of naval caravansera for Greece and Italy. 7 Kara Suvoqeac yiyvecSacis compared by Goeller with 2, 21. cara Svordosg ylyvecsau, CHAP. XXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, 85 bours, yet they frequently receive into their ports others *? who touch there from necessity. And for this ’? they hold out this specious abstinence from alliance; not that they may not be drawn to commit injustice with others, but that they may themselves commit it apart and alone; that whenever they have the upper hand they may (as they do) forcibly plunder, and, whenever they may escape detection, defraud; and that whatever they may lay hands on, they may impudently brave it out.'? And yet, if they had been, as they pretend to be, persons of integrity, in proportion to their being inaccessible *, so far would they have cultivated probity by the mutual inter- change '° of justice with others. XXXVIII. “ Such, however, have they not been, either towards others or towards us; and, though our colonists, they 11 Neighbours — others.| There cannot be a stronger proof that wé\ae, with the article, signifies any person with whom we have to do, than is afforded by the present passage, where it is explained by dAXovc just after. 12 And for this, &c.] Literally, “in this consists their specious absti- nence from alliance which,” &c.; “ this is the drift and object of it, for they do it.” Here must be supplied zpdypart. There is a blending of two phrases. Goeller understands by rotrw the urbis sue opportunitate. 13 Brave if out.] Such is, I think, the sense of dvaicyvvréo, which is not, as many think, for wdeovexrdowr, siice that has been expressed; and this is another trait. ‘The sense is, “ impudently either deny the charge of pecu- lation, or admit it and brave it out.’ The word is rare in this absolute use; but it occurs in Arist. Thesm. 708. rovadra roy 60 advacyvyrei 3; Por- phyr. de Abstin. 1, 56. ri¢ Aowroy arrodoyia — avai yvyrety Bovdopévore. Isocr. Plat. 7,518. oipac O& wept piv rodrwy ob Tortpyosy advrote avaxvyreiv. Liban. Or. 623. Hence Suidas explains azepvSpidoa in Arist. Nub. 1216. by avaocyvyrijca. The present passage has been imitated by Heliod. 1. 8. AavSavew pév oidpmevor Kai tovSpiWdory, ddroxopevor O& amavaxvyrovct. And Joseph. 169, 26. ot dé XaBovrec—ay avaicyvyToor repi THY azddoow. Lucian 3, 55. has the fuller expression dvaucyuvrety mpdc Tijv adAnseiay. 1+ Inaccessible.] i. e..to those who should attempt to compel them to do them right; namely, from their occupying so commanding and almost im- pregnable a situation. ‘This has been so fully shown by Bauer, Kistemm., and Haack, to be the true sense, that it is strange Benedict should attempt to support that of the Scholiast, Hobbes, and Smith, which is neither sanc- tioned by the usus loquendi, nor is suitable to the context; whereas a\ynmrérepoc is used in the former sense at c. 82. and 141., and elsewhere. 15 Mutual interchange, §c.] Portus renders, “jure cum aliis discep- tando.” Hobbes, “by giving and taking what is their due.” But nothing of giving and taking seems meant. Perhaps dAymrérepor, SiWovtor, and -Oexopuévorc ra Cixava are forensic terms; and then ddnzr. will signify imac- cessible to the appeals of justice, unarraignable ; dWovcr, doing justice ; and dsy., accepting and acquiescing in what is offered by others. G 3 86 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. have all along withheld allegiance 1, and now make war against us; pleading, forsooth, that they were not sent out to suffer injury; but neither (say we) did we ourselves settle them there? to be insulted by them, but to be their rulers, and be treated with all due respect.? Our other colonies, at least render us honour, and we are especially beloved by our colo- nists. It is plain, then, that if to the rest we be acceptable, but to these alone offensive, there can be no good cause for this disaffection +, nor should we wage war with any colour of reason, unless we had been basely treated. But even had we been in the wrong, it had been praiseworthy for them to have i Withheld allegiance.) 1. e. been in revolt. The present tense ageoraot, is used to denote continuity of action, and habit. The a// along is meant to refute the argument, that they only now are hostile because they were ill-treated. The étazavroe is well illustrated by Herod. 3, 49, 5. viv 0: det émeirey Exrioayv (Corinthii) rv vijoov, siot aAAHAowor Siapopor, ~ovrec (though they are) éwvroict cvyyéveec. x Settle them there.| This adverts to the great expense and pains which the mother country must have been at to settle the colony, on account of which she may justly claim its obedience and respect. 3 All due respect.| The important word ra eixdra, fitting, due, is omitted by Smith. What the antients conceived this to be, appears from Dionys. Hal. 142. ult. done yap aévotor rye Tuyxavey ot TaTépec Tapa TOY éyyovwY, TOCAUTNE Ol KTIOaVTEC TAC TOAELC TAPA THY ATOiKWY, + Offensive — disaffection.] Literally, we ought not, should not, be offen- sive to these. The difficulty here has arisen from a misconception of the idiom, which has an exact parallel in our own language. The sense of the next clause has been controverted, partly from a variety of readings, and partly from certain too rigid notions of gramma- tical propriety. For émorparebomer ebrperic the recent editors have given émoTparevopey éxmper@c, except that Haack edits étorparebomer txmperve, which seems inconsistent ; for either (I conceive) we must read éatsrpared- opey evT PETC, OF ExioTparevopey éxrpserwc. Now, of these two readings, I prefer the former. The latter does violence to the construction, which is suspended on CfAov brs, and yields a sense at once abrupt and inept ; not to say that it would be difficult to establish the signification those eom- mentators affix to éxzpemée, 1. e. extraordinario modo. Thucyd. has, I be- lieve, not used the word ; and the manner in which he uses the adjective ixmpeTyc, at 5, 55., gives no countenance to any such signification. Whereas etapermc he frequently uses, and in the sense which I have assigned in my version. So 4, 60 and 61. of 7’ ézicAdnro., eirper@e dducor éASovrec, edAdywo dpaxror ariac. And though it may seem that in the present passage the antithesis is stronger in éxzpeée than in eiaperic, yet even ¢hat principle, in an author so varied as Thucydides, is fallacious. Neither is the objection of Poppo and Goeller, onthe score of grammatical propriety, of any weight, since it will only prove that one must not ren- der, “nor should we have carried on war against them ;” which will not apply to the rendering, “nor should we now, with any decent reason, carry on war against them, unless we were exceedingly aggrieved.” CHAP, XXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 87 yielded to our wrath, disgraceful for us to have pressed too far on their forbearance. But, indeed, it has arisen from the insolent license of wealth*® that they have, in many other respects, done us injury; and now this our city of Epidamnus, when afflicted with calamity, they claimed not; but when we went to its aid, they forcibly seized, and still retain it. XXXIX. “ They say, forsooth, that they were previously ready to have had the cause between us tried by fair arbi- tration’: but he ought not to be thought to speak any thing worthy of attention who calls another to this, himself having the upper hand, and being sure of his purpose; but he who, before judicial process, makes alike his words and his actions to tally.” Now they, not before they besieged the place, but when 5 Insolent license of wealth.] This is imitated by Demosth. contra Med. 99. Taylor. én’ tovciac cai thobTou bBorornv. Procop. Arcan. Hist. 36, 34. éovoia tobrw, where I would read zdodrov. Hence may be illustrated a fine sentiment in Aristot. Rhet. p.53. cupBéBynke roic piv révnor, Out Thy évosiay, émiSupeiy yonudrwr' roic dé mrovoiowc, Oud THY eovciay (scil. rod whobrov) érisupsiy THY py avayKaiwy yOover. ' Ready —arbitration.] Literally, “ they were ready to be impleaded with us in a suit at law.” Hence is illustrated Matt.5,40 rp Sédovré cot KpLnvat. 2 But he ought not—tally.] Such I conceive to be the sense of this most obscure and difficult passage. For the true reading (and as dependent thereon, the true interpretation) we are indebted (after the Scholiast) to Bredow and Poppo, who were the first to discover that rnpeiy was a mere gloss, and that, too, proceeding on a false view of the sense, which, if it could be fairly elicited from the words, is best expressed by Hobbes, stand to judgment (supplying dtcny after rnpeiv), But rnpsiy is plainly a gloss, and indeed is omitted in most MSS., and among the rest, the Cod. K. Being cancelled, then, the sense will be what I have given in a close ren- dering, though it may be more fully expressed thus: “But it is ke say- ing nothing, for one who has the upper hand, and is safe in possession of any thing, to pretend to refer its property to judicial decision. Such are mere words of course.” ‘Tu signifies here, as often, any thing to the purpose. Tov zpovyovra, the superior in strength; as at 6,18. The only difficulty rests in #jv, where there is an ellipsis of etc, of which (as the commentators have omitted to do it) I will give some examples. Diod. Sic. 6, 261. zpoeka- Aécaro Tiy Oikny éxi roy Ojporv. Dionys. Hal. 448,13. mpocadreioSa rac Kpioewc éxi tov Ojpov. Xen. Hist. 7,4. dicac rv prtasiwy mpoKadovpivwr. The relative is for the pronoun and a particle, @\\a ratrny; an idiom not unfrequent in our author. So just after, otc ypyjv. AtaywrizecSat is also a forensic term (well explained by the Scholiast, ducdZeoax), and has refer- - ence to the contest between the two pleaders. Thus the whole of the phraseology exactly corresponds to the real state of the case. For an offer G 4 88 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. | they saw that we would not permit its seizure, then they brought forward this specious offer of judicial arbitration. And now, not content with wronging us there, they are come here, and even ask of you to be, I will not say their fellow- leaguers, but their fellow-rogues®, and to receive them on the ground of being our enemies.* Whereas, they ought chen to have addressed themselves to you when they were most in security, and not now, when we are wronged, and they are in peril’; not when you, who never then partook in their power, must now impart your succour, and though uncon- nected with ° their transgressions, will bear an equal share of our blame. Long since, I say, should they have com- municated of their power, in order that the results should be common toboth. But, as you have not been participants in their crimes, it is not just that you should be sharers in the consequences of these crimes.’ to refer any thing to arbitration which has already been forcibly seized, and is still retained, may well seem “ saying nothing,” especially when, as in the present instance, superiority of power may enable the possessor to resist the decision, if it be unfavourable. By making his words and actions tally, is meant, relinquishing the object in dispute pending the time of arbitration. 3 Fellow-rogues.] It is difficult, if not impossible, to do justice to the antithetical cast of the original in any translation. Hobbes renders, “ not their confederates, but their conspirators.”? But conspirators does not express the sense of the aducety. Comrades and comrogues would have been still nearer ; only comrades is liable to the same objection. + On the ground —enemies.] This has reference to that passage of the oration of the Corcyreans, where they urge the arguments of the Corinthians being their common enemy. 5 Not now, when— peril.] This passage seems to have been in the mind of Livy, 4, 24. “ Nec adversarum rerum querere socios,cum quibus spem inte- gram communicati non sint.”” And Tacit. Germ. 36. fin. “ Contermina gens, adversarum rerum ex zequo socii,cum in secundis minores fuissent ;” where minores answers to the Greek tjacovec. § Unconnected with, §c.] Literally, apart from, having no hand in. So Herod. 9, 69. doy. ric payne. The passage is imitated by Liban. Or. 204. ardyvTwy yao drorwraroy Tic piv iyxephnoewc Kai THY Epywy AdESTNKEVAL, THC aiTLac Tole TETOINKOOL KOLYWY HOLL. 7 But, as you have not —crimes.] This sentence I have ventured to insert, though it has been condemned by almost all the critics, and cancelled by Bekker and Goeller. We may, I think, more easily account for its omission, in something more than one third of the MSS. (and of only one family), than its insertion in the rest. The cause of its omission was partly the homaoteleuton, and partly since it seems not very necessary, and as difficult, for the reason which I shall mention. As to the reasons assigned for accounting it a mere pannum, they appear to me very weak. The transition and change of person (i. e. from the Corcyreans to the Athenians) CHAP. XL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 89 XL. *“ Thus, then, it hath been shown that we are come hither with convincing arguments for the justice of our cause, and that they are violent and rapacious persons. Now that you cannot with justice receive them, it is proper that you should learn and know. For though it was expressed in the treaty, that ‘ any of the states who had not subscribed ? their names to either of the confederacies, should be at liberty to join whichsoever it choose,’ the treaty has no reference to those who join either party to the injury of others, but applies only to the case of such a state as, not depriving another of its support®, has need of security and protection; such, I say, as bring not to those who receive them (if they be wise *+) war on which Goeller especially insists, will, in so varied a writer, prove no- thing. As to the argument that there is nothing but what has been said before, I ask how, then, can we account for the interpolation, what purpose could it serve? Whereas we may account for its being in the text on the principle often applicable in Thucyd. and the best writers, including St. Paul, that it is a sort of coda, which, by repeating what had been said before, but expressing it in stronger terms, serves to press the argument more home. Besides, I can prove that it is, at least, as antient as the second century, by the following imitation in Dio Cass. 28%, 35. kai otrw roy mrsovekiay ob suppeTéexovTec adToic, TOY éykAnparwy 7d ioov depdpesa. I cannot but suspect that the real reason why the passage has been aban- doned by the critics, is from its extreme difficulty. Now this may, perhaps, be entirely removed, not indeed by the method of interpretation proposed by Herman (who would understand the dperdyovg not of past, but of future time), but by simply cancelling péyvwy, which, being variously read in the MSS., but in none of them affording any tolerable sense, may very well be suspected of coming from the margin, where it seems to have been noted down kar’ 2&Hynow, though I think it was meant not for éyeAnpadrwy, but for réyv pera rac rpdéec, scil. povwy. Or, perhaps, the marginal remarker wrote zowéy. Indeed the x and pu are often confounded. The only direct authority I can adduce for its omission (though it is a very strong one), is that of Dio Cass. above cited, who seems not to have read it. Lest any objection should be made to the word apéroyoc, which is very rare, and of which the lexicographers only adduce one example from an anonymous writer, and that in a physical sense, I add that it occurs in a moral sense in Max. Tyr. t. 2, p.217. Phil. Jud. 453. D. Schol. on Pind. Olymp. 1, 129 and 131. and Euthym. on Matt. 26, 24. | Convincing — cause.] 1 have seen no reason to desert the old reading, which is strongly supported by the antithesis. 2 Subscribed.) Greece was then divided into federate, tvorovdog (that part which had joined either the Lacedemonians or Athenians), and doroveoc, or &ypadoc, which latter might be called neutral. 3 Depriving another of its support.] Literally, of itself. There seems to be a hypallage : but, in fact, azoor. is used in its primitive sense, separate. 4 If they be wise.] ‘This parenthetical clause, which occurs often else- where, is here introduced somewhat awkwardly, and has exceedingly per- 90 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ‘BOOK I. instead of peace, But this must now (unless ye yield to our persuasions) be your lot °: for ye cannot be auazliaries only to them; ye must likewise be to us, instead of friends by treaty®, enemies. or if ye associate yourselves with them, we must of necessity avenge ourselves of both without distinction.’ And yet justice clearly requires* that you should, at least, stand aloof? from both parties; or if not, on ¢he contrary '°, unite with us against them (for with the Corinthians you are friends by treaty, but with the Corcyreans you have never even been at truce!!), and by no means establish a rule ” plexed the commentators. Indeed some translators omit it. Its force is only to be perceived by repeating with it part of the conditional sentence preceding, but changed into a declarative one; q. d. “ and war it will not be allowed to bring, if they be wise ;”” or, ‘ and who, if they are wise, will not receive them. | 5 But this must, §c.] This clause is omitted by Hobbes. 6 Friends by treaty.] Literally, those with whom we are under treaty. For évozovdor must not be confounded with Zipupayor. The ally was neces- sarily an éyorovdoc, but the évorovdoc not necessarily an ally. Thus the Lacedemonians and the Athenians were now évozovdo, not, as they had once been, Zéimpayou. It is plain from the term gimp. that the Corinthians were subject allies. 7 For if ye —distinction.| That such is the sense of the passage (which has been strangely misunderstood by the translators), is clear from an imitation of it in Dio Cass. p. 622. 50. My) dyvev is an Attic softening for PETA. 8 Justice—requires.| This sense of ducaiog eivat, with averb in the in- finitive, is a well known Atticism, on which see Matth. G. Gr. 9 Stand aloof.| Literally, stand out of the footsteps, or way, of any one. Hence the word signifies, also, to give way to any one, in which sense alone it is noticed by Matthie. Here audoriowy might be conjectured; but I would observe that the dative is defended by imitations of the passage in Aristid, t. 2. 156, 201, 319, and 435. Procop. p. 121, and 242, and 248. Appian 1, 551, 2, Hence may be emended Dionys. Hal. 327, 22. Tuppijvoe O& dpoporéporc turrodwy éytyvoyvro; where it is strange the editors should not have seen that éxzodwy is alone the true reading. The whole passage of Thucyd. seems imitated from Herod. 8, 22, 8. d\Ad pauora piv mpde npéwy yivecds’ ei 0& byiv tore TOUTO pH OvVaTOY Total, VpéEc O& Ett Kal VY éK TOU pécou iy &eode, Hven this (and I have adduced not a few such passages) might refute the scepticism of those critics who assert that Thucydides had never seen the History of Herodotus when he wrote his own. 10 If not, on the contrary, &c.] Such is evidently the sense of « dé pur) robvayriov, where must be understood cara and pépoc, i. e. contrary to that part they would have you take. The rodv. is omitted by Hobbes, and by Smith is ill rendered, “ if that will not please;”’ rather it should have been, “ if you will take some side, then take a side contrary to theirs.” 1 Truce.) ’Avaywxn signifies, first, a holding back of the hands from blows, as, 1, 66.; secondly, a suspension of hostility ; and thirdly, a truce, i2 Hstablish a rule.| The Scholiast denies that the article has here any force; and the same might be said of the roy vopor a little further on. CHAP. XLI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 9] of harbouring another’s deserters. For neither did we, when the Samians revolted from you, and the other Peloponnesians were divided in opinion whether or not it would be proper to assist them, give a vote hostile to you; but, on the contrary, we openly maintained the opinion, that every one should be left to proceed against his own dependents. Nay, more, if you harbour and succour such offenders, it will be found that full as many will come over from you to us; and thus you will establish a precedent which will operate more to your own detriment than to ours. XLI. “ These, then, are the grounds of right’ (valid according to the institutions of Greece) which we have to allege in respect of you. We have also to offer an admo- nition, and request of favour, such as we think at present ought to be granted us, in return for the like; considering that we are, if not friends to much benefit you’, at least not enemies to injure you. For when, before the Median war, you were in want of long ships® against the Adginetx, you But the truth is, that the article has a force, though it is not such as can easily be expressed in any modern language. In the one case, the reference of the article is anticipative, and the nature of it is explained by the words following ; in the other, it has the reference of renewed mention. On the Samian rebellion, see c. 115, 117. ' Grounds of right.| The sense of duaipara has not been successfully seized by the translators. Hobbes and Smith render, “ points of justice ;” but this is too vague. The word often signifies justification. That sense, however, it cannot have here, since the preceding matter is not justificatory. The signification I have assigned is agreeable to the context, and completes the antithesis. In this sense it is explained by a Scholiast in Bekker’s Aned. 1, 90; and so it seems to have been understood by Valla, and, long before him, by Procop. p. 306, 42. who, has the following close imitation of the passage: Ouawmpara pevovy mpo¢ vpac é¢ THY Evupayiav éraywya ravTa gory pty. 2 Much benefit you.| On the sense of émtypijosa the commentators are not agreed. Its determination depends on the force ascribed to the éau, which the antient commentators explain by s@pe; the recent ones, as Reisk, Haack, and Goeller, by vicissim. But they seem to err by seeking needless refinements. Yet éz: is not (as some affirm) without a meaning, but has an intensive force ; and ézvyp. signifies to much use. The argument is, that the request they have to make, is such as they may claim in return for a similar favour, nor ought it to be refused on the ground that they are no great friends; for they are not enemies to injure them: such enemies, indeed, no one could be expected to benefit. 3 Long ships.] So called from their long form as compared with the rotund one of vessels of burden, denominated round ships, On the origin of the war with the AXginete, see Herod. 5, 82. 92 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. received from us twenty sail. And this service, and that in respect to the Samians, (inasmuch as the Peloponnesians did not, by their own representations, assist them), afforded you the means of conquering the former, and chastising the latter ; and that, too, at a most critical time *, wherein men especially rush upon their foes, regardless of every thing but conquest ° (accounting him a friend who assists them, though he have been previously inimical, and him an enemy who withstands them, if even he chance to have been a friend ®); nay, when, hurried away by eagerness of contention’, even matters of the nearest and dearest import are but lightly heeded. XLII. * Reflect, then, each of you on these benefits, (the younger learning them from the elder), and allow it to be right to requite' us with the like. Nor let any one fancy that, 4 And that, too, at a most critical time.] Such is here, and often, the sense of kao. The passage, I would observe, is imitated by Demosth., Synes., and many other writers. 5 Regardless — conquest.| This passage, also, (as I shall show) has been extensively imitated by the historians. 6 Accounting him —friend.] It is strange that the editors should not have seen that this sentence is parenthetical, by which manner of taking it the whole of this involved passage is much cleared. 7 Eagerness of contention.| 1 cannot agree with Poppo, who would, on account of what precedes, here read ¢iA0mxiac; for, besides that the word is of doubtful authority, it would yield a sense far less general than seems to have becn intended. Indeed there seems to be a climax, in which are first describ-d the effects of a passion for conquest, and then those of that contentious doggedness which excites such persons not to abandon their purpose, even when all chance of success is at an end. As a critic, how- ever, Poppo will be more ready to yield to the argument contained in the fact of which I can inform him, that @A0verxiag was read by Libanius, who, in Orat. p. 497. B. has a close imitation of this passage. Besides, the very same expression occurs in |. 7, 71. wpdc¢ rv abrica prroveciar. 8 Matters of, §c.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of ra oixeia, which is vaguely and feebly rendered domestic affairs. Oixetoge signifies what is one’s own, and, consequently, what is nearest and dearest tous. This significa- tion is too frequent to need proof; and I will only observe, that Dionys. Hal. seems to have taken it in the same sense in the following imitation of the present passage, Antiq. p. 303, 15. zpovoiay obdspiay Tho EavTov Pye Tapa TO VIKAV TroLlodpeEvoc. 1 Requite.] Such is plainly the sense of dpivecSa, which Hobbes strangely renders defend. ‘The antient commentators all confirm both the reading and the signification I have adopted; for some MSS. have dpei@e- oSa; amanifest gloss indeed, but showing the sense in which the glossogra- pher took the word. So 4,63. roy & nai cad&e dpmrvra & ioov dperg apv= votpesa. The words repay, and requite,are frequently so employed in the CHAP. XLII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 93 though what has been said is very just, yet should there be a war *, his znterest* will be quite the other way ; for advantage especially follows those actions wherein there is least of injus- tice. And the eventual occurrence of this war, the terror of which the Corcyreans use as an incentive with you to commit wrong, yet lies in the womb of uncertainty +; and, therefore, it is not of sufficient weight to excite you to undertake an open, decided, and not contingent enmity with the Corinthians: it would rather be prudent to diminish somewhat of the jealousy ° previously conceived with respect to the Megareans. For the last obligation °, when seasonable, though comparatively tri- fling, is able to efface a far greater cause of complaint. Nor because they offer a powerful naval alliance, suffer yourselves to be allured by that bait; for not. to wrong one’s equals is a ——_—-. Scriptures. Indeed almost all such words, in every language, are properly terms of middle signification. 2 Should there bea war.] Namely, the war you apprehend, that with the Lacedemonians. This, it may be observed, is suppressed through modest respect. From the same cause, what is applicable to all is ascribed to one: woAepnoee is put for zodeuhoere. 3 Interest.] i.e, true interest ; what is so on the long run, and viewed in its remote consequences, as well as in its immediate effects. A maxim which, for its solid truth and applicability to individuals as well as states, deserves to be written in letters of gold. 4 Iies— uncertainty.] The antithesis here between agavei (which refers to the latent enmity between the two nations) and gavepdy is very striking, and reminds me of a very similar one in a kindred passage of Eurip. Hipp. 1284. Wevdéor pdSoic adéxou Taodsic, Agari} (i.e. ddavdc cai ave~eéyKTwe), pavepay 0 Eoxedeg aTnV. 5 Jealousy.} This is said espijuwc, to denote the enmity thence con- ceived. The circumstance referred to is the Athenians supporting the Megareans against the Corinthians, in a war that had arisen on account of limits. 6 For the last obligation.| This pithy dict. is cited by Plut. t. 2. 538.C. Liban. Epist. 248, and 560. and imitated by Agath. p. 73, 4. éAiZovrec ri rerevTaia mpake tv Kaipp yeyvopévy TO éycAnpa dvadvoa. Also by Aristid. t.2,157. A. Sore OnBaiove pir, ei Kai wréoy Eiyoy THY adienparwy, AEdUKEeVaL méyra Taic TedevTaicuc ebepyeciarc ; and 147.C. ot piv yap, kay Ta padiora aduenSGor rpadrepor yiyvovrat Oud rag borepov ebepyeciac. On the contrary, Soph. Trach. 1231. has, rd yao rot péyaha mesredoavr’ eoi opucpoic amoreiy Thy Wapoc Evyxsi yap. It is well said kaipdy éxouca, since it is the timing well an obligation that makes it peculiarly acceptable. One must watch, as Joseph. p. 692. terms it, rv THe xapiroc evdKatpiay; or, in those of Auschyl. Agam. 760. px%’ brepdpac phn vroxaplac caipov yapirog. And, finally, the return must be as much zn season as the favour; for, to use the words of Pindar, Isthm. 7,23. madrad yap evde Xapic, apwvdpoveg dé Bporot. 94: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. far surer road to power, than the momentarily alluring, but fleeting and perilous, advantages of rapacious ambition. XLIII. “ Having, then, fallen into’ the very circum- stances, concerning which we ourselves formerly maintained at Lacedemon, ‘ that every state should itself have the punish- ment ® of its delinquent confederates,’ we now think it reason- able that we should receive the same? at your hands, and not that you, who were then benefited by our vote, should now injure us by yours. Render, then, to us a just requital, remembering that this is tat very critical season wherein he who aids is especially a friend, and he who thwarts, a foe. As to these Corcyreans, we charge you neither to receive into your alliance against our will, nor to aid them in their in- justice. By thus acting, you will both perform what is in- cumbent on you’, and you will consult the best for your own welfare.” Such was the purport of what was spoken by the Corinthians. XLIV. Now the Athenians having heard both parties, extending the consideration of the matter to even a second assembly ', on the former day felt inclined to admit the argu- ments of the Corinthians; but, on the latter, they came to a different opinion *, not, indeed, so as to form with the Corcy- 7 Having, then, fallen into.] So St. James 1,2. wepur. roicg rewpacpote. where see my note. 8 Have the punishment, §c.] This is the full sense of the phrase Evppayove abrov¢e riva KodaZevv, on which see Irmisch on Herodian t. 3. p-18. In the term coddZew delinquent is implied. 9 Receive the same, $c.) Namely, the same treatment which you then received of us. 0 What is incumbent.| Literally, what appertains and belongs to you, and is right for you to do; as 3, 40. | Even a second assembly.| This expression shows how very rarely that took place. We have another instance in the deliberation on the Mity- leneans. * Came— opinion.| This was natural. The arguments of the Corin- thians were arguments founded on strict justice only; and, therefore, though they could not but make a considerable impression, yet those of the Corcyreans, being arguments of interest, would be likely at last to pre- dominate. And, perhaps, in the dilemma in which Athens was placed, and considering the deep-laid plans for her destruction by the Peloponnesians, it was natural for her to adopt a measure which should prevent any acces- CHAP. XLIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 95 reans an alliance offensive and defensive (for then, if the Corcyreans had required of them to join in any naval attack upon Corinth, the treaty with the Peloponnesians would have been violated), but a defensive one, which should provide for the mutual assistance of either party in case of invasion. For it seemed that even ¢hus® the war they looked forward to with the Peloponnesians would take place; and it was their policy ¢, sion of strength to an already too formidable alliance, and, moreover increase her own. It is remarkable, that our historian has recorded no orations addressed to the people on that occasion. Hence some have thought that Pericles (whose orations our author was accustomed so regularly and carefully to record) took no part in the business. And yet Plutarch tells us that he actually delivered an oration, to promote the step which was finally taken ; and of this opinion, I find, is Mitford. For my own part, I cannot but think that, had that been the case, our historian would have recorded the speech, as he has done others of the same unrivalled orator. As he has not done so, I would rather infer that Pericles did not deliver any thing which might be called an oration, and, indeed, that none deserving that name were pronounced ; for those who afterwards displayed their oratory were, as yet, scarcely come forward. Some of the most able statesmen of that time were too business-like to care much about speech-making ; and the demagogue, Cleon, did not venture on his democratic bellowings as long as Pericles lived. I cannot but suspect that Pericles was scarcely very decided in opinion on the line of policy then to be pursued by Athens, but that, seeing the people bent on the alliance, he acquiesced; and, by guiding a measure which he could not avert, impressed upon it not a little of his characteristic wisdom and discretion. As to the distinction between the terms guppayiay and émipayiay, on which some of the earlier commentators perplexed themselves, and others fancied a transposition, it has been clearly shown by Bauer that, properly, the former denoted the Defensiobundniss, and the latter, the Offensiobun~ diss, but that in usu, Evpu. came to denote the genus, comprehending trea- ties of every kind, both for defence and offence; and ezum., the species or form, q.d. é1o7Sea, implying an obligation to render succours against an invading enemy, yet not so as to make them at war with the invaders. The above distinction is plain from 5,27 and 47. Yet, in Xen. Cyr. 3, 2, 23. we have cai cuppayiay dé Kony, tiric d0iKoin brerépouc ov. Where Zeunius edited from MSS. éxtcuppayiay, which Schneider was half inclined to adopt. But there is no good evidence of the existence of any such word ; and there is every appearance, there and elsewhere, of its being merely a blending of two readings into one. The ézum. seems to have arisen from the emendation of those who thought that propriety required the term. But the name of the genus may stand for that of the species, when some- thing is swbjoined which will serve to limit it to the species; just as in Thucyd. 5,27. apog “Apyetovg Evppayiay movtoSa, Wore Ty adAjwy ETLpaxely. . 3 Hven thus.] i.e. even with that precaution which they had taken, of making the alliance with Corcyra defensive. 4 Their policy it was.|_ Literally, their meaning or intention. ‘The above version is required by the second part of this sententia bimembris sus- 96 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. not to abandon Corcyra, which possessed so powerful a navy, into the hands of Corinth, but to wear both states out as much as possible one against the other®, that if they should be thrown upon a war with Corinth and the other naval states, they might find them so much the weaker combatants; and, moreover, the island seemed to them favourably situated for the passage to Italy and Sicily.* XLV. With this design and intention the Athenians received the Corcyreans into alliance, and not long after the departure of the Corinthians, sent ten ships’ to their aid, commanded by Lacedzemonius, the son of Cimon; Diotimus, son of Strombichus; and Proteas, son of Epicles. They charged them, however, not to come to any engagement with the Corinthians, unless they should attack Corcyra, and pended on the verb, and also by the words a little further on, rovatry yvopy, &e. 5 Wear them, &c.} Such is the sense of the expressive term gvyxpovew, which is ill-rendered “ break them,’ by Hobbes and Smith. It literally signifies to dash things one against the other, and thus shatter and wear them out. The term often occurs in the historians, orators, and other writers, and I shall consider it at large in my edition. 6 Favourably situated— Sicily.| See supra, c. 56. and notes. There is little doubt but that even then many harboured those madly ambitious projects respecting both these countries, on which they afterwards rushed to their destruction; but we may be assured, by what we learn in the sequel, that Pericles was far from participating in them, and, therefore, he would have the less reason for furthering the present measure so zealously as some suppose. 1 Ten ships, §c.] Plutarch absurdly thinks that the force was made thus small on purpose to show contempt of the Corinthians. Far more rea- sonably may it be supposed from this paucity, that Pericles (who probably regulated the amount) was not very hearty in the cause. His wisdom and political /ong-sight, could scarcely fail to discern into what trying situations the war would dead them, and into what temptations to embroil them- selves too much in the affairs of distant countries, to the neglect of their own. Lacedzemonius, the chief commander, was, I suspect, one of the aristo- cratical party (as may be inferred from what the Schol. on Aristid. says, when he tells us that he was thought to Laconise); and so, probably, were the others. And as these would be appointed by Pericles, we have some insight into his views of the measure. Diodorus tells us that the armament was accompanied with a message, that a greater force would be sent, if necessary. But it should rather seem, that if any message were sent at all, it was to announce that a fresh force was coming; and, indeed, a reinforcement did soon follow. CHAP. XLVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 97 attempt a landing either there, or in any dependency ? of theirs: in that case to do their utmost to hinder them. These instructions were given in order that the treaty might not be broken. So these ships arrived at Corcyra. XLVI. But the Corinthians, after having completed their preparations, proceeded to Corcyra with a fleet of 150 sail’, of which ten were furnished by the Eleans, twelve by the Megareans, ten by the Lacedemonians, twenty-seven by the Ambraciots, and one by the Anactorians. ‘The other ninety were their own. Of these the commanders were, of the auxiliary quotas, one from each state; of the Corinthians, Xenoclides, the son of Euthycles, at the head of a board of five.° Having then set sail for Leucas, and made the coast ® 2 Dependency.] What is meant by this the commentators have not informed us. ‘The Scholiast thinks that Hpidamnus is to be understood, which certainly was now a dependency of Corcyra. But we are not to suppose that that alone is alluded to. The Corcyreans (as we learn from the Scholiast a little before) had some dependencies at Zacynthus, and, no doubt, (as I think it is somewhere said by Thucyd.) territory on the opposite coast of the continent. 1 Fleet of one hundred and fifty sail.) On comparing this with the former armament, it is observable that several states, which before contributed ships, now seem to have sent non», as the Epidamnians, Hermionians, and Troezenians. Others, as the Megareans, Eleans, and Ambraciots, sent more than before; the Corinthians themselves three times as many. Now as to the former circumstance, it may be explained by supposing that in the number of Corinthian ships (especially as that would otherwise be incredi- bly large) theirs are included. ‘The latter circumstance may be accounted for from the exasperation which had been excited by the ravages so long carried on against those states by the Corcyreans; and this may also account for the Anactorians now contributing one. Anactorium, it must be remembered, was a colony of Corinth. 2 At the head, Sc.] Or, with four others. Such is the true force of the idiom zéumroc aitéc. Thus, just before, I have given the sense, though not the letter, of the idiom card wédee Exdorwy. It is remarkable, that Matthie and others, who treat on this idiom, have omitted to bring forward a passage of Thucyd. 1, 57. which throws light on the ratio locutionis: "Apyeorparov — per dddwy OéKa oTpAaTNYOUYTOS. It may be imagined that the number jive was chosen (as odd numbers usually were) in order to avoid the inconvenience of equal votes on any question. When the numbers were not odd, we may suppose that the pre« sident of the board had the casting vote. 3 Having — coast] The translators here (Latin, French, and English) commit a most egregious blunder, by rendering, “ Having met together, or rendezvoused on the part of the coast opposite to Corcyra, they set out for Leucas;” for at Leucas they were by no means on the coast over against Corcyra; not to say that this sense cannot be elicited from VOL. I. HR 98 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. over against Corcyra, they came to anchor at the Chimerium. of Thesprotia. Now there is here a port, and above it, remote from the sea, is a city called Ephyra, situated on the Eleiatis * of Thesprotia. By it the Acherusian lake ° disembogues itself into the sea; a lake deriving its name from the river Acheron (which runs through Thesprotia) issuing into it. The river Thyamis also runs [into the sea °}, dividing Thes- protia and Cestrine, between which rivers juts out the pro- montory of Chimerium. At this part, then, of the continent the Corinthians took up their anchorage, and made their en-. campment. XLVII. But the Corcyreans, as soon as they heard of mpocpizavrec. In short zpoou. must here have the sense which Stephens, in his Thesaurus, truly says is frequent both in Thucyd, and the other histo- rians, i.e. appellere, succedere ; as mpoopi~a ry Wehkowovyhow and mpoop. TH "Ikadom: and then he cites this passage, and renders, tenuerunt continentem. The construction is, éreed:) O& mAéorrec awd A. toocéutay. 4 Hleiatis.| A district of Thesprotia, so called (as Palmer, Duker, and Cellarius think) from a port mentioned by Ptolemy of the name of Elaias: but Portus would read ’EXedridt, g.d. the marsh-land; and Bekker, *"EXaotyredt, from Eleeus, a town situated on the confines of Thesprotia, but that is surely too far off to be meant. The conjecture of Portus is the most probable, and it is confirmed by Valla and the Cod. Greevii, and indeed by the nature of the country; for what is more likely than that the country round the Acherusia palus should be fenny and marshy, and that hence the district should obtain that name; as we find from 1, 110. that the Delta in Egypt was called Marshland? The same name, too, is given to a tract in Norfolk between Wisbeach and Lynn. That there was a marsh in this part of Thesprotia, is plain from Athen. 1. 3,1. Hence, then, (I think) may be emended Scylax, évraiSa éort Ayjy dvowa EAEA, where read, not TAYK, as Palmer conjectured, nor EAATA, as Vossins, but EAEA or EAEIA, It was often also called yAvede Ayujyv (and now Glykia), Strabo says, from the freshness of its water, occasioned by the rivers which run into it. If, indeed, it could be proved that there was such a city as “EXaa in this very part of Epirus, the common reading might be tolerated. Many cities there were named”EXata, which seem to have derived the appellation from the olive grounds in which they were situated. E’phyra (of the same signification with the modern Perga) I derive from épipn, a strong hold. See Hesych. on ’Edipn and éipove. ’ Acherusian lake.| On the Acherusia palus my learned readers will call to mind Virg. Ain. 6, 107. “ quando hic inferni janua regis Dicitur, et tenebrosa palus Acheronte refuso.” ° Runs—sea.] Or, “runs in the same direction, and with a parallel course.” It is evident that at pet something is left to be supplied. And. this it is which had caused the difficulty. Here I cannot omit to observe, that the river Thyamis is, in some of the common maps and plans, most incorrectly placed only five instead of forty. miles from the Chimerium, CHAP. XLVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 99 their approach, having manned 110 ships’, commanded by Miciades, Atsimides, and Eurybates, encamped? on one of the islands which are called Sybota®, accompanied by the ten Athenian ships. Their land forces, together with 1000 Zacynthian auxiliaries, were encamped on the promontory of Leucimme. The Corinthians, too, had the aid of large bodies of the Barbarians, who assembled on the continent adjacent; for the people on that part of the continent have ever been attached to them. XLVIII. The Corinthians, after all due preparations, and taking on board three days’ provisions *, weighed anchor by night from the Chimerium, and put themselves in readiness for battle®: then proceeding onward, they at dawn of day 1 One hundred and ten ships.| Hence we may suppose that these were not all their ships; indeed as they had at first 120, and had suffered no defeat, they must have had several in reserve. 2 Encamped.| It appears from what follows that by those who encamped we are to understand the sailors. This may seem strange to us, who see ships accommodate, besides their crew, large bodies of marines, and some- times convoy troops, many thousands of miles. But, to use the words of Mitford, 5,31. “ the necessity among the antients for debarking continually to encamp their crews, arose from the make of their ships of war. To obtain that most valuable property for their manner of naval action, swift- ness in rowing, burden was excluded; insomuch that not only they could not carry any stock of provisions, but the numerous crews could neither sleep nor even eat conveniently aboard.” It is to be considered, too, that the ships’ decks were crowded with archers and slingers (see infra); there- fore that the antients should have been always anxious, if possible, to second the operations of their fleet by the aid of land forces, is not surprising. 3 Sybota.] These were, as we find from the Scholiast, Strabo, and Steph. Byz., three small islands with a port, without which, indeed, they would not have been proper for the purpose of the Corcyreans. They received the name Sybota from having been then, or formerly, used as hog pastures. Indeed the Scholiast speaks of them as, in his time, feeding many swine. This is a sort of grazing very little used in the west, though it seems to have been frequent in the east, as we learn both from the Scriptures, Jose- phus, and many other writers. _ 4 Three days’ provisions.| Mitford thinks this circumstance is noticed, because the Athenians, when action was expected, scarcely incumbered themselves with a meal; and he refers to 7,39 and 40: but there the circumstances were very different. Here the Corinthians might expect that the Corcyreans would not face them, but retreat to the port of Corcyra or to Leucimme; and then three days’ provisions would be very serviceable. 5 Put themselves—batile.| Literally, were bent on engaging the enemy. On this phrase see Valckn, on Herod. 8, 96. and my note on Acts 17, |. H 2 100 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. descried the Corcyrean ships at sea®, and making towards them. As soon as the fleets came in view of each other, they respectively formed in line of battle. On the right wing of the Corcyreans were stationed the Athenian ships; the rest of their line was composed of their own, ranged in three squadrons’ , each led on by one of their commanders. Such was the order of battle adopted by the Corcyreans. On the side of the Corinthians, the right wing was occupied by the Megareans and Ambraciots; in the centre were placed the other auxiliaries separately ®; the left (which was opposed to the right of the Corcyrean and the Athenian squadron 9,) was occupied by themselves with their best sailing vessels. XLIX. On the signals! being respectively raised, they engaged in close combat, both sides having their decks crowded with men at arms”, archers, and lancers, the ships too being even yet, after the antique mode, equipped’ very rudely. As to the battle, it was, in point of courage, well maintained *, but, in respect of skill, less so, being more 6 At sea.] It is plain that this cannot mean at anchor, as the Scholiast supposes. 7 Squadrons.} All of these must be understood to have been in one line; though the wing must have been slightly curved, to answer to its name képac. 8 Separately.| i.e. in separate bodies, each quota by itself. Such was required by the esprié du corps of antient times. 9 Opposed — Athenian squadron.] For they not only believed that the Athenians would take part in the action, but they justly feared their well- known skill. One may observe that both parties placed their best ships and most trust-worthy forces in the wings, and those less so in the centre. 1 Signals.}| On these, which were usually red, like banners, see Potter’s Archeol., or Robinson’s Gr. Antiq. 2 Men at arms.] ‘These were, doubtless, used for boarding; and the archers and lancers for distant annoyance. 3 Equipped.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of zapecxevacpévor, which is usually referred to the accoutring of the soldiers. But that never under- went much change during the whole of the Peloponnesian war, nor was it capable of much ; so that the term dzewpdrepoy would be very unsuitable. Besides, though the participle is put in the masculine, as accommodated to the masculine noun preceding, yet as there the sailors are put for the ships, so here the zapeox. must be explained suitably thereto, and be understood to refer either to the making or fitting up of the ships, or the management or maneeuvring of ships in action with skill, and on tactical principles. + Well maintained.] As the caprepd must be repeated at dpuoiwe, so there must be an accommodation of the term to both sentences. CHAP. XLIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 101 like a land engagement than a sea fight.» For when once they had laid each other close abreast, they were, both from the crowd® and throng of the ships, not easily sepa- rated, but placed their chief reliance for victory on the men at arms on the decks, who maintained a stationary combat ’, while the vessels remained motionless. ‘There was, too, no cutting the line *, [or charges and tacks,] but each fought it out rather with passionate vehemence and brute force °, than with skill. ‘There was every where a great tumult, and the 5 More like —fight.| This passage has been imitated by Herod. 7, 2, 4 and Procop. p.356. iv O& vavpayia todyay isyupd, weZopayiac isxuporipa ovoa; where I would read iugeowripa obca, which is confirmed by the Marg. Empepnjc ovca and TECOMAY lets 6 Crowd.| Turba, throng, tumult; as Luke, 22, 6. and Acts, 21, 18. 7 Men at arms—combat.] Karacradyrec denotes maintaining the pugna stataria, fighting hand to hand, This passage seems to have been in the mind of Hesych., caracrpopara. Tit¢ véiwe pépog iv wb éor@rec vavpaxodvouw. See Scheffer de re navali, 2, 5. Neither he, however, nor other antiquaries, give us any account of the number of these marines (as we should now call them), nor am I able myself to afford much information thereupon. Only two passages are known to me which bear on this point. From Plutarch, in his Themist. c.14., we find that the number of soldiers on deck at the battle of Salamis was but sixteen, four of which were archers, the rest men at arms. That the number was afterwards increased, I find from his Cimon, C.12., vate maruTipag éToincer, Kai O1aBacw Toic KaracTpwpacw MuKeEY, WC ay amd ToOMGY OTiTwOY pay WwoOTEpat TEOTHEpOLVTO TOICG TrOAEMLOLC. By the jovyaZovody is meant, that the ships were moored alongside of each other, and not kept in motion by the practice of the éuody or duK- move, or any other nautical evolution. 8 Cutting the line.| 'Tliis seems to be the best interpretation of the dvéxmove, which is very superficially treated on by the commentators. It is explained by the Scholiast, charge and tack. But that seems rather to desig- nate the é/30\7. In the duéezAouc the purpose of the charge was not, as In the former case, to break away the oars, break in the hull, disable or sink any one ship; but to cut through the line, and attack it in the rear, and so separate one part from the rest, that it might be attacked in detail, and overpowered, Thus the Schol. on 2, 89. excellently explains it 76 éu8a\rew cai diacyiZey Ti)y THY tvayTiny Ta~v. So also Suidas on zepiTActy (Lf sus- pect from some very antient Scholiast on Thucyd.): 76 dtexmAsiv, ro repdvra Thy Taéw réy tvaytioy sic TobTiow yéveoQa. This very manceuvre was revived, and used with great effect, in gaining most of our naval victories for the last fifty years, by Rodney, Nelson, and others. The earliest men- tion I find of it is in Herod. 6,12. dxwe rotor éperijot ypfoaro déKemdoov rroubpevoc THOU vavoi Ov GA‘jwy, 1.e. that he might exercise the rowers in the use of the diecplus. The word occasionally occurs in the historians ; and I shall treat on it more at large in my edition. 9 Passionate —force.| This version is confirmed and illustrated by an imitation in Appian, 1,75. 00 Noywop@, i) ErroThpy TL, AAG Sip xpOpeEvot, caSarep Snpia, and Livy, |. 5,49. “ ira magis quam consilio m Romanos incurrunt.” H 3 102 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. engagement was desultory, during which the Athenian ships, coming up to the Corcyreans when they were hard pressed, kept the enemy in awe, but did not commence any attack ; the commanders observing the charge they had received from the Athenians. As tothe Corinthians, their right wing was most pressed.!° For the Corcyreans, with twenty ships, routing and chasing them in disorder to the continent, advanced up to their camp, and disembarking, burnt the empty tents, and. plundered the baggage.'! Here, then, the Corinthians and their allies were worsted, and the Corcyreans had the advan- tage. But where the Corinthians themselves were, on the left, they were decidedly victorious, those twenty ships of the Corcyreans (out of a smaller number ?*) not being returned *° from the pursuit [of the beaten right wing]. ‘The Athenians, however, seeing the Corcyreans hard pressed, now rendered them assistance with less hesitation; at first, indeed, abstain- ing '* from making a charge with the beak ; but after the defeat became manifest, and the Corinthians kept hanging upon their rear, then indeed, every one fell heartily to the work, and 10 Most pressed.) Wovéw, in this use, has nearly the same sense as ateZouat. And so laboro is employed by the Latin writers, especially Caesar ; as ina similar passage of Bell. Gall. 1.7, 83. “ Maxime ad superiores muni- tiones daboratur.” 11 Plundered the baggage.] This is but feebly rendered by Hobbes and Smith, “ took away their baggage.” Atap7wdZew signifies to search through (cut) any articles, and carry off (apwdZw) what we please, as 8, 51 and 36. Here the Corcyreans could not take the whole; therefore they snatched up whatever seemed most valuable, and left the rest a prey to the flames. On the sense here of yp/ara (namely moveable property) I have before treated. 12 Smaller number.| This is a remarkable, but, perhaps, the primary, sense of \ij%oc, by which it denotes simply a number, without reference to great or small. See Luke, 23, 1. 13 Not being returned.] It is probable that they were too long occupied on the plunder, by which some precious time was lost, and all chance gone of retrieving the fortune of the day. '4 At first, indeed, abstaining, §c.] Such is the sense of these words, which has been strangely misconceived by Hobbes, Smith, and Gail; indeed no interpreter has attended to the. true force of 34é\Xew, which signifies to assault with the beak, or of épyov, which denotes battle. By wéec is denoted every one, both Corcyrean and Athenian; and the words following are exegetical of the preceding, and signify that there was no longer any dis- tinction between Corcyrean and Athenian, St. Luke (Acts 15, 9.) says very similarly, cai oddéy duéxpwe; where see my note. } Smith, with singular stupidity, renders it, “there was no longer any time for discretion.” ‘CHAP. L. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 103 there was no longer any distinction, for things were brought to such a pass, that the Corinthians and Athenians must of necessity *° attack each other. L. The rout having now commenced, the Corinthians did not take in tow! and haul off the hulls (for mere hulls they were), 15 Of necessity.| Namely, in the confusion of a running fight. 1 Did not take in tow—men.] There are few passages that have given more trouble to the commentators than this. The English readers of Hobbes and Smith may think it unnecessary to be told that the Corinthians ** did not tow off the vessels they had sunk.’”? For, if sunken, it is difficult to imagine how they could have been towed off. Duker notices the diffi- culty, but makes no attempt toremove it. Bauer will not acknowledge it, in order to be excused from engaging withit. Others, indeed, as Kistemm. and Matthize endeavour to avoid the embarras by taking dc karadioeav the sense, “ which they might have done, if they had chosen:” but this force in of the optative is so precarious, that to resort to it here would seem a mere shift employed “ for the nonce;” besides, one cannot suppose that the most important fact of the sentence would be left lurking under a mere sign of the optative. In considering this difficulty of towing sunken ships (in which the wits of the commentators are themselves well nigh sunken), it is strange that they should have been so slow in laying hold of the rope which has been kindly thrown out by the Scholiast on c. 54., and which, I think, is the only clue to guide us through this difficulty. He tells us that the term signifies rurpéorey, i.e. to put hors de combat. By being pierced in various parts, and bruised by the shocks, they would be so leaky as to become water-logged, and therefore unfit for use; though they might, if no time were lost, be towed to some near port. Sometimes, however, the miserable wretches who could find no boats, or any thing whereon to com- mit themselves to the sea, remained on board; as we find from a kindred passage of Xen. Hist. 1, 6,36. wAsiv éxi rag caradeduKviac vaic, Kat rovc im’ abray avSpwrove. and 1, 7, 35. ow8sic imi caradione viwc. and Herod. 6, 17, 5. yabdAoue O& évSatra karadicac, kai yphpara haBwy mwodra. The same sense (which may be proved also from c. 54. where car. again occurs) is sometimes found in the kindred term d.apSeiow (as Thucyd. 1, 54. and 2, 92.), and aédAvyju in Xen. Hist. 1,1, 7. Hence is placed beyond doubt, a timid conjecture of Schweigh on Appian. T. 1. 575, 74. kat dupsapnoay — £noSnoav. where, had the learned editor remembered this sense, he would have propounded his conjecture with more confidence. Thus, I trust, the above sense, which has also been espoused by Abresch, Reiske, Heilman, Gottl., and Goeller, has been fully established. As to the oxapn réyv vedyv, which has also occasioned some trouble, the most effective mode of treating the difficulty is, to suppose, as I have done (after the Schol., Kistemm., and Coray), that the term is used, to show the miserable plight to which the ships had been reduced, having become, as it were, mere hulls. Such is the sense adopted by Dr. Blomfield on Aéschyl. Pers. 425. oxdon roy ved. It is true that the examples there adduced by the learned editor are not al/ of them to the purpose; for in the passages of Euripides véwe ocagn isa mere pleonasm for vatc, Yet this is apparent both from the etymon of the word (which is exactly like that of hud/ and hold), and from Pollux, 1,9. who reckons up, among other parts of the ship, H 4 104 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. of the ships which they might disable, but turned their at- tention to the men, cruising? up and down among the floating fragments, intent rather to butcher than to capture; and, not perceiving that their right wing was beaten, they un- knowingly killed some of their own friends. For the ships on both sides being numerous, and occupying a great extent of sea, it was not easy, when they were mingled in combat, to distinguish who were conquering, or who defeated. ‘This sea- fight, indeed, was, of all that had preceded it, of Greeks against Greeks, by far the most considerable. | The Corinthians, having pursued the Corcyreans to the shore, turned their attention to the wrecks and their own slain®, most of whom they succeeded in bringing to Sy- Kothoy oxddoc, ZOadoc véwc. also Eurip. Iph. Taur. 742. vade eis Bnow oxagog. Troad. 543. vade woei oxddoc cshawdv. Polyen.3, 11, 3. whence is illus- trated Polyen. 1, 48, 4., and Dio Cass. 629, 69., to omit numerous other passages which I could adduce, many of which are ill understood. As to the eidxoy dvadovpevor, it signifies lashing to and hauling off, and the expression may (as Bauer thinks) be taken as if one word. ’AvadeioSar often is used in this sense by the historians, though it is not unfrequently misun- derstood by the commentators, and corrupted by the scribes. Among the many passages 1 have at hand I select the following: Dio Cass. p. 212, 2. (evidently imitated from this passage), kai ra oxagn Ta piv avnppnyviyro ébaddopéva, Ta O& KaTEeTipnmpayTo dpaTTopeva’ AAG, avadubmEeva, WoTED KEVa avopiy, &iAxovro, Where read dvadotpeva, and at 291, 90. for avedicavro, avEOnoavTo. 2 Cruising —fragments.] Such seems to be the sense of duexadéovrec, which ought to be pointed off. They cruised, it seems, through and through the scene of action, and the vavéyia, in order to sink all that was yet float- ing, whether boats, masts, yards, or timber; and thus effectually destroy the men who clung to.them. Of this atrocious cruelty (for which nothing can be pleaded but retaliation) the historian shows his abhorrence by the term poveve, butcher. Krom the air of the sentence, we may presume that it was rather more usual to cruise about among the wrecks in order to make cap- tives, than to kill. 3 Attention to — slain.] 1. e. to save them, and what they could from the wrecks, and remove the slain for burial. Hence may be emended a passage of Liban. Or. 173, D. dwxovréc re rod Zwypsiv paddov 1) row guyeiv eytyvovTo, where read gwréve. Navayie. Here may be compared a beautiful passage of Eschyl. Agam. 645. dpiiper avsovy méhayog Aiyaioy vexpoic "Avdpdy ’Ayawy, vavTuoY 7 épecrtwy., and Pers, 491, where the sea is said to be vavayiwy mAHSovea Kai povov Bporéy, ‘This passage is imitated by Lucian Ver. Hist. § 42. t.2, 105. TpaTomevol TPIG Ta vavayia, THY TEioTwy imeKpaTnoay Kai Ta éavToy aveitovro Indeed he has, throughout that battle of the islands, copied our author; just as he, probably, had in mind Herod. 8,18, 4. we dvacpiSévrec dk Tite vaupaying ain CHAP. LV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 111 The Corcyreans erected their trophy because they had de- stroyed about thirty ships, and on being joined by the Athenians, had taken up the wrecks and corpses which were driven to them; and because the Corinthians had the pre- ceding day, at sight of the Athenian ships, rowed to prow, and retreated before them; and when they went to them at Sybota, they came not out to fight them.* Thus each party claimed to itself the victory. . LV. The Corinthians then sailed away homeward, and on the way took by deceit Anactorium *, which is situated at the mouth of the Ambracian gulf, and which was a common pos- session of theirs and the Corcyreans; and fixing here some Corinthian colonists®, they returned home. Of the Corcy- having been stranded. This difference seems to be denoted by the use of the term dvagSeipayrec in the case of the Corcyreans. Hence we are enabled to see why the Corinthians refused battle the next day, which otherwise would be inexplicable. 4 When they went to then—them.] I have here seen no reason to desert the common reading éeidn 7ASov, though Bekker and Goeller edit from the greater part of the MSS. ézreidn 7)\3ov of ’ASnrvaio. My reason is, Ist. because the sense thus arising is frigid and feeble; whereas the other, though it involves some harshness in the omission of the nominative, and the inconvenient change of the subject, yet, as such, is perfectly Thucydidean. 2dly. Because it is far easier to account for the insertion than the omission of ’ASnvaio. Nothing was so probable as that some attempt would be made to supply the nominative, which seemed wanting. And yet there is no such very great harshness; for the 7ASoy takes its nominative from avroic, which, though placed first in the clause preceding, yet in the natural order comes last, and is therefore nearest. In this last particular there is certainly exaggeration. They came forth, as we have seen, and arranged themselves in order of battle; though it was doubtless as near shore as possible, in order to have the aid of their barba- rian allies, and they had evidently no mind to fight. 5 Anacterium.| Anactorium is here said by our author to be situated at . the mouth of the Ambracian gulf; and yet he elsewhere describes Actium as such. Thus (as Poppo observes) it is impossible to determine from Thu- cydides which was nearest to the mouth. In D’Anville’s Atlas, and many others, as Dr. Butler’s, Anactorium is so placed; though, as Poppo (after Palmer) remarks, the contrary is proved by Strabo, p. 451. In justification of our author, it may be noticed, that the Sinus Ambrac. has a double neck or entrance, on the second of which Anactorium is situated, which Pouque- ville thinks occupied the place of the present Vonitza. It was originally a colony of Corinth. By azdrn is meant not so much a stratagem as a deceiving of the people, by seizing a place where they had been received as friends. 6 Colonists.] i.e. fresh colonists, properly éxouxnropag. Such seems to be the true sense. As to the version of Smith, “ put it into the hands of the Liz THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. rean captives, eight hundred, who were slaves’, they sold; but the remaining two hundred and fifty, they kept in custody, treating them, however, with studied kindness °, in order that, on their return home, they might gain over Corcyra; for it happened that most of them were persons among the most powerful of the city. Thus Corcyra survived its dangers in the war with the Corinthians, and the Athenian fleet left it and returned home. This, however, was the first cause of the Corinthians going to war with the Athenians; namely, that they had, though at peace with them, united with the Corcyreans in taking up arms against them. LVI. Immediately after these transactions, it chanced that the following occasions of difference, tending to war’, arose between the Athenians and Peloponnesians :— The Corinthians were contriving® how they might revenge themselves on the Athenians; and they, suspecting their enmity °, ordered the Potidzeans, who inhabit the isthmus of Pallene*, and are Corinthian inhabitants,” it is not admitted by the words. Of course it is implied that the government was put into the hands of the Corinthian inhabitants. 7 Who were slaves.| From the great disproportion between the freemen and the slaves, there is reason to think that the Corcyreans chiefly manned their fleet with the latter, Indeed considering the smallness of their ter- ritory, it would not have been possible to man so large a fleet from the freemen only. Indeed I suspect that slaves were employed more or less in all the navies of Greece, even the Athenian. So in 7, 13. the Athenian seamen are said avdparoda ‘Yexapica avreubibaoa orep oboy. 8 Studied kindness.] Literally, attention and care. The custody here mentioned was not the common durance usual in such cases, but (as we find from 3, 70.) the ibera custodia, which provided only for their safe keeping, and committed them to the care of certain individuals who were bound to the state for their ransom. ‘The phrase is borrowed by Zosim. |. 4 56. 1 Tending to war.] ’Ec denotes the issue or end. 2 Contriving.] Literally, practising, devising, scheming. So, 1, 132. moaccey tite Tove Ethwrac. 3 Suspecting their enmity.] i.e. shrewdly guessing that they would seek occasion to show their hatred. _ 4 The Potideans — Pallena.| Potidza I derive from zori (Doricé for mpoc) and ddioc, expressing it to have been founded in a hostile country. Of kindred derivation is Potidania in /Etolia. This city, situated at the very isthmus of the fruitful peninsula of Pallene formerly Phlegra (mythologically, the seat of the battle of the gods and giants; but, in reality, as I suspect, the seat of extensive volcanic con- vulsions) was distant sixty stadia from Olynthus. As to its fortunes, it was CHAP. LVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 113 colonists of the Corinthians, but their tributary allies °, to pull down the wall facing Pallene®, and give hostages; and, moreover, to send away the Corinthian Epidemiurgi ’, and for the future not to receive those whom the Corinthians regu- one of the earliest colonies of the Corinthians ; was summoned to render obedience and military service to Xerxes; and soon afterwards, on refusing to surrender, was assaulted by Artabazus, whose troops, for the most part, perished in the attempt. Afterwards it was connected with the two great powers, Corinth and Athens; with the former by colonization, and with the latter by more intimate and commercial intercourse, which led to poli- tical subjection. This, however, being too rigidly exacted by the Athe- nians, became odious; and the solicitations of Corinthians and Perdiccas so worked upon their dissatisfied and restless minds, that the commands issued by Athens, proved the signal to immediate and universal insur- rection. * 5 Tributary allies.| ‘These were among those of the allies who did not furnish military or naval quotas to the Athenian alliance, but a certain equivalent in money. See supra, c. 19. and infra. 6 Wall facing Pallene, §c.] As the city of Potidzea occupied so very narrow an isthmus, it seems probable that the city walls were chiefly con- fined to the north and south, and were drawn across the isthmus. Thus the Scholiast seems right in explaining this of demolishing that part of the city wall which faced the Peninsula, which is confirmed by c. 54. init. The other, which served for defence against the Thracians, the Athenians would not desire to have destroyed ; whereas ¢his could only be meant for resistance to the masters of the sea, the Athenians, and therefore they required it to be demolished. The other requisitions tended to annihilate all connection with Corinth, except the giving of hostages, which was indeed a most humiliating, and, as it seems, ill-judged demand; since it compelled those principal families from whom the hostages would have been taken to adopt decisive measures for averting the danger which hung over them. 7 Epidemiurgi.| I have retained this name of office, because we have nothing corresponding to it in our language. The commentators, indeed, are not agreed as to the nature of the office, and the extent of its authority. It appears from 5, 47., from Hesychius, Etym. Mag., Livy, and from the authorities cited by Turnebus and Spanheim, that dnpovpyo¢ was the name given in all the Doric states to the magistrate who superintended all public business, (hence its derivation,) and which answered to the tridunus of the Greek-Latin colonies, and the demarchus of the Athenians, and has some parallel in our mayor or boroughreeve. But why, it may be asked, should such magistrates be here called éacdnpsovpyoi ? And, indeed, we find by the Scholiast that Asclepius, a grammarian as antient as the time of Pom- pey the Great, thought the é7i superfluous. That, however, may be doubted; at least, to cancel the éxi, with some critics, cannot be thought of. To the Scholiast’s testimony for its existence in that writer, I add that of one almost his contemporary, Liban. (who refers to this passage in his Orat. Potid. p. 492. B.), as confirming the undeviating authority of our MSS. It must, therefore, be retained; and the force of the ézi may be not merely that of prefectura, as Abresch supposes, but may refer to the officer being a legate sent out ezi, to (govern) colonies. ‘Thus, we find the home magistrates are never so called. VOL, I. I 114 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. larly sent over every year. These measures they took, fearing lest the Potideeans, at the solicitations of Perdiccas and the Corinthians, should revolt, and draw over as associates in the insurrection their Thracian allies. LVII. These precautionary measures the Athenians took against the Potideeans immediately after the séa-fight at Cor- cyra. For not only were the Corinthians now manifestly at enmity with them, but Perdiccas, son of Alexander, king of Macedonia‘, who had before been their friend and ally, was become inimical to them. ‘This enmity arose from the alliance which an Athenian had formed with Philip his brother, and Derdas ®, who were united in hostility to him. Alarmed at which, he contrived, by an embassy to Lacedzemon, how he might set them at variance with the Peloponnesians; and he courted the good-will? of the Corinthians, in order to bring about the revolt of Potidea. He was also practising * with the Chalcideans of Thrace, and the Botticzeans, to in- duce them to take part in the revolt; thinking that with the alliance of countries so adjacent, he should carry on the war with the greater advantage. All this coming to the ears of . the Athenians, they, anxious to anticipate the revolt of the Cities, gave orders to the commanders of the armament of thirty ships and a thousand heavy armed, (under Archestratus, son of Lycomedes, and nine others,) which they happened to be now preparing against the territories of Perdiccas, to take hostages ° of the Potidaeans, to demolish the wall, and 1 Perdiccas— Macedonia.] See the summary view of Macedonian his- tory:in Mitford’s Greece, 1, 37. et seq. 2 Philip his brother and Derdas.| The hostility arose, it seems, from some attempt made on the part of Perdiccas to deprive his brother and cousin of certain districts, their appanages in Upper Macedonia. It appears that the Athenians had, with intent to strengthen themselves in Thrace, taken part with these princes. Hence Perdiccas, indignant at this interference, and jealous of their ambition, set on foot every political ma- chination to work their destruction. 5 Courted the good-will.| Or, “endeavoured to bring them over to his interest.” It is strange Hobbes should have rendered, “ reconciled himself to.” There is no reason to suppose that he was at enmity with them. On the above sense of zpoo7. see Valckn. on Herod. 6, 66, 15. 4 Was practising with.] Literally, was making proposals to, or holding communications with, > Take hostages.] i. e. compel them to give hostages, CHAP. LVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 115 withal to keep a watchful eye over the neighbouring cities, that they might not revolt. LVIII. The Potidseans having, on the one hand, sent am- bassadors to the Athenians, to try if they could persuade them to adopt a change of policy ' with respect to themselves; and, on the other having gone to Lacedemon with the Corinthians, in order to procure their assistance should they need it; and when, after long negotiating the business, they could obtain no favourable * answer, but the ships destined against Mace- donia and themselves sailed just the same*; after, too, the authorities* at Lacedaeemon had promised them to make an irruption into Attica, if the Athenians should proceed against Potidzea —then indeed, they seized the opportunity to revolt, in conjunction with the Chalcideans and Bottizeans, binding them- selves by a mutual oath of confederacy. Perdiccas, too, in- duces the Chalcideans to abandon and demolish their cities on the coast and remove up to Olynthus °, making this their + ewerstrong city; and to the people thus emigrating he assigned part of his own territory about the lake Bolbe in Mygdonia, to t Ovie (av) : 1 Adopt a change of policy.| Wobbes and Smith here very imperfectly represent the sense. The version which I have adopted is confirmed by Liban. Orat. Potid. 493. 6. éégovro O& pndéy vewrepiey wept Tiyy mOdLY* iay roy ivoyvra Kéopoyv Tic modtreiac. The measures in contemplation would really have been a change of constitution. 2 Favourable.| Or, friendly, pacific. So in a kindred passage of 1, 29. we dé 6 Khpvé arhyyerey ovdéy eipnrvaioy rapa THy K. Smith incorrectly renders it ineffectual. 5 Sailed just the same.] i. e. as if they had never made any solicitation. Both the sense and the construction are mistaken by the translators. ‘The words should be pointed thus: GAN ai vijec, ai éxi M. Kai ode, Opoiwe EmdEov. 4 Authorities.] i. e. official persons. The original réAn is explained by the Scholiast zpodpyovrec, a name, he says, applied to Lacedemonian offi- cers of state, because they bring business ¢o an end. Duke, however, who refers to Meurs. Misc. Lacon. 2, 4. and 3, 7., observes, that it was a general name of office. And he quotes the phrase from Xen. Hist. |. 5. init., and notices the kindred phrase oi év ride. See Valckn. on Herod. 9, 106, 7. 5 Olynthus.] This city, it appears from ch. 63., was situated on a high spot. Its name is absurdly derived by Steph. Byz. from one Olynthus, a son of Hercules. Such derivations are usually a cloak for ignorance. I cannot but conjecture that it received its name from the growth of the — duvSoc, or wild fig, in its neighbourhood. See Pausan. 4, 20, 1. and Steph. Thes. in v. Tao 116 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. occupy ® during the continuance of the war with Athens. Accordingly they destroyed their cities, made a remoyal, and then prepared themselves for war.’ LIX. Meanwhile the thirty ships of the Athenians are arrived at the parts of Thrace’, and find Potideea and the other places already revolted. And now the commanders, judging it impossible with their present forces to contend both with Perdiccas and the revolted places, bent their course to Macedonia, to accomplish? the business on which they were primarily sent; and set themselves to? co-operate with Philip 6 To occupy.] i.e. for occupation, not possession. The phrase édwxe vipeoSa is elsewhere so applied, of which several other instances occur 1n the course of the Peloponnesian war. By those emigrating are to be understood such as could not be accom- modated at Olynthus. 7 Destroyed — war.) This destruction and removal were evidently made from apprehension of the naval power of Athens. It was certainly politic enough in Perdiccas to urge this measure. Doubtless he took care to en- large on the little service these peninsular lands would render, exposed as they were to the ravages of the Athenians, for whom they would be, in fact, cultivating the land. A desperate course, however, it was; and in- volved such severe sacrifices, that one may suspect that nothing but op- pression of the most galling nature could have driven them to it. ' The parts of Thrace.] Such is the literal rendering of the appellation then bestowed on that tract of southern and maritime Thrace, which em- braced the three peninsulas of Pallene, Chalcidice, and Acte, and extended as far beyond as Amphipolis. Though this was properly situated in Mace- donia or Thrace, it was not reckoned a part of either, having been peopled by Greek colonies, which had become independent of both those countries. Sometimes it bears, from the principal colonists, the name of Chalcidice, though the other was the one usually bestowed upon it. As to the ratio phraseos, it is expressed at 2, 29. more fully by ra éxi Opakne xopia. Some participle is wanting, as cvvwxipéva; and the whole signifies the Grecian colonies in Thrace. How the Chalcideans came to possess this tract of country, we learn from Herod. 8, 127. 2 To accomplish — sent.) Such-seems to be the most exact representation of the somewhat irregular language of the original, rpérovrat gai ry — Maxedoviay, 颒 bre teeriurovro, where must be understood zpdypa, or goyov. The same ellipsis occurs at 6,47. Some examples are adduced by Goeller from Sallust, and by Abresch from Greek authors, but not very apposite ones. Out of many which I have noticed, I select the following : Hurip. Bacch. 454. ox dpopdgoc ci, Eeve, We elg yuvducac, ty” brEp cic ONbac mapa; Zosim. p.215. s.m. 6 Baoirede i¢’ brep 28 dpxije Wopynro, Kara Ilepotiy imi ry imay éoréidrer0; and 4,135, 1. ObddAnc, 2’ brep 2 apyiie Wounto, Kara II, toréXeTO. 8 Set themselves to.| Or, engaged themselves in. The force of kara- ordvrec is either neglected or misunderstood by the translators. It neither et CHAP. LXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. LEZ and the brothers of Derdas, who had made an irruption in force from the upper country.* LX. In the meantime the Corinthians, on the revolt of Potidzea and the departure of the Athenian fleet to Mace- donia, being apprehensive for the safety of the place, and regarding the danger as their own, send out a force, composed partly of volunteers of their own city, and partly of Pelopon- nesians whom they had taken into pay, in all 1700 heavy- armed, and 700 light troops, commanded by Aristeus, son of Adimantus, who had ever been well affected to Potideea, and by their attachment to whom most of the Corinthians had been chiefly induced to join the expedition, which arrived in Thrace on the fortieth day after the revolt of Potideea. LXI. The news, however, of the defection of the cities soon reached the Athenians, who on hearing this, and the troops repairing’ under Aristeus, sent off 2000 heavy armed of their own citizens, and forty ships, under the command of Callias, son of Calliades, with four others, against the revolted places. These, on arriving at Macedonia, found the 1000 first sent had already taken Therme, and were besieging Pydna; and they also first of all sat themselves down before the place; but afterwards having made a composition? with Perdiccas, and means, “having come thither,” nor, “there staying,” as it is rendered by Smith and Hobbes. It stands, by a common atticism, for caracradéivrec ; and there was no occasion for Reiske to have here conjectured kcarw ordyrec, or Palmer caracraSeic on Mschin. de falsa Legat. p. 52,27. There is here an ellipsis of ee geyov, which is supplied at 1, 52. So Kad. éc¢ modgpoyv at 5, 82., and often elsewhere. 4 From the upper country.) Namely, “into the lower.” ‘These appa- nages were evidently in the highlands of Macedonia, called Upper Mace- donia. 1 Repairing.| Literally, “and that those under Aristeus had gone thi- ther.” Smith incorrectly renders, “ heard of the arrival.’ That had not yet taken place, as appears from the next chapter. 2 Composition, §e-] Such is, I conceive, the sense of Zipbaow romodpevor kat Loppaytay avaycaiay, which has been misunderstood by the interpreters. ’Avaykaiog is used of what is highly necessary (7,6.); or absolutely expedient (6, 57.); and in 7, 69. we have ody ikavad paddor 7) dvaysaia. And it is often used of what is necessary and wnavoidable. Hence may be understood Eutrop. 10, 17. Si federis necessitatem mutare voluisset. That the state of IDO ” * 118 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. treaty of alliance, on the best terms that the emergency would admit, (for Potidzea and the arrival of Aristeus demanded despatch,) they evacuated Macedonia, and proceeded to Berea; and in their way from thence, turning back on the place, and first making an unsuccessful attempt on it, they then went forward to Potideea® by land, with 3000 heavy armed of their own citizens, besides a considerable number of troops furnished by the allies, and 700 Macedonian horse under Philip and Pausanias. They were accompanied along the coast by a fleet of seventy ships. Proceeding forward leisurely, they arrived on the third day* at Gigonus, and there en- camped. Athenian affairs rendered this accommodation necessary is obvious; but it is not so clear how Perdiccas should be so readily induced to conclude, not a treaty of peace only, but of alliance with Athens. He may have been (as Mit- ford supposes) not over-scrupulous ; but neither, I imagine, were the Athe- nians $o; and, therefore, we may conclude, that the interests of Philip and Derdas were not very studiously consulted: and yet we cannot suppose them to have been neglected, for otherwise Philip would not have just after- wards joined the Athenian army. 3 And proceeding — Potidea.| I have endeavoured to ascertain the true sense of this tortuous and obscure passage, in which there are four participles with a cai. Now the difficulty centres in caxeiSev étriorpiwavrec. Portus renders, “ in Berseam profecti et inde reversi.’” But that involves somewhat of incongruity. As to the version of Smith, “ and turning from thence,” that the words will not admit. And still less that of Hobbes, who, moreover, by supposing them to have turned back to Pydna, and to have thence gone by land, throws them, I conceive, out of the regular road, which seems to have been through Bercea and from thence to Pella, Gephyra, Therme, and Gigonus, and so on to Potideea. Many recent commentators, indeed, as Reiske, Gottl., Haack, and Bredov., take ézior. in the sense “‘ turning their attention to.’ And they connect cdceiSey and ézopevorro, assigning the following sense: “ venerunt Beroeam, indeque post- quam ad oppidum conversi illud tentaverant frustra, Potidaeam iter fecerunt.” But the construction of the words is thus broken up, the kai in kdcetSev must be cancelled, and the sense assigned to ézvor. is frigid and not very apt. It is plain that évorp. must have the sense ascribed to it by the old translators, ‘* turning back.” And yet to go toa place, and then turn back upon it, has appeared so perplexing, that Bauer supposed by Berwa was meant the district, and by ywpiov the city itself. And he thinks that, in passing through the district, they affected to leave the city in the flank, or rear, and then suddenly turned upon it. But the road passed through Bereea ; and to take Bercea for the district is so intolerably harsh, that it cannot at all be thought of. Neither is this device ne- cessary. We need only suppose that on their way from Bercea, and at a short distance from it, they, either from sudden thought, or premeditated design and deep-laid plan, turned back upon the city, hoping to surprise it off its guard, and carry it by a coup-de-main. + Third day.| The first day’s march seems to haye been to Pella, the second to Therme, and the third to Gigonus. CHAP. LXIII THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 119 LXII. Now the Potidzeans and the Peloponnesians with Aristeus, were encamped, expecting the Athenians at the isthmus near Olynthus, and having their market for the supply of the troops out of the city. The allies chose as general of the whole of the infantry Aristeus; and of the horse Perdic- cas, (for he had immediately again forsaken’ the Athenian alliance, and attached himself to the Potidszeans,) who ap- pointed Iolaus his lieutenant. Now it was the purpose of Aristeus to have his own army at the isthmus, and watch the approach of the Athenians; but that the Chalcideans and the allies from beyond the isthmus, and a body of 200 horse sent by Perdiccas, should remain in Olynthus; and when the Athenians should proceed towards them, to make an attack on their rear, and thus place the enemy between them. But Callias, the Athenian general and his colleagues detached the Mace- donian horse and a small party of the allies to Olynthus, in order to hinder any sally from thence. So they, breaking up their encampment, marched towards Potideea. On arriving at the isthmus, and seeing the enemy ranging his troops for battle, they also placed themselves in opposite array, and speedily came to action; and that wing where Aristeus and his colleagues were (being the flower of the army) put to flight the wing opposite to them, and pursued the enemy to a con- siderable distance; but the rest of the Potideeans and Pelopon- nesians were worsted by the Athenians, and compelled to take refuge within the city walls. LXIII. Now when Aristeus had returned from the pursuit, and perceived the rest of his army defeated, he was in doubt which course he should venture to take; whether towards Olynthus, or to Potidzea? At last he resolved to contract his troops into the smallest compass, and force pellmell into Potidzea: and this he effected by dashing through the water 1 Forsaken, &c.| The reason for this sudden change we are not told: _ but after making all due allowance for the levity and unprincipled dis- position of the man, may it not have been caused by the attack on Berea, and the close union between the Athenians and his brother Philip, which he might think augured no good to him? 1 4& 120 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. below the pier?, with difficulty, indeed, and amidst a shower of darts, as also with the loss of a few men, though with the safety of the greater number. But those of Olynthus who were to co-operate with the Potidzeans, as soon as the signals were raised and the battle commenced, (for the place is but about sixty stadia distant, and plainly visible,) proceeded for- ward some little way, in order to give succour, and the Mace- donian horse advanced in battle array to oppose them. But as the victory was speedily decided in favour of the Athenians, and the signals lowered, they retreated back again within the walls, and the Macedonians returned to the Athenians: so that the cavalry on neither side took part in the engagement. After the battle the Athenians set up a trophy, and by truce granted to the Potideeans their dead.” Now there fell of the Potidzeans and their allies somewhat less than 2007; of the Athenians themselves 150%, and their general Callias. 1 Pier.| There is a very similar passage in Xen. Anab. 7,1, 17. &eov mapa THY Sddarray, Kai Tapa THY yHAnY TOU TéEixove iTEpbadNovow sic THY aodw. Hence is illustrated Aristid. 1,101. zapa ryyv yAHAnv rhe Hiovoc. The word yy is derived by the Scholiast and Suidas from its being like the y#An Bode. Another derivation is attempted by Dorville on Chariton, with as little success. The Scholiast (from some antient authority, it seems,) tells us that the #7 was a projecting piece of rough stone-work, to pro- tect the wall. The exploit here recorded was doubtless performed at ebb tide. I can- not omit to observe, that this passage is imitated by Appian. 2,859. Wdevey — Barropevog Te Kai xaXerrwc, and 2,674. where Schweigh. has edited from one MS. ixyeiro dodum. The other editions and MSS. have égeiro ; a most corrupt reading, for which I propose the mild emendation é« re. 2 By truce —dead.| i.e. gave them permission to fetch away their dead for burial. This permission was accompanied by a sort of armistice con- cluded, which assured those friends who went on this mournful errand, of their personal safety: and as all permission implies superiority, so the asking this permission was tantamount to an acknowledgment of defeat ; insomuch that when the victory was undecided, the dead were demanded, or fetched away by force. ‘This truce, being never denied, was so far re- garded as a matter of course, that it was sometimes taken for granted by tacit consent. See Turneb. Adv. 5,7. Herald. Adv. 1, 9. Kirchmann de funer. Append. c. 4. and the commentators on Alian. V. H. 12, 4. referred to by Duker in loc. 3 Somewhat less than 300.| Diod. Sic. says rXeiove rey rp. by an error, it should seem. Perhaps the true reading is putove. 4 Of the Athenians themselves 150.]| The epitaph on the Athenians who fell in this battle has been recently discovered and illustrated by Thiersch. On Callias, see Plut. Nic. ch. 6. He seems to have read Ka\\ddac. But that was the name of the father, as it was also of a son of Callias, who, CHAP. LXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 12t LXIV. The Athenians then proceeded to throw up and garrison works of circumvallation against that part of the city wall which faced the isthmus. That towards Pallene’ was left without circumvallation ; for they did not think themselves able to maintain their garrison at the isthmus, and to go and raise works on the side towards Pallene, being apprehensive lest the Potidzeans and their allies should attack them when thus divided. The Athenians, at home, however, hearing that Pallene was not circumvallated, afterwards sent out 1600 heavy armed of their own citizens, with Phormio, son of Asopius, as general, who proceeding thither, and making his advances * from Aphytis, led his forces against Potidzea, going on leisurely, and ravaging ® the country in his course. But when no one came forth to engage with him, he threw up a circumvyallation to the wall on the side of Pallene.* And thus was Potideea closely ° besieged, both on the land sides, and to the seaward by the fleet, which also blockaded the place. (as appears from Dio. Chrysost. de Servit. p. 238.,) was taken prisoner in this battle, and long remained in captivity. 5 That towards Pallene.| Gottleb. most erroneously supposes that by the Pallene here mentioned is to be understood the city, not the peninsula. It would, indeed, make no difference whether it were taken of one or the other, but of the former I find no mention in Thucydides. Into this mistake Gottleb. seems to have been led by Portus, who just after renders é¢ tiv Haddnryny by “ in urbem, P.” The aréityisroy is put for ob« azorety., as just after reyiZev for dzor., the genus for the species. This wall of circumvallation was usually formed of the materials dug from a deep ditch, mostly fenced with a strong palli- sado. A full account of this may be seen in Wessel. on Herod. 6, 36, 6. and Goeller de Situ Syr. p. 90. 2 Making his advances.| 1.e. making that his head-quarters, or seat of war to sally from. So in a kindred passage of 2, 69. dc dppmpevoc tx Nav- maxrov, &c. The same phrase, indeed, is found very frequently in our author; so that I am surprised all the translators should have missed the true sense, which is that above expressed. This, too, seems implied in his landing at Aphytis, which as being a place of some strength, and within a convenient distance of Potidzea, would be very well adapted for the purpose intended. ; 3 Ravaging.| The original ceipew signifies properly to cut down the trees. It is often used in the Historians, both by itself and with AenAareiy, Awby}- cacSa, and similar terms; and therefore denotes such wasting destruction as lays every thing bare. 4 On the side of Paillene.| This sense of é«, though not perceived by the commentators, is very frequent, and is here required by the context. 5 Closely.] Or, strongly, with a great force. See my note on Acts 19, 20. 122 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. LXV. But on the place being blockaded, Aristeus having no hope of preservation unless some succour should arrive from Peloponnesus, or other unexpected * event occur, gave it as his advice that all except 500 should seize the first favourable wind and sail off, in order that thus the provisions might hold out the longer ; and he was ready to be of the number of those who staid behind. Failing, however, to per- suade them, and being desirous of providing for what might seem the next advisable step, and with a view to promote, as effectually as he could, the welfare of affairs outs¢de of the place *, he contrived to elude the vigilance of the Athenian guardships, and make away by sea. ‘Taking up his abode among the Chalcideans, he, in conjunction with them, achieved several warlike exploits, and, moreover, laid an am- 1 Unexpected, mapddoyov.] i.e. mapadogov. For I cannot receive the reading zapa Néyor, edited by Goeller purely on the conjecture of Krueger, who denies that the adjective is ever used by Thucyd., though in the face of this passage, and 2, 90. 7, 71. and others, because in all these we may read mapa A\éyov. But what proof is there that we must? The adjective is in- deed rare, and no example is given by Steph. Thes., but it does occur; as Diod. Sic. T. 4. 215, 8. ju) yévnrai te mapddoyor, aliquid adversi, Plut. de Is. §. 75. Evpdopac wapaddyove kai addoxdrove. And it ought to be restored to Aristot. Eth. 1.9,7. oc wapa Adyor étmi{yreira, on the authority of Andron. Rhod.; as also to Heliod. t. 1. p.100,3. Eidoc émaveréwwero we maragwv, et Te mapa N6yov éyxeupein, Where it is well rendered “ si quid temerarium agerederetur.” At Jambl. Vit. Pyth. § 182. eivar dé roy Kawpoy pexpi piv rivac OwWakroy Kai arapadoyor, I conjecture od zap. By the something unexpected seems to be meant, not, as the Scholiast fancies, an earthquake, but some adverse occurrence to the enemy, as pes- tilential disease, the death of some of the superior officers, and the ruin of the army by neglect, or some other event in, what is familiarly called, the chapter of accidents. 2 Desirous of —place.| Such appears to be the true sense of these words, which seems to have been ill understood by the translators. As to the versions of Hobbes and Smith, they entirely desert the original. Now the difficulty centres in ra éxi rotrow, which have no very tangible sense ; yet, aided by the context, we may ascertain it. Ta émi rovrae, scil. pd- ypara signifies in the best writers matters or affairs which come next in succession to others; and, figuratively, such as are neat to be done, are next in importance, a sense very applicable here. As Aristeus could not induce them to adopt what he thought the dest measure under present circum- stances, he was yet willing to have recourse to the neat best measure; and to provide as effectually as he could for the good of the city outside of it ; “ had they consented to leave it all but 500, greater good might have been one. By his proposing to maintain the defence with 500 men, we may suppose that the place must have been very strong. Indeed it is to be remembered, that this was not so much a stege as a blockade. CHAP. LXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 123 bush near the city of Sermyla®, and slew a considerable number. He opened also a correspondence with the Pelopon- nesus, in order to procure some succours thence. But Phor- mio, having completed the blockade of Potidzea, went with 1600 heavy armed, ravaged the Chalcideean and Bottiaan territories *, and took some of their towns. LXVI. Now the following are the accusations which the Athenians and Peloponnesians reciprocally brought against each other. ‘The Corinthians complained that the Athenians were besieging Potideea, their colony, and the Corinthian and Peloponnesian persons therein. The Athenians retorted upon them that they had drawn over into revolt their confederate and tributary city, and had gone and openly fought against them with the Potidzeans. The dispute had, however, not yet broken out into a war, nor had the parties proceeded to blows!; for the Corinthians had done what they did acting only in their private capacity.” $ Sermyla.| Or Sermylia, or Sermilis, or Hermyla; for Goeller has rightly edited from MSS. ‘Eppvdiwy. But if Hecateus, as we are told by St. Byz., wrote Seou., the common reading must be the true one. Be that as it may, in Scylax, p. 26,19. for Iopvpia, I would read ‘Eopidua. 4 Chalcidean and Bottiean territories.| The situation of the Bottiaan territory is found in scarcely any of the maps, and in those few it is fixed very erroneously. ‘The cause of this has been that the Bottizeans occu- pied two different situations at different periods. The original one was, as we find from Herod. 7,123 and 127., a long and narrow strip of country running from the head of the Thermaic gulf, and bounded towards the sea- coast by the rivers Axius and Haliacmon, and extending a considerable distance upland. But from this their parent country, they had been driven away by the Macedonians even before the time of Herodotus, since he mentions their expulsion at 8,127. Thucyd. also, 2,99., notices it, and describes them as occupying a district bordering on that of the Chalcideans, with whom they are in our author generally mentioned together. We find, too, from Herod. 8, 127. that they occupied Olynthus, in the time of Da- rius Hystaspes, whose general, Artabazus, having taken the city, extermi- nated their race, and gave it to the Chalcideans. What exact situation they at this time occupied, is not certain; but as it seems pretty clear that Spartolus (called by Thucyd. a Bottiaean city) was to the west of Olynthus, and certainly at no great distance, there the Bottizean territory must be placed. It was probably bounded by the river Olynthus on the east. Its other boundaries cannot be fixed. | Proceeded to blows.| Literally, had yet kept their hands off each other, For dvaxwyx7) is here to be taken in its primary sense. See note, supra, 1, 40. "2 Private capacity.| And not as a member of the Peloponnesian confe- deracy. This sense of idig occurs in 7,48. 5,42. 2,67. 124 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. LXVII. But on Potidzxa being besieged, they, alarmed for the safety of the place and of their countrymen within it, could no longer keep quiet’, but exhorted the allies to pro- ceed without delay to Lacedeemon ; and going thither them- selves, they inveighed bitterly * against the Athenians, saying that they had broken the treaty, and were doing shameful 4 TWH Ustice to Greece. The Aiginete *, too, though they did not openly send ambassadors for fear of the Athenians, yet secretly did not a little to foment the war, alleging that they were not left to enjoy that political independence which the treaty had assigned them. ‘Then the Lacedzemonians, having summoned their confederates, and, besides them, such of the allies as had any other injury to complain of* at the hands of the Athenians, \ 1 Keep quiet.| Or, make a private affair only of it, but resolved to make it a public one, and seek redress at the hands of the confederacy. 2 Inveighed bitterly.| The cause of this exacerbation may be found in the check given to their ambition in former wars, in the hinderance which their commerce met with from the rising power of the Athenians, and, finally, in that interference with their colonies by which they were at least deprived of almost all denefit from them, in consequence of the tribute and political subjection claimed by the mistress of the sea. 3 ZAginete.| ‘This once powerful state had now sunk into insignificance, having been so completely humbled by the defeat recorded infra, 6. 108., and which had taken place twenty-four years before; so that they could not have maintained any real independence. ‘That they should have nou- rished animosity against the authors of their humiliation, was natural ; but, in reality, they were a conquered country ; and in the terms of their treaty of submission mentioned, nothing is said of leaving them even nominal independence. ‘The Scholiast would untie the knot by reminding us that those states whose names were not subscribed to the treaty, were regarded as independent. And thus he would take ‘‘ according to the treaty,” to mean “ according to the spirit of the treaty.” But considering that the conquest of A¢gina by Athens took place six years before that treaty, it would seem highly improbable that the name of A%gina should not have been inserted in the Athenian list. And yet, from the expressions at the beginning of the chapter, there appears reason to suppose that the Auginetze were regarded as forming part of the Peloponnesian alliance. They were, too, of the Doric race; and both affinity and amity would draw them that way. After all, the Scholiast is probably right. It seems that, in conse- quence of their being so much in the power of Athens, their name was not actually affixed to the Lacedemonian confederation, to which affinity and good-will would have inclined them; but yet they had just so much power as to avert the humiliation of being entered on the Athenian list, and therefore might be said to have a nominal claim to independence, though their being subject and tributary to Athens prevented them from being really so. 4 And besides them — complain of.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this awkward passage, in which the recent editors have done well in cancelling CHAP. LXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 125 and having convoked their own accustomed assembly, desired them to speak. Accordingly they each of them brought for- ward their accusations, and among the rest especially the Megareans, who stated many other occasions of difference, and particularly this, that they, contrary to the treaty, had been excluded from the ports* of the Athenian territory, and from the use of the market at Athens. Last of all, and having let the others first exasperate the Lacedzemonians, came forward the Corinthians, and spoke to this effect : — LXVIII. “ The good faith, Lacedamonians, which cha- racterises your political conduct and private intercourse to- wards each other, makes you the less disposed to hearken to what may be said to the prejudice of others’; and from this, re. Kistemm. (as some others before him, and among them Smith) assign the following : “ summoning not only their allies, but whoever else had any charge to prefer.’ Others, as Haack and Goeller, render thus: “ La- cedzemonii vero sociorum preeterea advocatis si qui alia quapiam in re se ab Atheniensibus injuriam accepisse dicerent, legitimo suze gentis concilio facto, qui vellent, eos dicere jusserunt.”’? But according to the former of these two interpretations, the re can hardly be dispensed with, and a\Xo¢ would be necessary. The chief objection, however, is in the sense; for it is not probable that they would summon any but their allies. ‘The latter seems to represent the true meaning of the passage. And the editors who sup- port it might have observed that the cai signifies nempe, and the whole of the clause cai si re —’ ASnvaiwy is exegetical of the preceding. I must not omit to observe, that the persons sent on the part of the allies are called by Herod. 5, 91, 10. dyyedou, also rpdbovdo at 6, 72. At 7,172.° both appellations are used. 5 Excluded from the ports, §c.] Some light is required to be thrown on this subject. History, however, affords none; and the Scholiast, our sub- stitute for it, only retails the silly story which Diodorus and that arch scandal-monger Plutarch have not blushed to perpetuate. More to the purpose would it have been to have remarked that the terms denote a for- bidding of all commercial intercourse both by sea and land. But what our Scholiast has omitted to do may be supplied from the Scholiast on Aristoph. Ran. p. 273. D. éypabe yao Phoropa rowdroy 6 Tepiucdjjc. Meyapéiac pyr’ ayopac, pyre Sadarrnc, pyr Hreipou perexe., where there is somewhat of corruption, which may be easily removed by reading pr roe ayopac, pyre Sadarrne pyre ireipov, peréxerv. This is the best commentary on the words of Thucyd., where, by the ayopae¢ is meant the market by land, the depriva- tion of which inflicted very great distress on the Megareans, as appears from Aristoph, Acharn. 729. 752. and 758. See also the Schol. on p- 410, 6.F. gi | The good faith —others.| Such seems to be the true sense of this diffi- cult passage. Or it may be expressed thus: “ renders you the more dis- posed to question any representations which are made to the prejudice of others.” Td murdy, * good faith;” asin a very similar passage of Soph. 126 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. indeed, you derive? a sober-minded moderation, but you labour under the greater ignorance in your views of foreign affairs.2 Thus when we repeatedly told you beforehand what injuries we were about to suffer from the Athenians, ye derived no instruction* from the representations which from time to time we made, but rather suspected the speakers, as if they had had merely their own private interest? in view. And thus it happens, that not before we have suffered the wrong, but when we are already groaning under it®, you have sum- moned these your allies, among whom we are not the least privileged to speak ’, inasmuch as we have the greatest com- plaints to prefer — wronged ° as we are by the Athenians, and by you neglected. Now if, indeed, their injuries to Greece Trach. 398. 7b miordy, & Baowred, Tij¢ é¢ Tobe bmNKdouc duirtiac. "Amor. In the active sense, for ji weSopévove is somewhat rare; yet it occurs in schyl. Theb. 873. iw ddodpovec pikwy dztorot., Proverb. 28, 25. dxuro¢g dyno kpive sixj., and St. Joh. 20,27. pur) yivou dtsroc aNd miordc. In ée¢ rove d\Xove —KkaSiornot rests the chief difficulty. Kistemm. would con- strue é¢ rove Gove after iv Tt Aéywper, in the sense, “speak against them.” But this would not be good Greek; and as the words are antithetical to Kay tpac abrove, they must be taken with caSiorno amir. By déywper is meant, per euphem., Néywuev kara. By the rode adddAove is meant, “ the other Greeks.”? And for Aéywuey there is a change to the first person plural, to. accommodate what is said in a general way, to the present speakers; and thus also brevity is consulted. For otherwise it would have been iv re Eywor, We npeic viv NEywwev. The sense of the passage has been completely missed by Smith. On the sentiment, see note on 1 Cor. 15.078 2 Derive.] Or, acquire. The translators understand this of acquiring the praise of, &c. But that seems an unnecessary licence of inter- pretation. 3 You labour —affairs.] i. e. your views of foreign affairs are so much the less correct. By foreign is meant all that was not Lacedemonian. 4 Derived no instruction.] i.e. ye made no information, were not the wiser for them. 5 Interest.| Portus and Hobbes, in rendering this “ private differences,” forget the idiom in the words, which is also found at 3, 42. #) tig re abr dvagéper, where see the note. Smith (to make surety more sure) expresses both the above senses. Goeller denies that réy Aeydvrwy is governed of izovoeire. But I rather acquiesce in the common opinion, which is not only confirmed by a Scho- liast in Bekk, Anecd., but also by a close imitation of the passage in Joseph. 599, 29. ® Groaning under it.) q.d. in ipso articulo perpessionis. So 7,71. padXoy roy éy TH Epywp edovr0dvTo, See Dr. Blomf, on Aischyl. Choeph. 156. 7 Privileged to speak.) Or, have a right to speak. So 3,40. 6, 16. Kat TpoonKer oe wadAov ETEOWY GpVers ® Wronged.] ‘Y€p. denotes a mixture of injury and insult. CHAP. LXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 127 had been perpetrated in a lurking and secret 9 manner, then it might be necessary to show the fact for the information of those who knew it not. But now, what need of long speeches to you who see yourselves, some of you, enslaved, and others (and those, too, your allies,) whose liberty is aimed at by those who have long been prepared to maintain their ag- gression, if perchance they should be resisted 1°? For other- wise they would not have laid hands on *! Corcyra, and held it fast in spite of us, nor have besieged Potideea; of which the one is most opportunely ’* situated for constant use in our in- tercourse with ‘Vhrace, the other would have supplied a most powerful navy to the Peloponnesians. LXIX. “ Now of these evils, you, Lacedzemonians, are the authors, by suffering them first to fortify their city after the Median war, and afterwards to erect the long walls; by so doing continually depriving of liberty not only those then enslaved by them, but now even your allies... For not he who actually enslaves is the sole agent, but e may more truly be said to effectuate it, who, having the power to prevent, looks on and permits it; and especially if he affects a reputation of virtue, as a liberator of Greece. Tardily®, and with much 9 Lurking and secret manner.| Hobbes well seizes the literal sense, * lurking in some obscure place.’ Yet the epithet is evidently meant for the action, or place of action. And dgaveic is for évy rp agave, and that for the adverb agavéc. So in a passage of Dionys. Hal. A. R. p. 150, 24. imitated from hence: ovdé cic ddavic mov Karadd¢e yopoyv, aX avagavddy. Thus also éy ywvia na9nwa, and in angulo jacere. See my note on Acts 26, 26. 10 What need—resisted.] Such is, I conceive, the full and real sense of this contort sentence, which hardly admits of being rendered literally. A bitter sarcasm is couched in ¢izore dpa rodephnoovra, which, if Bekker and Goeller had perceived, they would not have cancelled dpa. 11 Laid hands on.| Steph. and Duker think that there is here, as in some other passages, an adjunct notion of wnderhand. In which view might be compared the “ privy paw” of Dryden. But the thing really was not “ done in a corner.” 12 Most opportunely — Thrace.] The words zpd¢ ra éri Opgene are somewhat vague; but there seems to be a reference to the purposes of commerce and dominion, which their great rivals had so successfully car- ried on with that and other countries peopled by Grecian colonists. 1 Your allies.| The Xginete, Megareans, and Potideeans. 2 Tardily.] ‘The translators render as if they read poyic. But the com- mon reading is not only supported by all the MSS., but by 1, 141. ypdrcoé / 128 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. ado, are we brought together, and not even now for any clear and definite object.2 Surely it ought not to be made a question for consideration whether we have been injured or not — but how we may avenge the wrong. For now the active, the decided, and the undelaying, advance against those who are yet unresolved what to do.* Aye, we well know in what a crafty way, and by what silent approaches, the Athenians encroach upon their neighbours! And so long, indeed, as they fancy they escape detection, through your unobservance®, they are the less courageous; but when they find that you know and permit, they will vigorously press on their attacks. Yes, Lacedaemonians, you alone of the Greeks repel your foe °, not by force of arms, but by dint of procrastination; you alone seek to destroy, not the incipient increase’, but the doubled re Evo rec, tv Bpayet piv poply ckorovet re THy Kowdy. Perhaps, however, the other notion may be admitted as an adjunct. 3 Definite object.| Such as would be the case, if the injury were ac- knowledged: for then the only object would be how to avenge it. The next words are exegetical. 4 The active —do.] This seems to be the true sense of the place, which has been miserably handled by the translators. The best commentary on it will be found in the following passages of /Mschyl. Agam. 1222. od pev karebyer (you are praying); rote 0 dazoxreive pide (and they are taking measures to destroy you); and 1327. ypoviZouey yap, we delay; ot d& ric peddovc Kkhéoc Iledov warovyrec, 0} KaSevdovow xept, which is well rendered by Dr. Blomfield, “ illi vero tarditatis gloriam conculcantes (aspernati, et cele- ritatem preeferentes) manu non quiescunt.” 5 Your unobservance.] 'To render the dvaicSynrorv, stupor or stupidity, were as ill-judged as in Acts 17, 22. to assign to deowWaoreorépove the sense too superstitious. In neither case could it be the intention of the speaker to insult those whom he was addressing. For the same reason I cannot approve of the versions of Heilman unempfinlichkeit, and of Goeller inertia. Indeed the sense which I have adopted is one of the most natural of which the word is susceptible. 6 Repel your foe.| It is strange that Hobbes and Smith should under- stand this of succouring their friends ; which implies an ignorance of one of the most common idioms of the language. 7 Increase.] ‘The editors have certainly done right in preferring avénow to the other reading dtvayw, which is evidently a mere gloss. I cannot, however, but suspect that «bfyow itself is a gloss, and that Thucydides wrote avény, an old Attic word, recommended in preference to abénow by the old grammarians, and which occurs (though little noticed by Steph. Thes.) in Aretzeus, Philo, Hermes ap. Stob. Ecl. Phys. t. 2. p. 800., Zozim. 1,24, 1., and Aélian An. 9, 60. However, I must not dissemble that avénow is defended by an imitation of this passage in Plut. Rom. 25. od« wovro ésiv TepLopgy, ON évicracsar 7H abEhoe, Kai kwovey Tov Pwyidoyv. And yet if dvvauy be a gloss, it is a most antient one, since it was read by Joseph., who, p. 98, 35. writes thus: ot d& dpxopévny Obvapwy ixSpdyv wepwpevor Kara- CHAP, LXIX, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 129 strength of your enemies. Ye have, forsooth, the reputation of being safe and sure*; but truly the report of you exceeds the fact. For well we know that the Mede had proceeded from the remotest parts of the earth? before the quotas to be furnished by you were properly ready to meet him. And now the Athenians (not far removed as he was, but near at hand,) you look upon with quiet indifference '°, and instead of your- selves advancing upon them, you choose rather to repel their attacks, and rather to expose yourselves to the dubious chances of war'!, by contesting with them when stronger; knowing as you do, that the Barbarian owed his ruin chiefly to himself; and that we, in our contests with the Athenians, are indebted for our safety more to their blunders than to any suc- © cours from you. Jor indeed some have there been’? whom the hopes of such, and the reliance thereon, have hurried un- prepared for resistance to their ruin. Let none of you, how- ever, suppose that these animadversions are made out of enmity —nay, rather by way of expostulation.’® For expostu- Ave ayadou cuveivar paddoy, 7 ot wookdacay pei KwrbovTOC yévEecSat. And also, perhaps, by Dionys. Hal. 104,17. ody dpxopévny roy ‘Pwpaiwy Goxny ikwdyvoay, aN int péya mponkodoy cuppépecIae Eusd\dov. And it is somewhat countenanced by Herod. 1, 46,7. caradabéiy abriy aviavwpévny Tijy Obvapw, [ agree with Haack, that the ps\Ajoea just before must not be interpreted, with some commentators, of threatening what we will do, nor, with Bauer, of attempt only, but of that procrastination which was so characteristic of the Lacedzemonians, who thought, with Fabius, cunctando rem posse resti- tui. This signification, indeed, is required by what follows. It is rightly observed by the Scholiast, that this is said between wheedling and rebuke. 8 Safe and sure.] This seems to have reference to some antient adage. The above sense of dcgadsj¢ is found in the best writers, as Soph. Aid. Tyr. 617. dpoveitvy yap ot raysic odk dopareic; Eurip. Phen. 608. ’Acpadijc yip ior apiivwy i) Yoacde orparndarne; Timocl. ap. Athen, 238. A. giro yevvaiog, aogarhe Y tia. 9 From the remotest, §c.] See my note on Matt. 12, 42. 10 Look upon with quiet indifference.| i.e. as unconcerned spectators ; so in 2,45. It is strange that Hobbes should render connive. 11 Ewpose yourselves to, §c.| The Scholiast truly remarks (I suspect from some antient author), that he who contests with his superiorin strength, calls in fortune as his helper. And so our author, in the Dialogue of the Melians and Athenians, infra, |. 5. 12 For some have there been.| It should seem that the orator especially adverts to the conquest of gina ; though the words are applicable to other events which had happened since the rise of the Athenian power. 13 Let none —expostulation.] This is imitated by Dio Cass. 814, 74. Tavs dpiv ixerysnow, and&e piv avayKarde Ot, ob« we éxSpdc, ob0E WE puLowY VOL. I. K ‘130 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ~ BOOK: I. lation is such as we employ with offending friends ; accusation, *4 with injurious foes. LXX. * And, moreover, we deem ourselves, if any, privi- leged } to administer rebuke to our neighbours ; especially since great are the interests at stake*; concerning which ye seem, to us at least, not to have been aware, or ever yet reflected, against what formidable persons in the Athenians, and how widely different from yourselves, the contest will have to be sustained. They are projectors ® of novelty *; quick to devise, and rapid to carry into execution °, their schemes. Your aim Dpac, (da prOy. Dionys. Hal. 1,146, 50, déZaode dé abrd pap we emi Cta- Cory Kai dvediopm Aeydpevoy, dAd, &c. Aristid. 1,430. B. pndé roy éa’ aitia TapioyTwy povoy tiv Tapaivecy sivai vopionre. And Isocrates de -Pace, § 25. opposes the rove éixi Baby NowWopodtrac to Tove éx’ wHEdsig VoV- Serovvrac. And he also has, éeort — oie pidote iximAHEat, Kai Toe ExSpoue ErriSeoSa raic GAHrwy cpapriac. So, too, the great Apostle of the Gen- ‘tiles, in a most interesting passage (Gal. 4,16.), Wore éySpdc tuay yéyova anSevwv duiv 3 see also Ps. 5,11. and 12. 14 Haepostulation —accusation.| Similar passages, by imitation of the present, are found in Clem. Alex. 121, 6. "Ezuripnotc 0& tort Woyoc én’ al- ox pote, olkeL@Y mpdc TA KAaAAa, — pémluc OF EoTe Poyog we dLtywpobyTwY 7 apeE- Acdyrwy ; and Themist. 277. A. wdprrodu Cuapéper voursecia piv Rowopiae, éwimdnite O& dveiOove, 1 We deem — privileged.) Namely, from their great power, which gave them, as our author has already said, a very considerable influence with the Lacedeemonians. By neighbours are meant confederates ; q.d. do not neglect this censure, as if it came from a mean quarter. 2 Great are the interests at stake.] It is strange that Haack should in- terpret this of the points of difference between the two nations, by which there would be a putid anticipation of what is just after brought forward ; not to say that the context would not permit that sense here. 8 They are projectors, §c.| It is the least praise of this portion of the work, that it affords the finest example of the continued antithesis and pa- risosis to be any where met with.. Thus it has been in every part the sub- ject of numerous imitations, among which may be instanced Max. Tyr. Dissert. 20,204. One of the finest parallels in our own language that occurs to me is in Cowper’s “ Truth,” p.60., where he contrasts the con- dition of the lace-maker and that of Voltaire. 4 Projector of novelty.| The word vewreporoiog is said to be very rare ; yet | have noted down many examples from the Historians. On the thing itself, see Aristoph. Concion. 580—589. who also in his Acharn. 630. de- scribes the Athenians as rayvédudove. So also in Conc. 247. iy rat’, dre VOELC, KATEDYNOY. 5 Carry into execution, &c.| ‘To the examples of imitation adduced by the commentators, I add Procop. p. 51, 56, 77, 132, and 175. The dééie, ‘by Dilogia, must be taken in the second part of the sentence with an accommodation. CHAP. LXx. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 131 is only to preserve what you already have; to devise nothing fresh ° in plan, and in execution not even to accomplish’ what is barely necessary. Again, ¢hey are enterprisers even beyond their strength, and venturers beyond the limits of prudence *, and in adversity ever hopeful, Your characteristic is ever to ac- complish what rather falls short of your ability 9 — to even dis- trust the surest deductions of reason—and in adversity to fancy there will be no end to your troubles. Furthermore, they are bustlers, as opposed to you procrastinators — roamers, while you are homekeepers '° —for they think that by their absence they may gain something more; you imagine that by aiming at further acquisitions you may injure your present possessions. They, when victorious, pursue their advantages to the farthest; and when defeated, are found the least to fall back.!! Their 6 Devise nothing fresh.] Such is the sense of émyyvwya, in which the éri signifies besides. 7 Accomplish.| 'The sense of étxeoSat is missed by the Scholiast, and not cleared by the commentators. It signifies exsequi ; as in Soph. Aj. 1045. dt On KaKovpyog téixour’ dvyp., and Adschyl. Ag.272. wai ric rod’ ééixour’ ay ayyéhkwy raxoc. And there is an ellipsis of ei¢ or éai, which is supplied by Dio Cass. 289, 53. Arrian. Ind. 11,6. Ex. Al. 7, 30,1. 8 Enterprisers — prudence.] On this passage also I shall have to indicate numerous imitations by the classical.writers. No one is neater than the following of Livy, 1.45, 23. “ Atheniensium populum fama est celerem et supra vires audacem esse ad conandum.” 9 Falls short of your adility.| This is imitated by Plut. Sol. évdeeorepdy The Ouvapewc obdty Expaée. _ 10 Roamers— homekeepers.| Thus Aristoph. describes the Athenians as prroécdnpot. See his close imitation of this whole passage, t. 2,174. The word azodnunrng is so rare, that I know no other example; though amodnuiog occurs in Pind. Pyth. 4.s.1. Its compound dvazodnunrie I have found in Phil. Jud. 359. B. where he thus imitates the present passage: dvaroonpnrae mpoc évOnpotaroucg. ”“Evdnpog is rarely used in the sense it is here. ‘The nearest to it is that of being at home; as Auschyl. Choeph. 562. So the Lacedzemonians might justly be described, since they were prover- bially homekeepers. Nay, perhaps it was from this circumstance that their coins had stamped upon them the figure of a tortoise, as a sym/olum otxoupiac. By the home, of course, is meant their own country. In this re- spect they have their exact counterpart in the present Chinese and Japanese. 11 Fall back.) Or despond. Bauer would take dvazizrovow in the sense recedunt, retreat, [and so our fall back.] But for that use of the word I can find no authority ; whereas the other is found in good authors, as Demosth. ap. Steph. dédouce pr) viv avarerrwxdec re; and Eurip. Iph. Aul, 503. perazizrey. And it is confirmed by the Schol. on Athen. p. 23. B. who explains it by aSupotc.. But-it is strange that he should call this the proper sense of the word. That is rather fall back, by ceasing from action, whether walking, rowing, &c., as in the passages he cites from Cra- tinus and Xenophon. The other is metaphorical. After all, it may be KZ 132 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I, bodies, too, they employ for the state, as if they were any one’s else but their own!®; but with their minds completely their own, they are ever ready to render it service. And as to whatever they may devise, and not accomplish, they regard themselves as deprived of what was their own'®; but what they may pursue and acquire, they esteem trifling compared to what they shall in future attain.** And if, indeed, they be any where foiled in an attempt, they make up the deficiency by expecting something else, as if in compensation of their loss.'° For they alone place the possession, and the expecta-~ questioned whether the true signifieation be not something between the physical and figurative, i. e. desist from their attempt. And this is what that Scholiast meant who explains it by dvaratovra. That this interpretation is very antient, is plain from an imitation which I have noted in Liban. Orat. 717. E. where he opposes davazimrew vai rabecsar to orovdy mpoort- Siva. The same, too, is adopted by Hobbes. 12 As if—own.] Of all the passages adduced to establish or illustrate the sense of this almost lyrically bold expression, the only apposite ones are those of Lucian, t. 6. p.483. 7® rpatpare we addorpiy étmtbavoy ; and Greg. Naz. there cited by De Soul, where he says that the martyrs bore their tortures with cheerfulness, we év a\Xorpiowe swpacw. ‘To which, among many that I have collected, may be added the following: Joseph. 1253, 10. kai rac Piyac ywpioavrec ad THY CWUAaTwWY, apporépoLG WE addO- Tpiowg éxpwyro. Isocrat. ap. Plut. de Glor. Athen. rode tv MapaSém rpoxw- duvivovrac, womep addorpiaic Piyatc gdhoac tvaywvicacsa. Chrysost. Kadamep tv adorpiac aywvicacSa copact. Theophyl. Sim. 79. A. doxetre —we tv adrorpip TY CHpartt Tac TOY dyTIT@ahwY Borage TeocEpEvoL. 13 Deprived of —own.] This passage is imitated by Aristid. t.1, 231. B. THY Ot THY byTWY oTépnoLY adoppmyY TOY pEddOVYTWY AyaSGyY TooapEVoL, 14 What they—attain.] Such seems to be the real sense of this passage, which has been best treated by Portus and Bauer; though the construction is so irregular as not easily to be reduced to any rules of grammatical pro- priety. This view of the sense, I would observe, is confirmed by a passage of Pollux 6, 132. imitated from the present: S¢ puxpdy way 6 merroinxey nyeirat, Tpde & Bobdrerat. d¢ 0 wémpaye OoKet puxpdrEepoy, od wpd~%e. Bredov. and Goeller assign the following as the sense: “ Si vero que laboribus consecuti perfecerint, perexigua se forte fortuna peregisse judicant, si cum illis conferantur, que postea se consecuturos sperant.” But this forte for- tuna seems not at all to accord with the undoubting confidence of hope which characterised the Athenians. 15 And if—their loss.| Such is, [ conceive, the sense. The force which T have ascribed to avre\ricarrec, is required by the preceding oixeta orépec- Sat yyovvra, and the sentence following, which is exegetical. I would observe, too, that this clause and the two preceding should be taken toge- ther, as forming one sentence. In ézAhowoar there is the sense of custom or habit, as often in the first Aorist. Of the present passage may be noticed the following imitations : Plutarch in Pyrrho. 30. sub init. raic piv ebrvyiae ix’ ddXac ypwpévog adoppaic, & 0& emray érépoig Bovopévog avarAnpody moaypac ; Liban. Orat. 307. B. wécor Onpetoeg yevvaiwg tvnvdxacw ayTer= CHAP. LXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 133 tion of what they meditate, on the same footing, and that from their celerity in setting about what they determine upon. And thus do they drudge on!®, amidst toils and perils, through the whole of their lives. And least of all men do they enjoy what they possess *”, being always occupied in making fresh acquisitions. No holiday know they}%, nor esteem they aught save that whereon they may perform some necessary business. Jor they!9 deem inactive quietude a no less evil than toilsome occupation. So that if any one were to sum up the whole, by saying that they were born neither to enjoy rest themselves °°, nor let others enjoy it, he would speak but the truth. LXXI. “ And yet though such a state, Lacedeemonians, be arrayed against you, yet ye procrastinate; supposing (as ye do) that undisturbed tranquillity is longest theirs, not who in the tenour of their lives and conduct do indeed what is 4 qioavrec TAovTOY érepov; Dio Cass. 571. rijv gvyiy T gobnsevrec, kai iv piv rabTy Kai Kpathosy ayredrioayrTec Vesp. 308. Hence it was well said by Eubulus ap. Athen. p. 47, 6. of the Athenians, xarrovrec abpac, tdridac otrobpevol. 16 And thus, §c.] So Eurip. Supp. 323. (of Athens) éy yap roig wévotce daviera; and 577. cnpvé. rpdocey ot TOAAA EiwSye, ire on) TOALG. ONO. TO yap Tovovoa TOAA, TOAN ebdamoret. 17 Enjoy what, §c.] Thus the Tarentines (as appears from Athen. 166. F’.) said that other men were always preparing to live; they alone were not only going to live, but did live. And so the line of Manilius: “ Vic- turos agimus semper, nec vivimus unquam.’”’ But after all, none will doubt that the Athenians were the wiser of the two, whom (to apply the words of our great epic poet) “ the clear spirit did raise to scorn delights, and live laborious days.’ And well has Cooper sung, “ From strenuous toil man’s hours of sweetest ease.” How this is applicable to “fe in a yet higher sense may, to the Christian, furnish matter of edifying reflection. And here I cannot but advert to, perhaps, the finest epigram which our language possesses, struck out by the genius (sanctified by piety) of a Dod- dridge. See my note on St. John, 4, 34. 18 No holiday, §c.] To the imitations of this sentiment pointed out by Abresch, I add Dio Cass. 179.19., and Liban. Ep. 580. rév xévwy aya- raviav abrove vopifwy rode Tbvouc. 19 For they deem, &c.] This is imitated by Aristid. 1,389. D. (of the Romans), dore tiravrac piv apyliay oupdopay iyysiosa, Tac Ot TPakEg apoppac ov sbyovrat vomiley, 2° They were born neither, &c.| So Xenophon, Mem. 2, 1,9. says of the Athenians, Bovdopivove moda mpadypara exe abrodg TE Kai adore Mapex ELV. payne padrov 7, X. Aristoph. c K. a oF K 3 and 134 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. right—yet, at the same time, evidently evince a mind resolved not to put up with wrong if it should be offered; but who place their notions of justice in doing no injury to others, and in hindering them from offering it.’ This, however, you would scarcely attain, if you were neighbours to a state having a polity similar to their own®; but now, as we have already told you, your institutions are obsolete®, antiquated. Now it cannot but be that, as in the arts, the new will be superior *; and to a state, indeed, in tranquillity, unchanged institutions are the best; but to those compelled to meet danger at many 1 Supposing —it.| Such seems to be the sense of this perplexed pas- sage, of which the difficulty is partly occasioned by a breaking off of the construction, and partly by the insinuating rather than asserting what 1s esteemed to be truth. The orator gently admonishes them what opinion they ought to hold, when he tells them that they hold not thaé but the contrary. At ézi wietorov must be understood pépog. And dpxety signifies to hold out. TH mapackevg signifies in tota vite institutione, a rare signification, in- deed, but of which something like is found in Steph. Thes. In tcov véuere the general sense tribuo may be discerned. So Aschyl. Agam. 74. toydv vepovrec émt oxnmrpoc. The sense is, “ you think it enough to forbear in- juring others, and to be ready to repel violence when brought to your door ; but you should show a spirit that shall not repel actual violence by acting on the defensive, but shall adopt such measures as may show that you are resolved not to put up with meditated wrong.” 2 Polity similar to your own.] Such seems to be the sense of époig, and this is what the Scholiast meant when he explained it ra toa Zndodboy. But he should have added 2$y or éxirndcipara. The preceding word bpoyrwpdre came from another Scholiast, who meant by it dpovorpdz@, i. e. of similar temper, disposition, &c. as in 3, 10. init. Now this may be included, but it is only to be considered as an under sense. 3 Obsolete.| Literally, old-fashioned. The word dpytdrpomoc is of rare occurrence; yet I have noted it in Dio Cass. 935, 67. Jambl. de vita Pyth. § 167. and Procop. de Adif. p. 55, 8. who thus imitates the present pas- sage: dpxaiae dé ovca (scil. ai wédeve) Kai THY oiknTdpwy dpyabTpoTa Ta éxirnoevpara éxovcat. So also Aischyl. P. V. dpyxet towe cor gaivopar eye 7aoe, where see Stanley and Blomfield. : 4 The new will be superior.| The Scholiast thinks that our author had in mind Hom. Od. 1,551. and 2. 77)v yao'— auurddnrat., where Clarke com- pares Pind. Ol. 9,73. aive: 0& wadawy Méy oivoy, évSea & bvwr vewrépwr. And not a few of the present age are of the same opinion, which is also extended, and with more reason, to the sister art; for it may well be said in the words of Xenophon, Cyr. 1, 6,38. o¢ddpa éy roic povouroic kai véa Kai avonpa eddoxiyisi, And such as are admirers of every new school, may say in the words of Eupolis ap. Athen. 623. F. povourr) Wpayp’ gore Badd re wat KapmvdAoy, "Ast Te Kawwov éEeupixer Te Tole émivoetv Ouvapevolc. Those who take an interest in knowing the antient state of the most attractive of all the réyva, will do well to consult Athen. ubi supra. .@ CHAP. LXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 135 quarters, there is need of many added devices. Wherefore, also, the customs of the Athenians have undergone greater change than yours, from their having been exercised in a mul- tiplicity of affairs.° Enough, then, of this slow-moving policy —here let it find its close’, proceed now to succour both the other allies, and (confermably to your engagement) the Potidzeans, by making a speedy irruption into Attica, that ye betray not those, bound to you alike by kindred and amity, into the hands of their deadliest foes, and cause the rest of us, in despair, to resort to some other alliance.® Thus, indeed, we should be guilty of no injustice, either in the sight of the gods, who preside over oaths, or in that of men, who witness 5 And to a siate—devices.| ‘This has been for some time the very prin- ciple on which our legislators and governors have acted in this country, notwithstanding what might be opposed on no less than the authority of Alcibiades, 1. 6,18. fin. cai rév dvSpbrwy aopariorara robroue oixeiy, of dy ToC Tapovoy HIEor Kai vopote, yy Kai yEipw 7, Heeora Scaddpwo moderebwou. Here, surely, if any where, the pérpov dpioroy of the Grecian sage applies ; and it is the boast of our glorious constitution that it admits of that pru- dent and cautious use of this ériréyynorc, without endangering its safety. Out of numerous imitations of the present passage which I have noted, I select the two following: Liban. Epist. 650. ota yap tv peyady rrodépy, kai pijkoc €xyovTt, ToMNOY Ost THY émtrexvyocewy; Procop. p. 2,12. csbovrat wey Kai Tesynmact Toy Tadady ypdvoy, ovdiy O& Taig ETITExVHoECL OWdact mwHEOVa. With respect to the phrase wpdc¢ zodda teva, that above adopted is usually the sense assigned to it; and it is very suitable to the subject. But how it can be elicited from the words, I know not. The subaudition pericula seems too arbitrary and bold. We may more simply supply modypara, (as at Luke 10,41. rup6dZy zepi moda, where see my note,) and take the phrase to denote “ going about, engaging in many under- takings.” This interpretation is confirmed by an imitation in Plut. The- mist. c. 3. 7) Oguoroket roy Ofjpoy éri word Kody, Kai pEeydag ErupspovTe KQLVOTOMLAC. 6 Wherefore also—affairs.| Such seems to be the sense of the passage which the translators have missed, and the commentators have not chosen to explain. 7 Here —close.] A phrasis pregnans; q.d. “ Let it suffice for your dilatoriness to have advanced thus far; here,’ &c. I know not why this should have been placed by Aristides among examples of harshness. It is frequently found in the best writers, from whom I shall adduce examples in my edition. See also 1 Pet. 4,3. 8 Other alliance.] i.e. (as the Schol. has well seen) to the Argives, who were hostilely disposed to the Lacedzemonians. 9 Sight — men.) See my note on Acts, 24,16. To the examples there adduced I add Xen. An. 2, 5,20. The classical usage, it may be observed, arose from Hom, Il, a. 338. K 4 136 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK f. them.!° For not those are truce-breakers'’, who through destitution have recourse to others, but such as fail to succour those whom they have sworn to defend.'? If, however, you are disposed to act zealously in our cause, we will continue with you. For otherwise, were we to change, we should trample on religious obligations, and no where should we find others more congenial to our habits and manners. Deliberate, then, well on these matters; and be it your endeavour that the Peloponnesian supremacy, once transmitted to you from your forefathers, may not in your hands suffer diminution.” ?? LXXII. Thus spoke the Corinthians: to whom the Athenians made reply; for it chanced that an embassy from them had previously gone thither on some other affairs, and were then present. Having heard the addresses delivered to the assembly, they judged it proper to come forward to the Lacedeemonians ™*, in order, not indeed to reply to the charges 10 Witness them.] Literally, “ listen to them.” It is strange that both Scholiasts and commentators should have mistaken the sense of so plain an expression as rH aicSavonévwy. The Scholiast proposes three interpreta- tions, two of which are perfectly anile; and the third far from satisfactory. Gail makes the dest of it; but it is sufficient to say, that no such signification is found in the writers of early Grecism. The one whichI have adopted is so natural and simple, that it is surprising no one should have thought of it but Hobbes. 11 For not those are truce-breakers, §c.] This is closely imitated by Procop. 50. and 136. 12 Whom — defend.] Literally, “ between whom and themselves have passed oaths binding each to mutual assistance.” 13 And be—diminution.] Such seems to be the true sense, which has been missed by Hobbes and Smith. “EényeioSac has somewhat perplexed the commentators, some of whom stumble at the unusual Construction, others assign new, but unauthorised, senses. The signification rule, how- ever, 1s required both by the context, and by similar passages, where éZny. has the very same sense and syntax, 1,76. 3,93. 6,85. It is reasonable therefore to suppose that the author intended some sense which should be peculiarly applicable to the case in hand; and as it is used of confederates where some kind of equality may be supposed to have existed, it imports not so much dominion, as leading and directing. I suspect it to have been a proverbial form, since it not only occurs in Aristot. Pol. 1. 5,11. (where the wife of Theopompus, king of Lacedaeemon, asks her husband, si pndév atoxiverat THY Paosiay tharrw rapadiwove Toig vieoty i) Tapa TOU TaTpdE aapéhabev), but also in the oath sworn to by the Ephebi, as preserved by Lycurg. Contr. Leocr. p.203. dpouveiy TH TWaTploL Kal ApEtvw Tapadwoey, 14 To the Lacedemomans.] By these are undoubtedly meant the magis- trates, i.e. the Ephori, &c. as opposed to the 7d wAjSoc, just afterwards CHAP. LXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 137 urged by the states, but to show, in a general way, that it was not fitting to determine hastily on a matter of such moment, but to consider it more at large. It was their aim, withal, to display the great power of their city, and offer certain hints, such as should remind the elder of what they already knew, and inform the younger of what they were as yet ignorant of; thinking that their minds would by these representations be turned to quietude rather than war. Accordingly they pre- sented themselves to the Lacedsemonians, and said that they also wished, if there should be no hinderance ?!’, to address something to the assembly. Being then desired to come for- ward, the Athenians advancing, spoke to the following effect :— LXXIII. “ Our embassage! to you was, indeed, not for the purpose of entering into wordy debates with your allies, but to negotiate the affairs for which the state sent us hither : but perceiving no little clamour against us, we have come for- ward, not with any intention to reply to the accusations of the states; for we should thus be addressing you who are neither our judges nor theirs; but to prevent you from being, at the persuasions of the confederates, drawn away to decide lightly”, and therefore, erroneously, on matters of great moment; and, withal intending, in reference to the whole matter respecting ourselves, to show that we hold what we possess not undesery- edly; and that our state is indeed worthy of praise and glory.° Now as to affairs of remote antiquity *, what avails it to speak mentioned, which was composed of dyyeXor or zpdovAor deputed from the people at large. 15 If there—hinderance.] For azoxodvpa tort. So Plato, Rep. p. 238. et 0& av BotbAEoSe— ObdéY A7roKWALEL. ‘ Our embassage.} There is a stmilar commencement to a similar address of the Athenians at 6, 82.; and in both our author seems to have had in view Herod. 9,27. ’ExtorapeSa piv sbvodoy rijvoe, &c. 2 Decide lightly, §c.| The Scholiast remarks, that this is meant to apply to the two chief reasons men have for going to war, either a sense of injus- tice, or a contempt of the party to be attacked, neither of which, it is shown, here apply. 3 Worthy— glory.| Such is the sense of da dé6you, which is well ex- plained by the Scholiast a&teraivov. _ 4 Affairs —antiquity.] ‘This is imitated by Joseph. 1173, 7. cai re dst ra Trav mpoysvwy héyew; and Livy, |. 28, 42. Externa et nimis antiqua repeto? and 9,34. Quid ego antiqua repetam? On these rayv wadacd (which the Scholiast explains somewhat too limitedly of the history of the Amazons, 138 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. of things evidenced by reports on hearsay, rather than by the ocular testimony of those who should hear us relate them? But our deeds in the Median war — and matters which you know as well as ourselves—even though it be somewhat irksome to us always to bring them forward, speak of them we must.° rAnd why not?] for when we performed them, they were hazarded for some benefit®; of which, as ye have been par- takers in the substance, let us not then be wholly deprived, if that can do us any good, of the commemoration.’ Our recital, however, shall not be by way of deprecation, but rather to testify and show against how powerful a state, unless you use prudent counsel, you are going to enter into the lists. For we affirm, that at Marathon it was only we that adventured to commence the combat against the Barbarian *; and when he again came, as we were not able to withstand him by land, we embarked on board our ships with our whole population, and took part in the sea-fight at Salamis, which prevented him from sailing against and destroying in detail the cities of Peloponnesus; for against so numerous a fleet they would Thracians, and Heraclide), I would refer the reader to Isocrates in his Panegyric, and to Aristides in his Panathenaic., who also similarly uses the term ra pica. 5 Even though —must.] Such is the sense according to the punctuation adopted in all the editions up to Goeller, who, with Bredow, places a comma after gora, not mpobadAopévorc, thus supposing an ellipsis of suiy after de dydov. ‘This, indeed, yields a good sense, but at the expence of the construction, which seems utterly violated; and it is quite at variance with the asi. Nor-do I find any thing to countenance it in-the numerous exam- ples from this eminent author which I have collected, but rather the contrary. So Aristoph. Conc. 888. kei yap Ov bydou Tovr’ éori Tote Sewpévore. and Philostr. p. 810. fin. 7d dzrépurroy Kai pur) dv dyXov eivat abraic. 6 For some benefit.) i.e. the common benefit of all the allies. 7 Of which as ye have — commemoration.}] A different sense is assigned by Bredow. See Goeller; but the one I have adopted seems required by the words and the context, and is confirmed by an imitation of the thought adduced by Hudson from Demosthenes. 8 It was only — Barbarian.| Smith, with most translators, renders, “ we alone adventured to engage the Barbarian.’ But that were a manifestly false assertion. By the force of jévoe which I have assigned, the words are completely reconciled with the truth of history. Ipod here signifies Jjirst. This is defended by the celebrated passage of Demosth. de Cor., cited by Longinus, od yd rode év Mapadére rpoxwouvetoavrac Toy rpoysvwr. The present syntax with the dative is very rare; and as no examples are adduced by the commentators, the following will be acceptable. Dio Cass. 176, 59. rode 0é trméacg mpoebaXsro rpoKvdvvevoun agiow ; Polyb. 6.3. 113, 9. mpokwovuvedaat Toic "TEnpor kal KeXrotg, CHAP. LXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 139 have been unable to have mutually succoured each other. The strongest proof of this? the Barbarian himself afforded ; for when defeated at sea, then, as if no longer equally match- ed '°, he hastily retreated with the greater part cf his army. LXXIV. “ Now, on the occurrence of this wonderful event, by which it was plainly shown that the fortunes! of Greece were seated in her ships, we contributed the three things most conducive to its welfare ;— the greatest number of ships, a commander the most able and skilful, and a zeal and alacrity most unwearied: for as to ships, we contributed to the four hundred? little less than two thirds, and Themisto- 9 This.| Namely, that the defeat of the Persian fleet saved Pelo- ponnesus. 10 As if—matched.] Such is, I conceive, the force of the somewhat difficult words we odkére aired dpoine ovone rijg Suvdpewc, to which all the translators assign the sense, “and having no more such forces.” But though that would be ¢rwe, it would here be little to the purpose. Such a ver- sion, too, lies open to grammatical objections; and assuredly the article, which is found in every MS., would not then have been used. The sense I have assigned can be shown to flow naturally from the words, and is worthy of the author; namely, “ as if the Barbarian thought that there was no longer an equal match of power between him and the Grecian ; as if his force was now an under-match.”’ ~ 1 Fortunes.) Literally, affairs, whether for weal or woe. Nor does it signify vis or opes, as Bauer explains. ’Eyévero éy, “ depended upon.” 2 Four hundred.| \ have here followed the reading adopted by all the editors; but a very considerable difficulty presents itself, which no editor or commentator has ventured fairly to meet, either here, or in the highly important passage of Herod. 8, 46. That rér dto poipéy must signify two- thirds, is now universally agreed. The idiom is of frequent occurrence in the best writers. But this involves the difficulty, that estimating the whole number at what the text has, 400, the quota furnished by the Athenians would be 266; and yet Herodot. only states them at 180. Now, the com- mon device of reconciling discrepancies, by saying that an author uses a round number, cannot here apply; though if this particular were not men- tioned, we might thus account for the four hundred of our author. The difficulty, therefore, still remains in all its force, and the discrepancy is too great to be accounted for on any principle; unless, indeed, we might be allowed to adopt the estimate of ‘Tzetz. on Lycoph. 1432., whose words are these: cod m\oia éyorrec Ta THY cuppaywy Kal abrdy wavra. But that num- ber would be incredible, considering what was the one recently furnished at the battle of Artemisium, 127. There is, no doubt, an error. da seems to be a word formed out of the literal figures by blundering scribes. The true reading seems to be poa, the p having been mistaken for ¢. What then is to be done? We are, I think, to suppose that the orator has chosen to adopt a calculation of the total number, such as we find in many good authors, namely, three hundred. So Aischyl. Pers. (with an eye to whom Demosth, de Cor. c. 70, who seems to have had this passage of 140 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. cles, the commander, who was the most instrumental® in having the battle fought in the narrows ; which most evidently decided the day, and for which you conferred on him greater Thucyd. in view), rpcaxoclwy — rapéoxero. But then, it may be asked, how can this be reconciled with the number which Herod. fixes for the Athe- nian quota, namely, 180, since ¢kat will not be two thirds of 300. But the laxity of the term ddiyw éAdooove might admit as great a difference. Yet, in reality, the Athenian ships are reckoned, as we see by Demosth., at 200: as they also are by Diodorus, Plutarch, Nepos, and an antient writer ap. Suid. v. ’Adeivavroc, all of whom must have been well aware of the number put down in Herodotus. They differ, then, from him by fol- lowing some other mode of calculation; nay, we find that even in Herod, 8, 81. the Athenians are said to have furnished 200 ships. The discrepancy may, I think, be accounted for thus: —The Athenians, indeed, might be said to furnish 180 ships, since that was the number manned and sent into action. But they might also be truly said to furnish 200, since, as I find from Heredot. 8, 1. (unaccountably neglected by the commentators), the twenty Chalcidean ships were furnished by the Athenians, though manned by the Chalcideans, their allies. Now this will exactly make up the two thirds. It is true Thucydides speaks of éAtyp éAdooove ; but that difficulty may be removed by taking into account the five Pentecontores which are mentioned over and above the sum total by Herodotus. ‘Thus, then, it clearly appears, that we are in Thucydides to read rpaxociove, for which we luckily have the authority of four MSS. In the rest, the re in rer. seems to have arisen from the rae preceding; for + might be easily con- founded with an abbreviation of rd¢ ‘(*). Still, however, the problem remains to be solved, how Herod. could reckon the total number at 378, or rather 366; for twelve Aiginean ships are reckoned as part of the fleet, though not present in the action, being employed in guarding their own island, as we find from Herodot. himself. Indeed, I can make out no more than 363. Upon what principle, then, are we to account for this discre- pancy of 63? I confess I know not, unless on the very one which caused Herodotus to put down 578 for 366; namely, that no more fook part in the engagement than about 300. Now, it is no where said by Herod. that the total number, which he reckons, all took part in the battle, or were even all assembled. For though at c.49. Mr. Beloe is pleased to render, ‘when al/ these nations were assembled,” yet there is no a// in the original, which only signifies, “ when the commanders from the said cities had assembled.” Granting, however, that all were assembled, except the twelve Aiginean ones, which we know were absent, then the question is, did all take part in the engagement ? I suspect not ; and I found my sus- picion on what Herodotus says at c. 57., namely, that when the Greeks, at Salamis, had heard of the capture of the acropolis of Athens, they fell into such consternation that some of the commanders hurried on board, (not waiting the decision of the business,) cai ioria deipovto we amoSev- oomevot Toig O& broNETOMEVOLoL adToY éxvpwIn. Now it seems that some of them, with their squadrons, did really set sail, under the pretence of de- fending their countries. ‘These were probably the Ionians, Ambraciots, Leucadians, Epidamnians, Troezenians, and perhaps partly Aigineans. There is manifestly the very same mistake in the Schol.; for no one ever reckoned them at 480. 3 ae Airwoc is a word of middle signification, and denotes being the cause of a thing, whether good or evil. CHAP. LXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 14] honours * than you ever had done on any other foreign visitant. We, moreover, evinced alacrity the most adventurous; inas- much as when no assistance came to us by land, all the rest° of the states as far as our own having bowed to the yoke, we resolved, though abandoning our city and destroying our goods ©, not even thus to betray the cause of cur allies, nor, by being scattered abroad’, become: useless to them; but to embark, and encounter all hazards, and that without harbour- ing any resentment against you for not having given us timely succour. So that we may aver that we rather conferred benefit on you, than received it.6 Tor ye°®, indeed, came forward to our aid, but it was from cities yet inhabited, and in order that ye might continue in possession of them; since it was for yourselves ye feared, rather than for ws. ‘Thus when we were yet in safety, ye came not up to our aid; while we, sallying forth from what was no longer in existence '°, and adventuring for what was suspended on but a slight thread of hope, con- 4 Honours.] i. e. (as we find from Plutarch) they presented him with a branch of olive, and a chariot, the best of the city; besides many personal attentions, as convoying him over the borders with a guard of honour com- posed of noble Spartans. 5 All the rest.| Namely, the Macedonians, Thessalians, Locrians, Boeo- tians, Phocians, &c. 6 Destroying our goods.] i. e. such as could not be removed, including such cattle as could not be driven away. To extend it, with the Scholiast, to the dogs, appears to involve something ludicrous ; though there is little doubt but that they would have chosen rather to destroy than leave such. And to take dva%., with a certain Scholiast, of /eaving to be de- stroyed, is surely in bad taste, and robbing the Athenians of an honour which may remind us of the glorious sacrifice of Moscow. 7 Scattered abroad.] i.e. to other countries; for they meant to have colonised some patt of Italy. 8 We rather —it.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this passage, which the interpreters could not have missed, had they considered the Attic use (so frequent in our author) of ody jooov for wadd\ov. Besides, the sense assigned by the translators will not bear examination; for what was the service which the Athenians afterwards received from the Greeks ? 9 For ye, §c.] The sentence which follows serves (as the Scholiast observes) to establish the preceding. 10 What was — existence.| There is something poetic and oriental about this rij¢ ob« bvonc (well explained by the Scholiast, ¢¢Sappévyc), with which I would compare a similar elegance of Isaiah, 25, 2. “ or thou hast made of a city an heap, of a defenced city a ruin; a palace of strangers to be no city.’ Perhaps our author had in mind Herod. 1. 8, 57, 5. ovroe dpu iy araipwot tac vijag ard Larapivoc, wepi obderije ere warpidog vavpaxyete. Kata yap mode teaorou rpepovra, See also 8, 81, 3. 142 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ¥ ¥BOOKMI, tributed to save both you (in some degree *’) and ourselves. If, on the contrary, fearing as others did for their country, we had in the first instance gone over to the Mede, or afterwards had not ventured to embark on board our ships, as persons already ruined, you would no longer have been justified in hazarding a battle, not having a sufficiency of force, but things would have taken the very turn which he wished.’? LXXV. “ Dowe then deserve, Lacedeemonians, considering the zeal and prudence of decision which we then displayed, to Jabour under such a load of envy from the Greeks, on account of the rule which we hold!? For it came into our hands, not by violence, but? because you would not stay to accom- plish the remainder of the Barbarian war, and the allies came and themselves intreated us to become their leaders. From the very nature of the thing itself*, we were at first com- pelled to advance our empire to what it is, chiefly through fear, next for honour, and lastly for interest*; and ¢hen it 11 In some degree.| Goeller explains this, “ quantum in nobis.” But this sense does not occur in Thucydides, whereas the other is not unfre- quent. _ 12 Taken the very turn.| Literally, “ gone with him.’ Our author seems to have had in view Herod, 7, 159. init. "Evdatra dvaynay tépyopat yvopny — Iépoyor. 1 Do we —hold?| Such, according to the opinion of the ablest inter- preters, is the sense of this passage. Reiske, Abresch, Gottl., and Kis- temm., however, take the sentence declaratively ; which indeed makes no difference in the sense, but has less spirit, and lies open to grammatical ob- jections. Ie for re is rightly edited, from three MSS., by Bekker and Goeller. I formerly was of opinion that re should be retained; and that for roic should be read rou, in the sense, that “they are worthy both of the rule they hold, and should not be objects of envy to the Greeks.” And this is countenanced by a kindred passage of 6, 83. adv oy devi re évrec dpa dpxopev., and of Herod. 9, 27., which seems to have been in the mind of our author: dp od dtkaol civev Exe Tabrny thy rag. It is, how- ever, partly founded on conjecture, and is also liable to exception. The version above adopted yields the best sense, and is most agreeable to the context. 2 Not by violence, but, §c.] 1. e. by the course of events. 3 Nature of, $c.] 1. e. dominion, or rule; since, as the ruler is exposed to hatred, he must fortify himself against it. Thus, the fear just after- wards mentioned, is not that from the Barbarian, but from those who might think themselves aggrieved by them in the exercise of rule. 4 For interest.) Since the contributions of the allies were become necessary to support the dignity of rule. Upon the whole, this may be an mutatis mutandis, to the empire acquired and held by this country in the east. CHAP. LXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 143 seemed no longer safe for us, who had become objects of hatred > to most, (some even having revolted ° and been sub- dued, and you no longer friends, as before, but suspicious and at variance with us,) to venture to let go the reins of govern- ment; for the revolters would have gone over to you. Now surely none can justly be censured’ for consulting best for their own interests in matters which involve imminent danger. LXXVI. “ Nay, you! Lacedzemonians use your supremacy, by regulating the affairs of the Peloponnesians in such a way as is promotive of your own advantage, Now if you had, after staying throughout the business, incurred odium in go- vernment as we did, well we wot that ye would not have been less obnoxious; and compelled you would have found your- selves, either to hold tight * the reins of government, or your- pew to encounter danger. Thus® neither have we com- mitted any thing to excite amazement * — any thing out of the 5 Hatred.) For, as the Schol. observes, man is fond of freedom, and rulers are hated. So Eurip. Phen. 549. rg mdéov 0 det modgmoy xadio= rarat TotrAKasoor, éySpac Y apepac Karapyerat. 6 Some — revolted.] As the Samians. 7 None can —censured.| Compare a similar use of dvezipSovoc in a similar context at 6, 83. 7,77. 8, 50. So also Eurip. Hippol. 499. viv & aywov peyac, Céoat Biov ody, Kobe éridSovoy ré0e. | Nay you, &c.] Here (the Scholiast observes) the orator retorts the charge of subjecting their allies upon the Lacedzmonians themselves. By advantageous is meant the oligarchical form of government. See above, 6. 19., and the notes. 2 Hold tight.| This sense of éycparéc, vigorously, is remarkable, though unattended to by the commentators. It occurs also in 1, 118. and 6, 92.; and sometimes in other authors, as Dionys. Hal. 544, 44. apyeiy éyxparéc éorac, and Dio Cass. 180, 80. (where he imitates our author), and also 1125, 91. 1336, 56., where éy«p is ill rendered “temperanter iis imperabat.” And so in Joseph., Dionys. Hal., and Appian, frequently, and Aristid. Orat. in Rom. kai peyddou re kai od kévov (I conjecture kcoivov) dpyew éycparhe, I conjecture tycparéc; as t. 1, 362. A. éykoaréc¢ dpxovrec. The sane emendation ought to be applied to 1, 372. A., and Plut. de Is, 2, 356. A. 3 Thus.] Literally, and so; as at 1, 82. and 6, 92. A rare use, on which see Steph. Thes., and Lex. Xen.. The most apposite example I can remember is Auschyl. Agam. 1600. o}rw Kddov 01) Kai ro KarSavety epoi. + To excite amazement.) Portus renders, animadvertendum. 'The term denotes what may excite wonder, from its unfrequency (as Xen. Cyrop. 4, 6, 2. Thiem.), or a wonder mixed with censure, as Xen. Cicon. 2, 9, 8. ob Savpacriy Coxeic rovro Touiy; and so Jerem. 5, 50. “a wonderful thing is committed,’ And this is confirmed by an imitation in Aristid. t. 2, 48. A. Ore O& obdey Kw eiwldTwy, OWE ATS TIE aVIpwreElag duTswe Tovey. This 144 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, BOOK f. usual course of human action — if we have accepted a dominion offered to us, and slacken not the reins® of government, swayed by the strongest impulses — honour, fear, and interest ; especially since we are not the first who began the custom, which has ever been an established one, ‘ that the weaker should be kept under by the stronger®;’ and withal, thinking ourselves worthy of it — and having been so esteemed by you until now, when by calculations of interest, ye resort to the argument of justice’? — which no one ever yet, when opportunity offered of acquiring any thing by dint of power, so far followed as to be diverted from any purpose of znterest. We deem, too, those worthy of commendation, who following the bent ® of human nature to rule over others, are more observant of justice than for their power they need be. If others, we think, were thus to receive our power, they would best show whether or not we use it with moderation 9: but for ourselves, the result of this mildness has only been that obloquy rather than commendation has (most undeservedly) been our portion. LXXVII. “ Thus, for instance’, when cast? in suits of contracts and conventions, and in the decisions made by our- This whole passage seems to have been had in view by Philoste. Vit. Ap. 55. p. 218. init., and hence is defended the new reading there diwWopérvny. 5 Slacken not the reins.| So the Scholiast éA\arrotper. ‘This is the contrary to the apyeiy éycparae just before. 6 That the weaker, §c.] See a kindred sentiment in 1. 5,105. Several similar passages also from Democr., Plato, and Plutarch, are adduced by Rittershus. on Oppian. Halient. a 7 Argument of justice.] Namely, that it is just that the Greeks should be free. 8 Following the bent.] Literally, having that feeling implanted by nature which prompts men, &c. So Cicero, Off. 1, 4. cited by Haack, “ Huic veri videndi cupitidati adjuncta est appetitio principatus.” 9 If others — moderation.] The y dy oty serves to prove a signo vel exemplo; as in Xen. and Arist. cited by Hoog. de Part. p. 124., to which I add Thucyd. 1, 38. and 74, and 144. The repetition of the dy indicates the emotion of the speaker. By the others are meant the Lacedzemonians; and the augury proved true. See Isocrat. Paneg. p. 86. et seq. It must be observed, that by the mention of using moderation, there is an anticipation of a charge. * Thus, for instance.] The yap here, as often, serves to introduce a proof from example. The reasoning now employed is this: —In our commerce with our allies we indulge them in many things which we could not be compelled to; and especially by not dealing with them by violence, but by law and equity, and by submitting to be impleaded with them in CHAP. LXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 145 selves according to equal laws, we are thought to be litigious, because it is not considered why those who elsewhere exer- cise dominion, and are Jess lenient to their subjects than we, do not experience the same reproach. For they who have the power to compel, have no need to implead.* But those who oak arising out of certain compacts and conventions entered into by both.” The nature of these cvpodaiae Sikare has been ably treated by Vales. ap. Harpocr. p.334., and, recently, by Creuzer, Jacobs, Boeck, Platner, and others referred to by Goeller, who has, from them, detailed the most important information. I have myself also collected much on this subject ; from whence, together with a few observations from the above sources, the following statement may be not unacceptable to the reader : — Sdpbodor signifies a mark, atoken, and a pledge, by which any one engages himself to perform something. These cvpboraiae dica, therefore, denoted contracts and conventions, either private, between individuals, or public, between states. ‘That the word chiefly denoted the latter, appears from Pollux, 5, 145., and Aischyl. Suppl. 715. Zevowi 7’ evEvubdrorc, where see the com- mentators ap. Butler. That it might signify the former, appears from Polyb. 20, 6, 1., and Diod. Sic. 7,196. Now, to facilitate mutual com- merce between different states, or cities, these conventions were made, binding the contracting parties to render strict justice, both as regarded national, and individual claims; in the former case, by adhering strictly to the conditions of the treaty, and in the latter by causing judgment to be awarded according to the laws of the country of the person complained of. Hence the causes here in view might be private as well as public, i. e. private suits arising out of public conventions. Such causes were called dikat ovpbddrau, or ad ovpbddrov, or cupbddr\wy, or Kara oupbdrAawoy (see Hesych.), on all which forms I shall treat at large in my edition. Suffice it to say, that the expression is often used by the historians. So Dionys. Hal,’ p. 245, 38. (with the present passage in view) é6Aamrovro mrepi ra cbuboda. By these conventions we may suppose, it was lawful for a citizen of any state to be impleaded before the judges of that city to which his adversary belonged, according to certain forms mutually agreed on between the cities; though the mode of exercising judgment might vary, as also the mode of carrying on the suit. Certain it is, that one custom was common to all; namely, that he who was cast in a foreign court, might appeal to the judgment of that of his own city. Now, at Athens, the judges were the Thesmothetee. Moreover, among these dicat ad cupbd\wy were in- cluded the suits which the allies might have one with another, and which had to be judged at Athens; though Boeck thinks, that even the subject allies were not obliged to bring them ad/ thither, but that some lesser and private ones, not involving more than a certain sum of money, were tried at home. Be that as it may, the causes here meant must have been public suits between Athens and the allied states, or individuals of those states. 2 Cast.) It is strange that the Schol., and many commentators, nay even Dionys Hal., should take é\acootpevor to mean wronged ; whereas it is forensic term only denoting worsted, cast at law. By rap’ npiv — xoicee is meant, “we permit judgment to be awarded in our courts according to equity.” 3 For they —implead.| This is imitated by Liban. Orat. 490. A. ei¢ obdéy Okt ry Oucaiwy otc dy ey BiaZeoSar; and so Soph, Aj. 1159. kai yap aisypor, el TUIOLTS Tic, Néyoug KoAaLELY, BuaZeoSae Tapa. VOL. I. i 146 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. are accustomed to deal with us on terms of equality, if they be worsted in any suit beyond what they conceive is just, either by any decision, or by the influence of power * in government, or in any other way whatsoever, they are by no means thankful for not having been deprived of a//, but feel more aggrieved at the portion which is wanting °, than if from the first, putting law out of the question, we had plainly made gain our only object. For in that case, not even they them- selves can deny but that the weaker must give way to the stronger. But, indeed, men are, it seems, more exasperated by injustice than violence.® For, in the former case, they seem to be overreached on a principle of equality; in the latter to only be constrained by superiority of force.’ Thus from the Mede they patiently endured § far more grievous oppression, while our rule appears to them harsh and galling. And no- wonder — for to the subjugated their present lot ever seems hard.’° Nay, for example, if you were to put us down, and 4 Or by—power.| Here there is reference to the two ways in which violations of the equality claimed and usually enjoyed by the allies, were brought about; first, by the judicial decision itself, in which justice was made, in some degree, to bend to utility and interest. Secondly, by the interposition of the strong hand of power, which attained its purpose either in defiance of judicial decision, or solely by its own despotic fiat, without resorting to any countenance from law, however distorted. 5 Which is wanting.] i. e “ what is wanting to make up what they thought they had a right to.” The Scholiast has done well in supplying izép. As to the sentiment itself, 1 would notice a similar one of Herodian, 2, 3, 19. obd€ Tig AdEde TA EavTOU Exwy, tv Napirog poipa TiSerat — AeduTKOTac ; and also a pithy remark of Mr, Burke, (Speeches in 1774 and 1775.) “ The fewer causes of dissatisfaction are left by any government, the more the subject will be inclined to resist and rebel.”? As to what may be urged in extenuation of the seeming harshness shown by the Athenians in exacting the dues of their state, see Isocr. Panath. § 25. 6 Men are more —violence.] Goeller aptly compares Plut. Vit. Timol. ovTWC UT) NOywy paAoy 7) TOaEEwWY ToYHnodY anacSar TepbKacw ot w7oddot* XareTorepov yao UEow % BrAdEny dépovor, On this whole passage, in which the cause of all the discontent is ascribed to the Athenians dealing with their subjects on some sort of equity, or regard to laws extending to both the leading states and the subject allies, I would advert to one of Aristid. 1,507. odroc torw dpyiic YEeopoc, 1) ard TOU loov Pde TOdE UTNKOOUC KpivEecsat. 7 They seem to be — force.| Or, more literally, “ what is done, in the former case, seems an undue advantage taken on a pretended principle of equal justice; the other, a mere compulsion by superior force.” . 8 Patiently endured.| On the construction of dvéxeoSac with a participle. See Dr. Blomfield on Auschyl. Pers. 845. 9 Subjugated.] i. e. Subject states. 10 Seems hard.] And no wonder; for such it was. Indeed the whole CHAP. LXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 147 govern in our stead, you would quickly find that good will grow faint which a fear of us has gained you; if, at least, ye were now to adopt such measures?! as you did when for a short time you had the lead against the Mede. For, in truth, ye have amongst you institutions and customs which amalgamate not !? with those of others, and, what is more, each of you, on going out to a foreign charge, uses neither those, nor any such as the rest of Greece adopts. LXXVIII. Consult', therefore, with due deliberation, as concerning matters of no small importance ; nor be induced, system of unequal confederation has, in every age, tended but to the misery of those who have lived under it, cheated as they are by a shadow of liberty, while the substance ever eludes their grasp. Yet, to a certain degree, the remark is applicable to rulers as well as subjects. A truth no where better expressed than in Eurip. Hippol. 184. od0& o dpioke: rb mapoy, TO 8 amroy pirrepoy nyei. And of this none were more remarkable examples than the Athenians themselves. 11 Adopt such measures.] The yvwoeoSe, (which the commentators have omitted to notice), has reference to their decrees and directions as leaders of the confederacy. 12 Amalgamate not, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of the words dura, &c., which have been ill understood by the commentators. Hud- son explains them of the extreme unwillingness of the Spartans to commu- nicate the jus civitatis. But this seems too confined a sense, and extends to only one branch of the augia. There appears to be reference, in a general way, to that unsocial, nay anti-social, spirit which the Lacedzemonians evinced towards other nations, suffering no foreigners to reside among them, using peculiar customs, and keeping apart from foreigners even when sojourning among them; (see 1, 144 and 124.) in fact, in most things acting as the Jews did (from whom they affirmed themselves to be descended), and the Chinese and Japanese do at the present day. Thus Josephus often uses language very similar to the above, when speaking of his countrymen. So also Kurip. Iph. 'Taur. 400. ducroy aiay. and Isocr. Evag. § 25. roy réroy ap Kai Enypwpevoy. Hence we may plainly see the meaning of é&wy just after, which it is strange the best commentators should explain “ going out to war.’ The expression is, indeed, susceptible of that sense, but the context will not permit it. The Scholiast rightly explains it of going out to the government (i. e. as the Lacedamonian Harmostz did) of subject states, see 1.8, 5. And there is plainly a reference to the haughty and tyrannical conduct of Pausanias in his government. | The best commentary on the whole passage may be found in the Pana- thenaic of Isocr. s. 82. seqq. and especially p. 475. init. Hc © od avonrove XI) vopifery Tode EraLvovYTac, TOdE TODOUTOY THY Vopwy THY Koay EEEornKOTaAC, Kai pndéy roy abroy pyre Toic “EXAnot, pyre Toic Bapbdpotc ytyvwoKovrac. 1 Consult, Sc. Here there is a paronomasia, q.d. deliberate Jong, since the matters under consideration are not short, L 2 148 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. by the opinions and accusations of others, to procure®* trouble to yourselves. Consider, too, how great are the uncertainties of war, before you engage in it: for when drawn out to any great length, it usually terminates in some eventful crisis °, and which way it shall fall out is suspended on the dangerous die of uncertainty. When, indeed, men go to war, they apply to those things first* which ought to be second in order; and it is only when they happen to encounter some dire calamity, that they have recourse to counsels? and de- liberation. But we, who are as yet ourselves in no such error, nor perceive you to be so, charge you, while to consult well is yet in the power of both, not to break the treaty, nor violate your oaths, but to let the disputed points, conformably to the treaty, be adjusted by judicial award. Llse, calling to wit- ness ° the gods, whom we have mutually sworn by, we will endeavour to repel your attack, if made, in such a way as you shall set us an example.” 2 Procure.] UpéoSnoSe is not well rendered by some translators. ‘The apoc does not signify besides, but contributes, together with the force of the middle verb, to make the action more reflective. It has*the sense of accersere, sibi inferre, as in Hurip. Heracl. 147. idua mpdcSeoSar kaca. and often in Arrian. The zévoy is used as at 2, 62. Tov O& movoy Toy Kara TOV modepov. and 2, 59. 3 Terminates — crisis.| _Such seems to be the sense of the phrase é¢ Tbxac TepticracSat, which has somewhat perplexed the commentators. The Schol. and Gottleb. explain the rvyac by ddndérnra. Portus, and most others, understand it of calamitous events. It is susceptible of either sense, but the context will not admit of the former; and the latter has something frigid. I would, therefore, take réyac in a middle sense, i. e. what happens, whether good or evil. And this is very agreeable to the context ; for from towering and all prevailing prosperity, and from irretrievable adversity, they (i, e. Athens and Lacedzemon) were both equally distant. As to the reading in this whole passage, it is defended by numerous imitations which I shall have to point out from Dionys. Hal., Demosth., and Josephus. + Those things first] i. e. to actions, namely, before counsels. By the ra borepoy are meant actions. 5 Have recourse to counsels.| Steph. understands by \éywyr, proposals for peace. But though the phrase admits of that sense, it is here not agreeable to the context. Besides, M6ywy dzrecSat is elsewhere, in our author, used in the sense consilia capessere ; as also in the best writers, as Eurip. Alcest. 967. mrEtorov abapevoc Noywy. and Ion, 544. Adywr abwpniY drwy. Theo- crit. Id. 22, 114. drropevoe — révoyv. Lucian. 3, 621. ® Calling to witness, §c.|_ So supra 73. and infra 2, 71. 4, 87. Invoking them as witnesses, and avengers of those who had violated their oaths. CHAP. LXXX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 149 LXXIX. So spoke the Athenians. But when the Lace- daemenians had heard from the allies their charges against the Athenians, and from the Athenians what they had to allege, they dismissed them ', to deliberate by themselves on the pre- sent posture of affairs; whereupon the opinions of the greater part coincided ? on this, that the Athenians had already been guilty of injustice towards them, and that they should go to war without delay. Then Archidamus, their king, a per- sonage who had the reputation of possessing ® both ability and moderation, stepped forward, and addressed them to the fol- lowing effect : — LXXX. “I have myself*, Lacedaemonians, been exercised in many wars, and I see those among you who are of the same age and experience °; so that no one can desire enterprise (as is the case with the multitude) through inexperience, nor as re- garding it either expedient or safe.° As to this war, about which \ Dismissed them.] 'This was usual; with respect to the phrase, it often occurs in the Greek historians, as semotis omnibus does in the Latin. The whole passage is almost transcribed by Dionys. Hal. 1, 488. 2 Coincided.] Literally, ‘ bore to the same point.’ There is here a metaphor taken from ways that converge to some common point. So Soph. Cid. Col. 1424, éc¢ d0Sdv tupépe. where Elmsley compares Cid. Tyr. 519. sig amdody PEpEL. 3 Had the reputation of being,| Such is the sense of doxéy eivar, which is ill-rendered by the videbatur of the Latin translator. Indeed few idioms have been so generally mistaken as this, as will appear from the examples and critical remarks I shall adduce in my edition. 4 Ihave myself, §c.| This exordium has been imitated by Procop. p. 256, 56., and the phrase zo\A@y zodképwry eum. has been often borrowed by the historians. Thucyd. also seems to have had in mind a very similar exordium to an oration of Themistocles, in Herod. |. 8, 109. Kai airog 76n moddotor {scil. wodypact,) wapeyevopny, kai woAAA EW AKHKOa TOLAE yEevéocSaL 5 I see—experience.| It is strange that Bauer should take rove for rivac; since that use is confined to the genitive and dative. The con- struction Is elliptical ; and the Schol. and commentators supply éu7retporépoue. But the true ellipsis seems to be dyrac; the other is only implied by the context. This view of the phraseology is confirmed by imitations in Dio Cass. 698, 23. and 719,39. ‘The passage is also imitated by Dionys. Hal. Antiq. 574, 24. . 6 Nor as regarding —safe.| Such I conceive to be the true mode of taking this passage, where the transition from substantive to participle has perplexed the translators. The construction is, Wore phre rwad — arrewpia, pnre (wc) vopicayTa ay. Kai aod. By the ot zodAoi seems to be meant, not, as Hobbes and Smith under- stand, many, but most. The Scholiast takes it to mean the vulgar. But Archidamus was, we may suppose, too prudent to commence by insult~ L 3 150 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. you are now consulting, you will find it is likely to be one not the least momentous ’, if it be maturely weighed and considered.*® For against Peloponnesians, indeed, and the neighbouring states our strength is sufficiently well matched, and our forces can move with celerity upon each of them®; but against a people who possess territory afar off, are, moreover, consum- mately experienced in naval affairs, and are well provided with every apparatus,——with wealth, both private and public,—with ships, and horses '°, and arms — and such a mass of population as is not elsewhere to be found in any one Grecian state, and who have, too, many allies paying them tribute. Against such, I say, how can it behove us lightly to go to war? and upon what grounds of reliance can we be justified in rushing unprepared to the contest? Is itupon our navy? But there we are inferior; and if we would employ practice, and set on foot counter preparations '', that will require time.!? Is it, then, on our wealth? But in that we are even more deficient; ing so strong a party, whom it was his interest to conciliate, and whom he, in the course of the oration, does studiously avoid offending. On the azepig the Scholiast aptly adduces the Pindaric dict. yAucig dreipw 7OdEMOc. 7 Least momentous.| Most translators understand the éA\aytorov of length of time. But that is judging by the event. Such Archidamus could scarcely venture to predict. The sense above adopted is far more apt, and is sup- ported by abundant authority. There is the same litotes in Matt. 2,6. ovdapic tdaylorn. 8 If it be—considered.|’ Literally, if one would prudently consider. The transition from the second person plural to the third person singular, may be attributed to delicacy. The orator had in view the ot zodXol, who seemed bent on war. 9 Can move with, §c.| This is so plainly the sense, (on which, indeed, all interpreters are agreed), that I cannot but wonder that Mr. Mitford should have assigned the sense he has done, which were better suited for a histo- rical romance, like Anacharsis, than an authentic history. 10 Horses.] It may be asked, had not the Peloponnesians these? Scarcely so: for horses were not much bred there, and wealth was wanting to purchase them of the breeders, namely, the Thessalians, Macedonians, and Thracians. Nay, there is no doubt that horses were brought from Asia Minor, Italy, Sicily, and Spain; as we find by the sixth and seventh books of this history. The wealth here mentioned they had chiefly obtained by their extensive and lucrative commerce. 11 Set on foot counter preparations.| I have adopted the reading of Gottleb. and Bekker, which (I would add) is supported by 7,3. 5, 59., and Dio Cass, 1312,86. Thus in Xen. 6, 1, 26. 12 That will require time.] Literally, “in doing this time must inter- vene,” for x. éyyevqoerat, as in the frequent phrase ypovoy tyyvyvopévov.. . HAP. LXXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 151 we neither have any in the public treasury’®; nor do we readily contribute from our private purses. LXXXI. “ Perhaps, however, some may feel confidence in our superiority to them in the use of arms’, and in numbers °, imsomuch that we may invade their territory, and lay it waste with incursions. But they have other and extensive territo- ries ° under their dominion, and whatever they want they can import by sea.* And if we shall endeavour to retaliate ? upon them, by inducing ¢hezr allies to revolt, it will be necessary to aid these by a fleet, since they are, for the most part, zslanders. What sort of a war, then, will this be®? For unless we obtain the mastery by sea, or find some other course’ to cut off the revenues from which they support their navy, we shall come off with the worst. And under these circumstances it will be no longer honourable for us to abandon the contest® ; especially if we shall be thought to have been ourselves rather the authors of the differences. For let us not be carried away by the expectation that the war will speedily be brought to a close, if we do but lay waste their territory. Nay, I fear, 13 Neither have — treasury] i. e. nothing worthy of mention for such a war. So Aristot. Pol. 2,7. (cited by Gottleb.) otre év rp Kowe Tij¢ woAEwWE éorw ovdéy oémove psyddoug dvayKalopévore mrodepetv, But, indeed, 1, 1,141. is the best commentary on this passage. 1 Arms.] i.e. either in the kind of arms used, or in the construction of them; for both of which the Lacedzmonians were celebrated. Or, per- haps, the hoplites ; for the Lacedeemonian men at arms were the best in Greece. Now this sense of 67. occurs in 3,1. and elsewhere. And so Mitford understands it. 2 And numbers.| So in 1,141. the Peloponnesians and their allies are represented as able to make head against all the other Greeks. 3 Other and extensive territories.] So 1,141. “ To us there is much ter- ritory both on the islands and the continent.” + Import by sea.| The best commentary on this is 1. 2, 38. fin. 5 Retaliate, §c.| This seems meant by the ad. Here there is reference to the case of Corcyra and Potidea. 6 What sort —be?] So Xen. Anab. 7, 1, 26. oiog SD 6 wédeuoc av yévotro | 7 Or find, §c.| This sense is required by the subject and the context ; and I have observed the same ellipsis in similarly constructed sentences. By this other course, is meant inducing the allies to revolt. 8 Abandon the contest.| Literally, lay aside the war, caradveoSar; as at 6,13.; or, what comes to the same thing, seek a reconciliation. And se the gloss (for such it is) in some MSS. dtadvecdar L 4 152 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOO : rather, we shall leave it (as an inheritance®) to our children : so little likely is it that the high spirit of the Athenians will be bowed down by attachment to their soil", or that, like raw recruits, they be struck with panic at the war. LXXXII. “I mean not, however, to recommend you to brook, as if you felt them not’, the wrongs they inflict on our allies, or to connive at their insidious encroachments; but I _ do advise that we should not yet take up arms, but send and expostulate, holding forth the language neither of decided hostility, nor of pusillanimous acquiescence; and, in the meanwhile, that all due preparations be made on our part, by attaching to our interest allies, both Greeks and Barbarians (for those whose destruction is threatened (as ours is by the Athenians), may be perfectly justified in having recourse to Barbarians as well as Greeks for their preservation), any, I say, from whatever quarter ?, from which we may derive aid, whether of shipping or money; taking care, moreover, to provide what we can from our own resources. And if, indeed, they should hearken to our expostulations, that will be the best issue the business can have: but if not,when two, or even three years have elapsed, then, if it should be thought expedient, 9 Inheritance.| So Dio Cass. 47,67. wédeuov ry mode Karédere, be- queathed. 10 Be bowed down—soil,] Such seems to be the sense of the obscure ex- pression r7 yj SovAgioa, which is illustrated by 1,143. rovrov Evexa ove vmaxovoesse. Abresch, Reiske, and Gottleb. have not amiss discerned the sense, but they have failed to establish it on any proof, insomuch that Reiske resorted to critical conjecture. But the present reading, and the interpret- ation above adopted, are confirmed by an imitation of Plut. Themist. 6, 11. Tac piv oikiag Kai Ta Telyn KaTadedoivaper, odK aEwdYTEG abiywy EvEKa dovrsiev. . As the phrase is remarkable, the following illustrations may not be unacceptable. Dio Cass, 525,15. dovdsbew ry avayey; Joseph. 165, 5. ©. r@ xépder; Diod. Sic. t. 10, 148. 0. 77 ovvnSeia; J. Chrys t. 1,161. 0. app 3 Philostr, V. A. 3, 59. 6. rate rpareZaic; and especially, to omit many other examples, lian V. H. 2,15. dsdotAwro ry tardvy, Kai éab~ pale rd dévdpov. In all these cases there is an ellipsis of éai, which has the sense of tvexa. : 1 As if —~not.| The best commentary on this ill-understood passage is a kindred one, supra, ch. 69. ‘* And so long indeed as they fancy they escape detection, through your unobservance, they are the less courageous ;” where see note 5. The words following kai pu) karapwpdy are exegetical. M») kara. signifies, “ not detect and expose.” 2 From whatever quarter.) Such is the force of the idiomatic ¢t woSéy, which has escaped the attention of the commentators. CHAP. LXXXiiI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 153 we may advance against them thoroughly armed ® for the con- test; and perhaps when they see our preparations, and find our words and actions correspondent to each other, they may rather choose to give way, while they preserve their territory undevastated, and may yet consult about valuable property still in being * and uninjured. For think not that we hold their territory otherwise than as a pledge*, (and so much the more in proportion as it is highly cultivated) which it is our policy to spare as long as possible, and not, by throwing them into despair, thus render them the harder to subdue. For if, unprepared as we now are, we should be impelled, by the ac- cusations of the allies, to proceed to the devastation of their territory,— mark, if we shall not occasion to Peloponnesus so much the more of disgrace and difficulty. For the accusations of states, as of individuals, it is possible to clear away °; but 3 Thoroughly armed.| Literally, fortified. Such is the sense of zepay- pévo, which is imperfectly rendered “ better prepared.” ‘The word is here used in a metaphorical sense, (as Adschyl. Theb. 65. godar wédtopa), and is well rendered by Budzus in his Comm. “ Muniti et instructi ad bellum,” 2Enorupsvot. ‘There is a metaphor taken from a soldier in full armour, as poaySEvTEc in Hom. Il. p. 268. and Eurip. Orest. 1413. 4 In being.] For in case of hostile irruption, they would fall a prey to the enemy, and either be destroyed, or no longer remain in being for the former owners. 5 Pledge.| ‘The commentators might, not unprofitably, have bestowed some attention on this remarkable expression ; but as they have not done so, the following illustrations may serve as a symbola. There is an ellipsis of Wore xjuac; and the literal rendering is, “ For think not their territory aught but as a pledge for us to hold;” the éyey being not (as Bauer fancies) for wapiyew, but for caréye. The word bpunpoe has here the sense assigned by the Scholiast and Hesych., namely, an évéyvpoyv or pledge, held in hand (hence the origin of évey. which is similar to our handsel), as a surety of peace (from dod and eipey). It is applied to the present case, because such pledges were the means of bringing and keeping together discordant parties. On this very principle, indeed, Archidamus did afterwards act, by sus- pending the threatened evils as long as he could over the heads of the Athe- nians. See 2,18. In fact, this seems to have been a not unfrequent policy with the Lacedzmonians, as we may infer from Polyzen. Strat. 2, 1.,in which most corrupt passage for cai zpoore I conjecture cdv zpoc. I would retain tovrevovro, and for dwréiorpevev I would read azéorpeler, or amérpeder. Finally, for efojvyy éxisrhoavrac, 1 would read sipiyy éxtarnoovrac, sub. vouv. The same policy was used by the Romans. So Liv. 5, 42. (who plainly has the present passage in view), “ Non omnia concremari tecta, ut, quodcumque superesset urbis, id pignus ad flectendos hostium animos habe- rent.” Something not very dissimilar, too, occurs in Herod. 1, 17. fin. 6 Clear away.| Literally,‘ do away, by clearing.” For caradve is a ver- bum preegnans. 154 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I: a general war, taken up on private grounds’, and of which none can tell the issue, it is no easy matter honourably to lay aside.® LXXXIII. “ And let it not seem to any of you pusillani- mous for so many states not to advance speedily upon one. For they, too, have allies, not inferior in number to our own”, and that pay them tribute; and war is a business, not so much of arms, as of expense, by which alone arms are made availing’®, and especially in the contest of an inland '’ with a maritime power. Let us, then, first provide ourselves with treasure, nor be prematurely hurried into action by the harangues of our allies. But let those who are to have the greatest share of the praise or blame ” resulting from the events, whichsoever way they turn out; let us, I say, leisurely and quietly employ some forecast concerning them. LXXXIV. * And as to the tardiness and dilatoriness ', which they especially lay to our charge, of that be not ashamed; 7 Private grounds.] For the criminations were not common to the Pe- loponnesians, but chiefly confined to the Corinthians. 8 Honourably to lay aside.| This passage is imitated by Joseph. 1085, 35. kunsevra 0 dmak roy rodspoyv ob7’ amoSicSat paddy diya ouppopHy, ovTE Bacraca. See Wasse on Sallust. Jug. c. 35. 9 Allies —own.| Hobbes renders, “ for of confederates that bring them in money, they have more than we.”? But the Lacedzemonians had no tri- butary allies, it not being part of their policy to have any, (see supra 19. and note}; and indeed the words will bear no other sense than that which I have assigned. 10 War is a business — availing.) I would subaud zpaypa, as also at Eurip. Pheen. 751, add rovS’ 606 wodXov wévov by, 11 Inland.| This sense is required by the antithesis, not continental, as Mitford renders. 12 Praise or blame.] homeward. ‘Then the Athenians again passing over? + Stipulated.] It may seem strange that the Athenians should so easily have been brought to relinquish Beeotia. But the narration of our author is very brief and general; and the truth seems to be, that the Beeotians were too united to be easily subdued ; besides, they had given the Athenians a rude shock at Coronea. It is moreover probable that the prisoners were persons of consequence, and as very many families would be interested in the matter, thus the treaty was brought about partly by their management. Aristid. t. 2. p.48., who has our author in view, commends the Athenians for it, bre ry THY ANOSivTOY iv TY payy owrnoplay TAslovog aklay Kpivayrac, &c. 5 All the rest.| Mitford is at a loss to know who these were. They were, I conceive, the Locrian and Eubcean exiles. | Lubea revolted.| This might very well be expected after the easy manner in which the Athenians yielded up their dominion over Beeotia and Phocis. On this revolt some ‘ther information may be gathered from Aristid. t. 5, 226. A. where for eivac I would read tévat. 2 Retired.| Bribed, as was reported, by Pericles. So at least says Plu- trch in Pericle. 3 Passing over.] 1,e., as we learn from Plutarch, with 50 ships, and 5000 heavy-armed. He also adds, Xadkidewy rode tamobsrac Neyouévove ahovTw kal Gof Ovapépovracg ekebddey. ‘These Hippobote, we may suppose, were, like the Iewpopor, landed proprietors of estates in the vicinity of Chalcis, which were adapted to the breeding and feeding of horses, and therefore very valuable. Such persons would be likely to be of the aristocratical party, and strive to rescue Eubcea from dependence, and especially demo- cratical dependence. CHAP. CXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 205 into Eubcea, under the command of Pericles, sabdued the whole of the island. | CXV. The rest of it they admitted to conditions’, but the Hestizeans * they expelled, and occupied their lands with their own people; and having retired from Eubzea, they, not long afterwards, made the thirty years’ peace with the Lace- deemonians and their allies, restoring Nissea, and Pegeea, and Traezene, and Acheea® ; for these places of the Peloponnesians | Admitted them to conditions.| Literally, put them to conditions, im- posed conditions on them. By these they were to remain, and occupy their lands ; which was a favour denied to the Hestizeans, who, we may suppose, were the prime movers of the revolt. And indeed Plutarch, ubi supra, says, that with those only the Athenians dealt harshly, because, having cap- tured an Athenian ship, they put the crew to death. Thus it was a favour that they were not sold for slaves. But even the rest of the Kubceans were not very mildly dealt with, from what we find by Aristoph. Nub. 215. cited by Gottleb. id yao ipéy raperady (i.e. Hubcea) wai Teoucdéouc, where the Schol. explains éve ddpov éeraSn, racked them up with tribute. Thucyd. does not say whither the expelled Hestizans went; but we learn from Theopompus ap. Strab. that they took shelter in Macedonia. We are told by Diod. that the number of Athenian colonists was 1000; though Theopomp., ubi supra, says 2000. 2 Hestieans.| Such is the true orthography in Attic Greek. The name ought always to have the aspirate. The for « is Zonic, though D’Anville and others erroneously write Jstiea. ‘The town is generally supposed to have been the same with Oreus (now Oreo) mentioned in Lysias, Demosth., and others, ap. Wass. It seems probable, however, that Oreus was built on a somewhat different site, perhaps immediately adjoining that of Hestiza, _and founded by these very Athenian colonists. On Oreus see Travels of Anach. 3 Restoring Nisea, S§c.] There is some difficulty connected with this passage, as regards Achgea, at which the commentators and critics universally stumble. Hudson observes: “ que fuerit Achza juxta cum ignarissimis ignoro.” To understand it of the province, is, they think, preposterous ; and all are agreed that some city must be meant; and Palm., Huds., Gottleb., and Smith would read Xa\xida: but this is a mere conjecture, utterly un- supported by authority, and destitute of even probability; hence it is rightly rejected by Poppo. He, however, stiffly maintains that the province can by no means be admitted, but some city must be understood; what he cannot venture to define; for though there were several towns called Achzea (see Steph. Byz., to which I add, that an Achwa in Rhodes is mentioned by Ergeas ap. Athen. 360. E.), yet none that is here suitable. Goeller contents himself with citing Poppo. It is many years since, viewing the matter in the very same light, I struck out a conjecture which is at least far milder and more probable than Xadkida, namely, “AXadc. Now of this town ’ ANsic, Mention is made supra 1, 105. where see note;- and so in Diod. Sic. t. 4,251. and Steph. Byz. This place, indeed, is often found in conjunction with Troezene by Thucyd. So 2, 56. 4,45. Xen. Hist. 6,2, 5. Strabo, p. 541. Or we might conjecture ‘Adaiay scil. yjv. For if from ‘Adudte come ‘ANucde and ‘AXuc?) (forms which are found in Pausan., St. Byz., and 206 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. the Athenians: had occupied. But in the sixth year there was a war between the Samians and Milesians respecting the pos- session of Priene; and the Milesians being worsted in the contest, went to the Athenians, and inveighed bitterly against the Samians. There also took part with them some private persons‘, who wished to change the form of government. The Athenians then proceeding to Samos with a fleet of forty sail, established democracy °, and took hostages of the Samians, _ fifty boys and as many men, and deposited them at Lemnos; and leaving a guard over them, they departed. But some of the Samians, who could not endure [the democracy], but fled Eustath.) why not ‘Adatoc, which, indeed, I find in Plutarch in Pyrrh. and Sylla. So St. Byz. “AAjioc, and p. 88. Tovpar 0 év rapwrdpmorg “AXaioc, Kai ‘ANauaioy, where I conjecture ‘AXtaioy or ’AXdiov. There is no proof, how- ever, that the Athenians were ever in settled possession of this town ; and therefore it seems most prudent to retain the common reading, which I am especially induced to do, not only because the same words occur at 4, 2., but because [ find such was the reading of Aristid. See t. 3. 5, 247. t. 2. 69. A. 1,295, A. t. 2,48. A., which passages also confirm the position of Achzea that I have from the best MSS. adopted. And notwithstanding what the critics say, there is no well-founded objection to understanding it (with Benedict) of the province. Thus Mitford is “ at a loss to see the difficulty.” It appears abundantly from ch. 111. that Achzea was one of the subject alles of Athens; and the only difficulty rests in azodwWédvar; though that will vanish, if we suppose a dilogia ; for restore, as applied to Achzea, will only mean, restore it to its independence. As to the difficulty of understanding it of the whole province, that is imaginary; since we have only to suppose it refers to that part of Achzea (always a divided province, and at best but a small one) which had joined the Athenian alliance; and which, from the smallness of the quota of troops furnished, we may conceive not to have been very large. + Private persons.] i.e. not in the administration of public affairs. These were, doubtless, of the aristocratical party, which seems also to have pre- vailed at Miletus. It is no wonder that the Athenians should have taken part with the Milesians, since they were then under democratical govern- ment. The change meditated was to aristocracy. 5 Established democracy.] For, as we find by Plutarch in Pericl. c. 25. and Diod. 1.12, 27., aristocracy or oligarchy had before been prevalent. The Bovdépevor preceding we may interpret not only of intent, but partly of execution. On this affair of Samos much light is thrown by Aristoph. Vesp. 282. and the Schol. there. The command of the armament was given to Pericles, who was reported to have taken part with the Milesians against the Samians by the intreaties of Aspasia. But that must have been mere scandal, for the policy of Athens could allow of no other course. Another story is re- lated by the same author (Plutarch), and with no better foundation, namely, that Pissuthnes endeavoured to bribe Pericles with 10,000 pieces of gold to leave things as they were at Samos, but in vain. Diod. says that he not only established democracy, but levied a contribution of eighty talents from the Samians. And from him it appears that the whole business was done in a few days. CHAP. CXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 207 to the continent, leagued themselves with some of the most rich and powerful of the city®, as also with Pissuthnes, son of Hystaspes, then governor of Sardes’; and pledging themselves to mutually support each other, and having collected about seven hundred hired auxiliaries®, they passed over by night to Samos. And, first, they made an attack upon the democratic party, and brought most of them into their power. ‘Then, having conveyed away by stealth their hostages out of Lemnos, they made an open revolt, and the Athenian garrison and governors resident with them they delivered up unto Pissuth- nes, and immediately prepared an expedition against Miletus. The Byzantines, too, participated with them in the insur- rection. CXVI. But as soon as the Athenians heard of this, they made sail to Samos with sixty ships; sixteen, however, of which were not employed; for part went to Caria, to watch the motions of the Peloponnesian fleet, and others to Chios and Lesbos, to summon! them to render assistance. With forty-four ships, however, under the command of Pericles and nine colleagues, they, at the island of ‘Tragia®, engaged with seventy of the Samians, of which twenty carried soldiers? on 6 Powerful of the city.| And who were, doubtless, of the aristocratical arty. The ody u7éevoy of our author is well explained by the réyv BovdAopévwy THY aporoKpariay eivae of Diod. 7 Governor of Sardes.| Or Satrap, as he is called by Diod. 8 Hired auxiliaries.| Such is a frequent sense of ézixotpor. Diod. says the troops were given them by Pissuthnes. But probably he sen¢, and they engaged to pay them. 1 Summon, mepucyyédovoa.| Literally, deliver a message or summons. The ep: refers to the different places at which the summons would be deli- vered. See Matth. Gr. Gr. p. 851. 2 Tragia.| There is every reason to think this is the reading of our author. And yet the plural is used by Plutarch and Strabo. Though the singular form, with the dipthong au (Tpayata), used by St. Byz.; for this seems to be the same island with that which he describes as being near the Cyclades; but that description is so vague that it is impossible to fix its situation, and, from the words following, it should rather seem to have been an island near Samos, The island seems to have been so called from having once abounded in goats. Thus the name, Goat Island, often occurs in modern geography. See the Edinburgh Gazeteer. 8 Carried soldiers.| With this expression Reiske, on the parallel passage of Plutarch Pericl. 26, has been so perplexed, as to run into no little absur- 208 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. board. All these chanced just to have sailed from Miletus; and the Athenians gained the victory. And there afterwards came to their aid forty ships from Athens, and twenty-five of the Lesbians and Chians; and having effected a descent on the coast of Samos, they besieged the city with three walls *, and also blockaded it by sea. And now Pericles, taking sixty ships from the blockading fleet, went in haste to Caunus and Caria; intelligence having reached him that the Phoenician fleet was approaching; for Stesagoras and others had gone from Samos, with five ships, in order to bring up the Phee- nician fleet.° dity of explication. By Hobbes it is wrongly rendered, “ such as served for transport of soldiers.” It appears from 6, 43. that the ships in question were not merely transports, but vessels of somewhat stronger make, and heavier burden (see |. 6,43.) adapted to carry soldiers (or what we call ma- rines) as well as sailors. This custom of employing soldiers on board ships of war to fight on the decks, had gradually been gaining ground from the time of the Persian war, and it was especially resorted to when a pugna stataria was to be maintained. See 1. 7,62. The Scholiast rightly explains : oTpaTwrac dyovea Tove péddovTrac wWeZopayetyv 3; and he adds, é&c cai irrayw- youc cadet. But the Hippagogi were horse transports. See |. 6, 4,3. and the note. These last words were, I suspect, not from the Schol. but from the margin. The word orparwrtc is rare; but J am enabled to furnish two examples which confirm the above interpretation. Xen. Hist. 1, 1,36. ve@v orparw- Tidwy paddoy i) raxaey; Diod. Sic. t. 9. p.114. rayuvavroveac pév TpinpEic mhetouc THY, &c. Ekaroy déka, TOY O& Bapu’Tinwy oTPaTWwTidwY, + Walls.) ‘The Scholiast explains it revyiopact, ramparts. Or he might mean fortified camps, or fortifications ; which is somewhat countenanced by 1.5,6. But the former is preferable. Of the three walls, the innermost was a wall of circumvallation, the second a wall also of circumvallation connected with the former, so as to form, as it were, one thick wall, the interstices being converted into barracks, see |. 3,21.; the third, or outer- most, was one of contravallation, for defence against the attacks of the islanders outside of the city. 5 Stesagoras—fleet.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this passage, which has been ill-understood by the commentators and translators. For, according to the sense commonly ascribed to the words, oi dot would be worse than useless; and that assigned by Hobbes and Smith is not permitted by the terms. There need, however, have been no difficulty made, if they had consulted the Scholiast, who points to the truth guasi digito, by simply observing that Stesagoras was a Samian. He had, it seems, been sent, (as had also others), together with five ships (to ensure his safety), for the pur- pose of bringing up the promised Phcenician fleet. The Universal History, 6, 426., by a strange mistake, makes him the commander of the Samian fleet which defeated the Athenians. The above sense of ézi is frequent in the best writers, and also occurs at 1. 4, 13., where, in my edition, I shall give several examples. Having learned this news, Pericles felt it the more necessary to sail against the Phoenician fleet. CHAP. CXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 209 CXVII. Meanwhile the Samians having suddenly sallied forth, and attacking the blockading squadron? when off its guard, destroyed the guard-ships, and engaging with the rest of the fleet, as they sailed out against them, defeated them”, and were masters of the sea opposite for fourteen days, bringing in and carrying out whatever they pleased. But Pericles returning, they were again blockaded by sea: and now an aid of forty ships arrived from Athens, commanded by Thucydides *, Agnon, and Phormio; also twenty came under Tlepolemus and Anticles, and thirty from Chios and Lesbos. And now the Samians stood their ground, indeed, for a short engagement *; but being unable to make effectual resistance, they were reduced, in the ninth month? of the siege, and em- 1 Squadron, orparorédy.]| Some take this word to denote the camp. Others, as Gottl., Heilm., and Kistem., the fleet ; which is preferable to the version of Hobbes, who renders it harbour, or that of Smith, station. But it seems to signify, in a general way, armament, squadron. So in a similar passage of 1.1, 1357. appadery is ill rendered by Portus, Hobbes, and Smith, unfortificd; better by Kistem. “ non satis firmato.” But the true sense seems to be what I have assigned, of which we have an example in Soph. ap. Hesych. in dg¢pacroc, and in Thucyd. 3,83. 2 Defeated them.| Plutarch Pericl. 27. adds cai rédXove piv abrdy évdpac éhovrec, TOAaC OF vade diudSeinavrec, where I read adrdvdpac and dvadSet- pavrec, vaic. He also subjoins, that they insulted over their prisoners by stamping on their faces the Athenian owl. 8 Thucydides.| The son of Milesias, and long the rival of Pericles. A colleague, too, in this command was Sophocles the poet. 4 Short engagement.| Perhaps that in which Aristot. ap. Plut. says Peri- cles was defeated. ’ Ninth month.| It would appear by this delay that Pericles did not resort to any very daring measures, but was content with closely blockad- ing, and endeavouring to starve out the Samians. And this is exactly what Plutarch says, whose words are these: damdvy kai yodvw paddov }) Tpabpace kal kivdbvowe THY ToktTaY TEptyéeverdsat Kat ouvereiv THY wOALY BouddpEVOE. This, in fact, was systematically the method pursued by Pericles, and it was worthy of so great a general. So Mitford (Greece, t. 5, 127.) says, “ A battle, according to a great modern authority, is the resource of igno- rant generals; when they know not what to do, they fight a battle. It was almost universally the resource of the age of Pericles; little concep- tion was entertained of military operations, beyond ravage and a battle. His genius led him to a superior system, which the wealth of his country enabled him to carry into practice. His favourite maxim was to spare the lives of his soldiers; and scarcely any general ever gained so many impor- tant advantages with so little bloodshed. _ It is said to have been his conso- lation and his boast, in his dying hours, that he never was the cause that a fellow-citizen wore mourning.” Plutarch also relates an ingenious expe- dient by which Pericles sought to relieve the tedium of the blockade. Diod., indeed, from Ephorus, says that he made frequent storming assaults ; and that he first formed and used battering rams, &c. But it appears from VOL, I. A 210 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. . braced the conditions of demolishing their walls; delivering up their ships; engaging also to repay by instalments the money expended ® on the siege. The Byzantines also came to terms, agreeing to become subject as before. CXVIII. Not many years after these events happened, the matters above related concerning Corcyra and Potideea, and whatever else’ was intervenient”, afforded a pretext for the present war. Now all these transactions, whether of Greeks against each other, or against the Barbarian, happened in the course of about fifty years, which elapsed between the retreat of Xerxes and the beginning of the aforesaid war ; during which period the Athenians had both confirmed their rule® and advanced to a great height of power.* Now the Lacedzemon- Heracl. Pont. cited by Plutarch there, that those had been already invented by Artemon several generations before. It is not improbable that Pericles might then occupy his leisure, and relieve the tedium of the biockade, by making experiments and improvements upon military machines, and put- ting in practice new plans by partially using them against the enemy; but as to the frequent storming assaults, that circumstance seems to have been inserted merely to fill up the description, it frequently occurring in similar passages of the historians. 6 Money expended] This, as we learn from Ephorus ap. Diod. was 200 talents. But that is surely too small a sum. It should rather seem to have been the first instalment. ; 1 Whatever else.) 1 e., says the Scholiast, the profanity of Cylon, &c. 2 Intervenient.] I have seen no reason to follow recent editors, in can- celling the word pera); since we may far better account for its omission, than its insertion ; especially as it is used in a not dissimilar manner (i. e. as an adjective or adverb) both by Thucyd. and others. One example I shall select among several others which I have remarked, Polyb. 1. 14,1, 9. ra perako. 3 Confirmed their rule] Namely, over their allies. Smith renders, “ established their dominion on a solid basis.” But thus the next clause would be a vain repetition. The expression may be well illustrated froma kindred: one at c. 7,6. dpyeivy éykparéc, where see the note; also from 6, 92. éyxparic eréepyopat. We have seen, from the preceding chapters, how the Athenians gradually drew the bands of rule closer and closer, until from being acceptable to the confederates, they became odious. 4 Great height of power.] It is truly observed by Mitford, vol. 5. p. 62. “that though the Athenian dominion, within Greece, had been greatly con- tracted by the conditions of the thirty years’ truce, and by the losses which led to it; yet the remaining empire had been gaining consistency, during fourteen years which had since elapsed under the able administration of Pericles; its force was now such that no single state of Greece could un- dertake to cope with it; and even the extensive confederacy over which Lacedzemon presided, was, at the instant, far from being in condition to begin hostilities,” CHAP. CXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 211 ians, though they perceived, did not hinder it, except for short intervals, but mostly kept quiet (being, indeed, at all times never hasty in going to war, unless when compelled by neces- sity, and, moreover, being sometimes hindered by domestic broils) ; nor did they exert themselves, until the power of the Athenians had plainly risen to a formidable height, and had begun to encroach on their confederacy. ‘Then, indeed, they thought it no longer to be endured, but came to the conclusion that they should go to war with them, and that a vigorous attack should be made, and every exertion be used to demo- lish the Athenian power. Thus then it was decided by the Lacedzemonians that the treaty was violated, and that the Athenians had done them wrong. They sent, moreover, to Delphi, and consulted the god whether it would be advisable for them to go to war. The response (according to report °) was this: ‘* that victory would attend them if they carried on the war vigorously °, and that he would assist them, whether invoked or uninvoked.” CXIX. Whereupon, having again called together the con- federates, they chose’ the second time to put it to vote whe- ther it would be advisable to go to war. And the deputies having come from the confederates, and a congress being formed, the rest said what they thought proper; most of them bitterly criminating the Athenians, and giving their opinion for war. And also the Corinthians (fearing for Potidaea, lest it should be lost before help arrived,) having previously gone 5 According to report.| There is a significancy in this expression, by which, perhaps, our author hints at some management on the part of the Sewpoi, or those sent to consult the oracle. The directors, however, of that solemn puppet, the Delphian oracle, were always well inclined to the Lacedezemonians. 6 Victory would — vigorously.| Such was the sense in which the Lacedee- monians understood the response. But perhaps we may discern the usual artifice of the priests to save their credit, which ever way events should turn; for at zoAzpovor something is left to be supplied; if adrote, then it will refer to the Lacedemonians; but if the article roic, then it will bea sententia generalis, which might apply to any, and therefore to the Athe- nians, if they should prove victorious. And the latter part of the response is well adapted to the sententia generalis. ‘The whole was, doubtless, as usual, couched in verse, and fermed a distich. 1 Chose.| Such seems to be the sense of é6od\ovro, which Hobbes has passed by, and Smith erroneously rendered designed. Pg 212 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. round and canvassed the states”, entreating them to vote for the war, then themselves also advancing (last as before), ad- dressed the assembly thus :— CXX. “ We no longer, confederates, censure the Lacedze= monians, they having both themselves resolved on the war, and convoked us for this very purpose. It is, indeed, the duty of ruling states, while they enjoy all private rights on no more than an equal footing with the rest, to provide for the pub- lic welfare, as in other matters they enjoy priority of honour.! Now such of us as have already had any intercourse with the Athenians, need no admonition to be on their guard against them; but it behoves those who are situated somewhat inland, and not in a place of common resort and traffic’, to know that, unless they render assistance to those in the lower and maritime districts, they will find more difficulty in the con- veying down of their produce’, and in the receiving back of 2 States.) i.e. the deputies who represented the states. 1 It is indeed —honour.] Such I had many years ago decided to be the sense of this difficult passage; and my opinion is confirmed by that of Goeller. Mitford’s version is specious, and elegant, but inaccurate. The Ta toa & ioov véporrac cannot signify, “ paying attention to their particular circumstances.” The Scholiast has rightly indicated the sense; and it is truly remarked by Abresch, that there is an allusion to the words of Sar- pedon in Hom. Il. 12,515. to which I add a very similar passage in Xen. Anab. 1.3,1,57. ‘Yueic yap éore orparnyoi,—Kai dre siphyn jv, dpeic Kal XeHpace kai Tysaic robrwy éxdeovexréire. Kal voy Toivuy, éwel modEwog éoTLY, aévovy Jet tuac abrode cysivove Te Tov TANSove Eivat, Kai wpoboudrEbe TObTwWY Kal TpoTroveEly, IV Tov O&y. The év dXouc the Scholiast well explains by év zpoedpuuc kai rote rovot= roc. But the interpreters have failed to observe the paronomasia in zpoo- xo7reiy and mporiay; and the ellipsis of povoy after 2 icov. 2 Trafic.| The orator has a-view to Corinth itself. See 1, 7, and 13. By those situated inland are meant the states in the interior of Pelopon- nesus, as the Arcadian and some others. 3 Produce.| Such as corn, oil, wine, &c. For the term spara especially denotes the fruits of the earth, and whatever food is formed from them. See the Lex. Xen. With respect to caraxoutdy)y, that is a very rare word, which I have not elsewhere met with. Karaywy?) occurs in this sense in the Schol. on Pind. Olymp. 5,18. Av7idnue is also very rare in the sense it here bears. The whole passage is imitated by Appian, t. 1,427. ry rév wpaiwy diaSeciy re Kai avTiknpw; and Livy, |. 5,54. “ flumen quo ex mediterraneis locis fruges devenantur, quo maritimi commeatus accipiantur.” Hence is well illustrated an ill understood passage of Eurip. Suppl. 209. where, among the benefits of the gods, Theseus recounts: Idvrov 62 vavoroAnpad we dvadXayac¢ Exomey AAnrovoly, WY TEVOITO yi). : CHAP. CXX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 913 such commodities as the sea gives to inland regions. Nor ought they to be indolent’ judges of what is now said, as if it did not concern ¢hem, but to expect that if ever they betray the maritime states, the danger will come to their own doors°, and that they are now consulting not less for themselves than for us; and that therefore it behoves them not to be slow in exchanging peace for the war [proposed to them]. For itis the part of prudent men, unless when wronged, to remain quiet ; but of drave men, when injured, to exchange peace for war, and on the contrary, when opportunity offers, from hostility to proceed to pacification; and neither, on the one hand, by any success in war, to be puffed up, nor, on the other, to be so far enamoured of the tranquillity of peace’ as to suffer themselves to be injured. For he who, to secure this gratification, acts the coward, will, if he sits inactive, be speedily deprived of the sweets of that very inactivity for which he sacrificed the rewards of industry. And he who in war becomes insolent by success, considers not that he is buoyed up with a treacher- ous confidence. For many ill-planned schemes has chance made successful, when they happened to be formed against® 4 Inland regions.| Such is, I conceive here, the sense of 77 77reipw. And this is required by the context, and though rare, may be supported by examples from our author himself; though the commentators adduce none. So 4,12. r@ rére roic piv nrepwrac Kai Ta Twila Kpariorolc, Toic Ot Sadac- ciowc, &c. And Herodian, 8, 2, 7. ra re ard rife Hrétpou Oud ye 7 ToTapay KaTAKOMEOmEeva TWapElyev EuTropsvecdat Toic wAEOVGL, Ta TE ATO SadarTyE Tote HTEPWT ALC AVAYKAiA— AVETEMTEY BIC THY AYH iV. 5 Indolent.] Such seems to be the true sense of caxodc, which is little understood by the commentators. The Latin translators avoid the diffi- culty, by rendering word for word. Hobbes and Smith, venturing upon interpretation, take it of erroneous judgment, which is nothing to the pur- | pose. It is strange none should have seen that, as cakdc is often used in the sense of ignavus, so it may, and the context requires that it should be taken in the figurative sense, dull, listless, indolent, indifferent, uninterested. A similar expression occurs in Eurip. Elect. 574. zovnp@ xpioerae Kporhj; and in 1 Corinth. 10,15. we dpovipow Aéyw" Kpivare dpeic 6 djpe. 6 Come to their own doors.| So Juvenal, “ Tua res agitur,’ &c. Mit- ford paraphrases thus: “ Ultimately thus we are all equally interested in the matter on which we are going to decide; differing more in regard to the time when we may expect the evil to fall upon us, than the degree in which it will affect us.” 7 Tranquillity of peace.] So Hom. Od. ¢. 598. 1 cbywoy siphyny. 8 Happened to be formed against.| _ Literally, to meet with. For though Bekker, from several M.SS., edits rvydévrwy, | agree with Goeller in retaining the common reading. My reason is, not only that it yields a better sense, but that it is far easier to account for it than for the other. Certainly the P 3 214 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. worse-advised ones: and yet more are there which, though seemingly well-advised °, have encountered disgrace, and come to nought. For no one displays equal activity in executing, as confidence ?° in meditating, plans ; but we form our counsels in security; in carrying them into effect we, amidst the terror which surrounds us, fall short of our previous confidence. CXXI. “As to ourselves, it is from suffering much injury and many grievances, that we now have recourse to arms’; and when we have avenged ourselves of our foes, we shall, in due season, lay them down. Success will, on many accounts, be likely to attend us, as being superior both in numbers and military skill, and as yielding a uniform obedience to orders.” Scholiast read rvyovra. On the sentiment compare Pind. Pyth. 8, 103-9. and the Schol., as also Thucyd. 5, 102. and Herod. 7, 4. 9 Though seemingly well advised.| The words of the Scholiast, ei€otAwy Tov évaytiwy rvyoyra are not meant to explain, but to supply what is wanting in the sentence. And Hobbes has adopted the clause in his ver- sion, But the method of the Scholiast is too bold. Our author, perhaps, did not intend so exact a parisosis, nor is the clause necessary to the sense. 10 For no one —confidence.| Such seems to be the sense. The 6poia is for duoiwe ; as in Eurip. Hec. 402. and fragm. Alem. 8. And the cai is to be referred to 6y., both being equivalent to pariter ac, as 7,28. The miorec is well explained by the Scholiast Sapce, though very incorrectly by Goeller, “ propter fiduciam.”” The commentators compare 1,141. With the toyw éwe&épyerat I would compare 1, 84. goyw éwetiévar. The latter part of the sentence is misapprehended by all the commen- tators. Mera déove (which indeed is omitted by Goeller) is rendered cum metu, or pre metu, “ through the prevalence of fear,” as Smith renders. But this would not be true of a really courageous man. Besides, as there is an antithesis between pera cdopareiac and pera déove; and as the former has reference to the circumstances which surround the persons in ques- tion, so must the latter; and déove may very well denote “ things which are calculated to inspire terror;” as in Herodian ap. Steph. Thes. in v. ob0& Ti Oé0¢ HY amd Boerraviac. At Xklzropev the Scholiast supplies mpagewe. But this is too bold. I would supply, from the context, we éveSupetro. In rendering dogaZouev, “form our counsels,” I have followed the Scho- hast. It signifies literally, “ we form our opinions and projects.” 1 Have recourse to arms.|_ Or, “are roused to war.” Literally, “ rouse up awar.” So the Latin evrcitare, suscitare bellum. A somewhat too poetical expression, borrowed, as the commentators tell us, from the Ho- meric éyepe 6: didomw aivyyv. Yet, as they might have observed, it is sometimes found not only in vehement declamation, but in plain prose; as Polyb. 1. 15, 1,2. éyeipay roy wédepov ; Kenoph. ei wédrewoc éyepSein; and Hipp. 1,19. #yv wéXspoc eyerohjrau. The éyeipew orpariay cited by Gottl. is of another kind; and the phrase éyeipevy is not, as he reckons it, equivalent to bellum inferre, but 2 much stronger expression. 2 A uniform —orders.] i.e. being under an uniform discipline which CHAP. CXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 215 Then as to a navy, in which their strength consists, we shall soon be able to provide one, both from the means * which we severally possess, and from the wealth * laid up at Delphi and Olympia: for by borrowing this, we may be able, by the offer of higher pay, to draw away their foreign seamen.” Indeed extends to all. Such is. I conceive, the sense, which has been strangely misunderstood by the ¢ranslators (for the commentators take no notice of the passage). Hobbes renders, “‘ all of one fashion ;”? Smith, “ we advance with uniformity.’? And so Mitford understands it of unanimous zeal. But these intepretations are alike inadmissible. The one I have adopted springs naturally from the words, and is both agreeable to the context, and to what we know of the Peloponnesian discipline. See 1. 2,11. s.f. which pas- sage is the best commentary on the present one. That iévae sic ra wapayye- Aépeva is to be understood of obedience to orders, is clear from 3, 55. tévat O& é¢ Ta rapayyedépeva eixdc vy mpoSinwc. So also Appian, 2, 80, 24. mapyvecey EToipotc tc TO Tapayyedr\Omevoy eivar; and 2, 246,11. d£iwe éc Ta Tapdyyeopeva KwpovyTec. In thus touching on the prompt obedience to orders which extended to every class of a Peloponnesian army, the orator seems to advert to the want of it in the Athenian forces, where the influence of democracy often made men as disobedient in the field as they were tumultuary in the agora. 3 Means.| Hobbes and Smith wrongly understand it of wealth and competent stores; alike at variance with the sense of ovciac, and with the positive testimony of Archidamus, supra c. 80. fin. where speaking of money, he says: wAéov rovrou éAXgiropev, Kal otre ev Koiv@ Exomev, ovTE érolpwwe ix THv iiwy pépopev. nay with what almost immediately follows the present passage. Certain it is that odcia only signifies the substance or means which any one possesses, be it more or less. + Wealth, §c.| “ From this passage”’ observes Mitf. “ and some following ones (I. 1. c. 143. and 1. 2. c. 9.) that through some revolution, not parti- cularly mentioned by Thucydides, but probably a consequence of the thirty years’ truce, not only Delphi was again brought under Lacedzmonian influence, but the Phocian people were gained to the Lacedzemonian interest; or, which would operate to the same purpose, were put under oligarchical government.” ‘To which I would add, that the temple at Olympia would be at the command of Lacedeemon, the Elians, the guardians of it, being in their confederacy. It must be remembered, that the temples were the great national banks of Greece, where alone money, or valuable property could be deposited in safety, and from whence it was allowed for the guardian nation of each to take what was indispensably necessary for urgent occasions, so that the money, or value were faithfully repaid. Such appears both from the present passage, and especially from 2, 13. where Pericles enumerating the ways and means (as we term it) of the state, reckons up even the avaSiara and the tsod oxévy, the xonpara teody and even the gold about the colossal statue of Minerva. Then he uses ex- pressions which show the occasions and conditions of this application of sacred property; namely, ypycapévoug Of Eri owrnpia, eon, ypivar pr) thadoow ayvrixkaraorioat warty. 5 Foreign seamen.] The orator, here, evidently speaks of freemen, though there is reason to think that the Athenian fleet was in a great degree manned with slaves. Who these foreign seamen were, we are not told; but they were plainly not Greeks, but Barbarians, enlisted from all the many maritime countries with which the Athenians had such extensive P 4 216 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. the force of the Athenians is rather purchased and mercenary, than native for self-derived]. Ours will be less liable to such a disadvantage ; its strength consisting rather in persons than property. If, too, they lose but a single sea-fight, they are, in all probability, utterly subdued °: but should they success- fully resist us’, we, on our part, can take a longer. time in which to exercise ourselves in nautical practice — and when once we have attained an eqguality® of skill, our courage? will surely secure us the victory. For ¢his advantage, which we possess by nature, can never become theirs by instruction ; whereas the superiority which they now possess by knowledge, we may remove by practice. And in order to provide means for these purposes, we must raise contributions : for hard in- deed ’° it were if their confederates should not be backward to pay contributions, though for the enslavement of themselves ; and we should scruple to expend our money in order to avenge ourselves on our enemies — in order to be ourselves saved — and not to be deprived of that very property, and withal have it used as a means of doing us mischief. CXXII. “ Other expedients of war, too, are in our power —the exciting of their allies to revolt’ (which will be the commercial connections, both the Euxine, Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, Africa, Italy, Sardinia, Corsica, Spain, and Gaul. 6 Utterly subdued.] Because (as the Scholiast subjoins,) they have no strength at land to repair defeats at sea; whereas if we be conquered at sea, we can repair the loss by our strength at land. 7 Successfully resist us.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of dayvricxoty, which is ill rendered by Hobbes and Smith, hold out, continue the contest, a sense not agreeable to what follows. The expression seems to be an Attic euphemism for “ should be worsted,” which sense is required by the context. Mitford, however, has not ill paraphrased it by, “ should that not be immediately obtained.” ix Attained an equality.| Literally, placed our skill on an equality with theirs. 9 Courage.] 1. e. superior courage, to which the Peloponnesians always Jaid claim. The djzov, which is rendered certe, surely, must yet be regarded as expressing not absolute certainty. And so, sometimes, the Latin utique. Indeed Cjzov often means no more than opinor. See Hoog. de Part. 158. seq. 10 Hard indeed.] Literally, “ otherwise it were hard.” The #) is for « O€ pu), a Very rare use. | Exciting — revolt.| Hobbes and Smith wrongly render, “ a revolt of their allies ;” whereas arécracig ought to be taken in an active sense, as its verb ddicrnpe often is. CHAP. CXXIIe THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. a most effectual means of withdrawing the revenues from which they derive their strength), and the erecting of fortresses in their territory *, together with many other methods, such as no one can now foresee: for least of all does war proceed on any determinate ® or specific plans, but rather of itself it con- trives, according to the occasion, what is to be done; wherein he who engages in it with the best regulated temper“, is the surest of success; while he who wants that controul over him- self, is very likely to fail of it. Let us consider, too, that if indeed there were differences to each of us against equally- 2 Erecting of fortresses, §c.| The syntax is here to be referred to that rule by which verbals take the case of their verb. The force of the terms émireryiZey, érrirelyiopa, and ézcreryiopoc is learnedly illustrated by Hemsterh. on Lucian Nigr. c.20. with the 6d0t rot rodépwou just before Gottleb. com- pares Tacit. Ann. 2, 5. preliorum vias. This expedient was afterwards tried, and not unsuccessfully, by the erection of Decelia. But it would have been little effectual, had not the Athenians so weakened themselves by rash and Quixotic foreign expeditions as to leave too few to defend their home territories. Hobbes indeed remarks, that “ though this be here said in the person of a Corinthian, yet it was never thought on by any of that side, till Alcibiades put it into their heads, when he revolted from his country.” If so, there would thus be a sort of anachronism. But such is not the case. It is, indeed, very possible, that the Lacedemonians had never thought of building a fort at Decelia till it was suggested to them by Alcibiades, Yet it is not improbable that they had before had thoughts of the thing in a general way. And as to this being put into the mouth of a Corinthian, I must take exception to that expression ; for from the explicit declarations of our historian, supra c. 22. (on which see the notes,) we may very well suppose that such a suggestion was really now made by the Corinthians. 3 Determinate, éxi pnroic.| Abresch compares Procop. B. P. 2, 26. éi Toic duodoyoupévorc. He might have more appositely adduced Eurip. Hipp. 461. ypiy o émi pynroic, &c. Plutarch Cress. 2. 6 ydo wéXepmoc od rerpaypeva oureira Kata Toy ’ApKkidapoy. (where, however, the writer’s memory deceived him,) Procop. p. 78, 12. émi pnroic édne ywpeiv. Malchus ap. Corp. Byz. 1, 116. D. éy v@ BareoSa Tov wébAEMOY odTE Ei PHTOIC siwSdTa ywpsiv. Also Agath. cai ric dyvwoeev dy we Tac THY Tohipwoy Tpodac (I read rpordc), ovK éi pnroic avaykie, (I would read avayry), cvpBaivey, 4 With the best, §c.] The evopyfrwe is ill rendered by Haack, modica iré impulsus, as dpyiSeic by Portus “ qui irascitur.”” There is no peculiar notion of anger, but, in a general way, passionaleness, or the ill regulation of the temper. And edopy. is well explained by the Schol. eirpd7wc. He also truly adds, that dpy2) signifies 6 rpdzog, the temper. It is strange that the commentators should have overlooked the Hesychian gloss eéépynroe. 6 rH 6pyy eb ypopevoc; and that they should not have noticed that ebopynota occurs in Eurip. Bacch. 641, and Hipp. 1042. and is explained by the Schol. apaérnrt. where see Monk. The dpySeic is rendered by Bauer, “ qui vehementius et festinantius et cupidius in bello versatur, zu _ heitzig,” too hotheaded. So the zpozereic at 2 Timoth. 3, 4. 218 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. matched ° adversaries, concerning boundaries of territory, that might be borne. ‘¢ But now — the Athenians are a match for us altogether, and moreover, separately, they are an overmatch. So that unless we, jointly and collectively, by every tribe and every city, resist them, they will, without trouble 6, overcome us when taken separately. And defeat, remember, defeat (grating as it may sound to your ears) carries with it nought but open slavery’ : which to be brought into doubt were disgraceful * to Peloponnesus — that so many states should suffer under the oppression of one! Wherein we shall either seem to suffer deservedly, or to endure it through cowardice, and thus mani- festly appear degenerated from our forefathers, who gave liberty to Greece; whereas we, alas! we do not secure it for ourselves, but suffer a tyrant state? to establish itself among us, though we think it right to depose monarchs ’° in any single city. We are, I say, at a loss to conceive 1 how such 5 Equally matched.| That such is the sense of davriddoue (as at 1, 142. and often) is clear from the sentence following. And yet Smith renders it foes; though that mistake is trifling compared to the one just after, where he renders oiordy iv “ there would be need of perseverance,” and Gail, “ i] sauroit se defendre.” Both these translators seem to have been led into error by Hobbes, who renders, “ we must undergo them.” But they might have avoided it, by consulting the Schol. and Portus; though indeed it is one of the tritest idioms of the language. 6 Without trouble.| Smith renders “ without a struggle,’ erroneously referring it to the Peloponnesians. I would observe that the passage is imitated by Agath. p. 83, 6. 7 Carries, §c.| ‘Uhis passage is imitated by Joseph. 792, 5. ray O& amort now obdéy GAO Hépovsay F avricpde Oovrstay Errupépery EyorTeEc. 8 Which, &c.] So Herod. 7, 10, 38. wairor A6yw dkotoa Sewov, &e. Hence may be emended and illustrated Theophyl. Sim. p. 124. D. rd vied» brepivoogor, kai Td rig Oevrépac (I conjecture érepac, as in Thucyd. 3, 49.) Tvxne Bapd kat heydpevoyr. And hence may be illustrated the force of a passage of Soph. Trach. 250. rot Néyou & ob ypx) oSoveiy — rpocsiva. With the avyrucpd¢ dovdsiay 1 would compare (besides Joseph just cited) Plut. C. Gracch. ayricpde tySpay. 9 Tyrant state.| On this adjectival use of ripavyvoc I have much to say, which I must reserve for my edition. 10 Depose monarchs.] i.e. tyrants. For povdpyoe is often used in this invidious sense. That the Lacedemonians were ever averse to tyrants we find from 1,18. The Corinthians had long put down tyrants, as indeed had the rest of the Peloponnesian states. 1! At a loss to conceive.] Such seems to be the sense of ov« toner, which has long been misunderstood. I was formerly of opinion that it might signify, “ we are not aware.” CHAP. CXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 219 conduct can escape '® the imputation of these three most per- nicious of faults — stupidity’? , or cowardice, or neglect. For from these you are assuredly not exempt, while you are hast- ening towards that disposition which hath been so injurious to many — contempt of your enemy ; and which, from its having brought failure on many, has received the opposite denomina- tion of folly."* CXXIII. “ But what avails it to blame the past, farther than may be of service to the business which occupies the present? It is ours, by remedying the present, to labour for the welfare of the future’: for by toils to acquire virtue and honour’, is a peculiar and hereditary maxim of our country. Nor ought you to change this custom, though you 12 Escape.| Literally, “ be liberated from.’? An elegant use of arfA- Aacrat, on which I shall further treat at 3,65. On the expression these three, Wasse observes, that it is a favourite one with our author; and he gives examples from Prov. 25,3. Lucret. |. 5. init. Thucyd. 6,75. Aristoph. Nub. Demosth. Cor., and 1 Cor. 13,13. To which I add Aristid. t. 2, 68 and 249, 13 Stupidity.] i.e. in not perceiving that we are injured. So the ré avaoSyroy, supra c. 69. which see. On the first and third the Corinthians treated in their former oration. '4 Folly.| The point of this wit cannot be represented in a foreign language ; and, indeed, to say the truth, it seems a somewhat frigid con- ceit, though it appears to have been not unused by the orators of that time. One or two similar ones have been before remarked. Matth. Gr. Gr. paraphrases the caradpovjoe, contempt of the enemy, and, because this is connected with an advantageous opinion of oneself, se/fconceit. Among the many passages which I could cite, the following one may suffice: Dionys. Hal. p. 286,39. cwppovécrepoy ayyotvTa wai Out Kevipc pobnSéivrac avriy gvraéacsar padXov 7) Karabpovioe éemirpeVayvrac avarpariyvat. 1 But what avails — future.| A sentence which, for its perpetual truth and importance, deserves to be written in letters of gold. ’Emtradaitwpeiv is explained by the Scholiast zoocSeivat roic wévore. But that is mistaking the sense of ex:, which is better expressed by Hesych. émtcarapdey. 7) ixuroveiv, where the editors adopt the conjecture of Abresch, érucardpevew. But though mild, it does not give the right sense. I believe the true read- ing to be érucdpyew, which word occurs in Adlian and the later writers. The present construction of éaurad. may be illustrated from Joseph. 788, 3. éTiT. TOC Epyotc. 2 Virtue and honour.| Such seems to be the full sense of aperae, which sis not so much for ddgay aperdy (like the dofay aperije pereroow at c. 11.) as a sort of Hendiadys. Gail renders it, “ les fruits de la vertu.” This is a very rare use, though the commentators neither remark it, nor give any examples. The only one known to me is 1.2, 45, ij¢ dy én’ thayioroy aperiic wepi 1) Loyou tv rotc dpoeoe KdE0C Y. OS: ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. be now somewhat advanced in wealth® and honour. For it is not just that the advantages which were obtained in penury, should be lost in affluence*. Nay, rather does it behove us to proceed (as we are in many respects justified in doing) with alacrity to the war; especially from the oracle of the god, and the assistance which he hath promised to render us; and also, since we shall have the whole of the rest of Greece’ to second us, partly from a principle of fear, and partly from that of interest.° Nor will ye be the first to break the treaty (which, indeed, even the God, by recommending the war, con- siders as violated’): nay, ye will rather redress the wrongs of that breach. Jor those are not the breakers of treaties who only repel injury, but those who are the first aggressors.® CXXIV. “Seeing, therefore, that to enter into the war is on every account conducive to your interest *; since we unite 3 Wealth.| Hobbes renders, honour. I suppose because the Peloponne- sians are known to have been poor. But the wealth here meant is only comparative ; 1, e€. in comparison with what their forefathers possessed. In this they made, it seems, some advances. It is, however, not improbable that, as zAobrog (like our wealth, in old English,) signified general prosperity, (so in our Liturgy, “ grant him in health and wealth long to live,”) so it may have that sense here. + Affluence.| This, like the wealth just before mentioned, was only com- parative; though by the use of the term zep.ovoia (literally superabun- dance), it is hinted that their wealth was only the possession of something over and above their wants. And zAotowc is well explained by Hesych. TEPLOUTiAC KUPLOE. t 5 Whole of Greece.] This is surely a great hyperbole, unless the orator might suppose that the Athenian allies would speedily all desert them. 6 Partly, §c.| The smaller states (especially those bordering on Attica) would be actuated by the former, and the greater ones by the latter, as hoping to share in the spoils of Attica. There seems especial reference to Beeotia. 7 As violated.] mapabibacSa. It is strange that Suidas should direct this to be taken in an active sense. As to his words following, wdvv dodobSwe, it is not surprising that they should have perplexed Port., Duker, and Kuster, since they are corrupt, but so as to admit of easy emendation. I read avacodoiSwe, i.e. contra usum. Thus the enigma is resolved. But the lexicographer is mistaken in his first principle; and our Scholiast seems to be in the right. 8 For those, $c.] So Dionys. Hal. 435, 1.8. f. pr) ddfapev ev rae Opmodoytag TPOTEPOL, YVUOTWOUY OTL OdK APYOYTEC AMUYOMEVOL. 1 Seeing therefore, §c.] Such is the sense of kadec txapyoy. So cade is often used with civac and éyey both in Thucyd. and the best writers. CHAP. CXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 9921 in persuading you to it; since, too, it is the most stable of all dependencies, when the interests of states and individuals are the same.” Delay not, then, to render assistance to the Potidzeans, who are Dorians besieged by Lonians (the contrary of what was wont to be), and to vindicate® the liberty of the other Grecian states. Tor it is a case that admits of no de- lay; nor is it fitting that those should be suffering injury while waiting [for assistance*], and these (if we shall be known to have met together, and not ventured to avenge ourselves) ere long to experience the same fate. No — confederates, but, considering that matters are brought to extremity, and more- over that what has been said suggests the best counsel ° for the emergency, decree the war, not deterred by the prospect of immediate danger, but anticipating the sweets of that longer continuance of peace which will result from it.° For as by war peace is the more firmly assured and established; so to avoid war for the sake of quiet, involves not less of danger. And finally, being of opinion that the tyrant state set up in Greece, is set up alike to the peril of all; threatening the present subjugation of some, and meditating the future enslavement 2 Since, too, §c.| With the common reading and version of the words I must confess myself not satisfied, as yielding a feeble sense, and raira a frigid repetition. I therefore read raira, from the excellent MS. A., which confirms the conjecture of Reiske. And this has been very properly edited by Goeller, with whom I agree that thus we have a sententia uni- versalis, Yet it is meant to be especially applied in the present case. Sometimes it happens that the interests of the state and of private persons do not coincide; and in that case Pericles ap. Thucyd. |. 2, 60. has supplied us with an excellent political maxim. To advert to a philological point, cizeo here expresses what Hoogev. de Part. p. 190. calls the conditio sine qua non, and is rendered quandoquidem, Angliceé, if, indeed, as is the case. 3 Vindicate.| Literally, go after, seek to acquire. Not restore, as some translators render, and fetch again, as Smith. 4 Those should—assistance.] Such is clearly the sense, though the trans- lators have not seen it. The évdéyerac has a double meaning ; and zrepup. is used absolutely; though the sense requires something to be supplied from the context. 5 And that what —counsel.| Such seems to be the full sense of cai dua rads cpiora NéyecSar, in which, perhaps, from modesty, the full meaning is not expressed. 6 But anticipating, §c.} Such seems to be the complete sense. In passages like this, where the meaning is rather briefly hinted at than fully evolved, -a paraphrastical version can alone effect the object of all translation. oo THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. of all—Jet us go forth, and down with it.’ Thus may we ourselves pass the remainder of our lives in secure inde- pendence, and also restore freedom to our already enslaved countrymen.” CXXV. So spoke the Corinthians. Then the Lacede- monians, having heard the opinions of all, put to vote the whole of the assembled states in order ’, both the greater and smaller; and the majority voted for war. But though war was thus decreed, it was not possible, for want of preparation, for them immediately to set about it. It was therefore de- cided that each state should provide itself with whatsoever was necessary”, and that there should be no delay. Yet scarcely was a year consumed in these needful preparations ; for before that period they proceeded to invade Attica, and to openly carry on the war. CX XVI. In the mean time, however, they sent ambassadors to the Athenians, charged with various criminations, in order that, if they should not hearken to their demands, there might be as strong a pretext as possible for going to war. And first, the Corinthians, by their ambassadors, required of the Athen- ians that they should drive away the pollution of the goddess.’ 7 And down with it.] Such is the real meaning of rapacryoopeda, which is oddly rendered by Hobbes, “ let us bring it into order by the war.” ILapacrhoacSa often signifies to subdue, both in Thucyd. and other writers, as 3, 35. 4,79. So also prosternere in Latin; as Cic. Phil. 14, 10. Hostem prostravit, fudit, occidit. 1 Inorder.] It seems by this that the suffrages were delivered in order, according to the rank of each state. And from the last words it should appear that sometimes the inferior states were not permitted to vote. 2 Necessary.| This same phrase ixzopiZecSau rd mpoopopa rH orparia occurs in Herod. 7,20. A similar use of rad wpocg¢opa is found in Aischyl. Choeph. 699. where see Dr. Blomfield. 1 Drive away —goddess.| 1.e. banish those who had been guilty of the pollution of the temple of Minerva, and had thereby incurred an anathema, or excommunication, which, according to the invariable rule of Pagan theology, adhered even to such. persons’ posterity (as was also the case in the Mosaic law), at least until complete atonement had been made. Now that, it was urged, had, in this case, never been-rendered. And the pre- tence for this demand was, a fear lest the unexpiated pollution should draw down the vengeance of the goddess in some calamity which might affect all Greece ; to prevent which, the Lacedzmonians, as assertors of the common welfare, demanded that the banishment should be made, and the contami- nation cleansed and expiated. CHAP. CXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 293 Now the pollution had been thus incurred: — There was one Cylon®, an Athenian of old time, a victor in the Olympic games °, a man of noble birth and considerable consequence. He had, moreover, married * a daughter of Theagenes, a Megarean, who was then tyrant of Megara. This Cylon, on consulting the oracle at Delphi, received the response °, that on the most solemn festival of Jupiter he should seize the citadel. Wherefore, having received forces from ‘Theagenes, and induced his friends to cooperate in the attempt, when the Peloponnesian Olympic games came on °, he seized the citadel, The following digressions (as they are called, though, in fact, not such,) respecting Cylon, Pausanias, and Themistocles, are very celebrated. In the first of which our author relaxes from his usual severity and contortness, insomuch that the antients used to say that here the lion laughed. On this story of Cylon, see also Herod. 1. 5, 71. Plut. Sol. p.s4.A. and other authorities mentioned by Goeller, who also refers to Diog. Laert. 1, 110. and Corsini F’. A. 3. pp. 64 and 72., and Duker, to the Scholiast on Aristoph. Eq. 443. To which I add Plut. de Sera Numinis Vind., and also Pausan. 1, 28, 1., from whence we gather two particulars, his personal come- liness, and the kind of game at which he obtained the prize. The commotion of Cylon took place in the forty-second Olympiad, or, as some say, the forty-ninth. Cylon had gained the prize in the thirtieth Olympiad, or, as some say, the thirty-fifth. Many may be inclined to prefer the earlier date of this attempt, because, as Palmer remarks, it seems little suitable to a man of sixty. But the workings of ambition are seldom over even at that age. On comparing this narration with Herod. 5, 71. it appears plain that our historian had read Herodotus. 2 Cylon.] Kétdwy seems to be derived from cvdddc, lame. So the name Claudius. Not unfrequently, indeed, have names taken their origin from personal peculiarities. So Longshanks among our English kings, and Genghiz Khan, i. e. the dame Khan, among the Asiatic ones. 3 An Athenian, &c.] Here there is a variation of reading. The chief difference is, that some copies place the ’Od\vpmiovixne before the dr) ’ASnvaioc; others, after it. The /atter is adopted by the recent editors. Yet the former is defended by Herod. 5,71. Nor will there be any diffi- culty, if the OA. be taken parenthetically. As to the notion of Benedict and Haack, that the text of Thucyd. has been corrupted by the scribes from Herod., it is very wild, and supposes more learning in the scribes than they possessed. It is more probable that the contrary alteration was made for facility. 4 Married.) Here also Palmer fancies some inconsistency. But, in fact, there is none; for we are not told the time at which the marriage took place ; nor can we say how long it might have been before his attempt. 5 Response.] It should seem that he had been harbouring views and forming projects of political aggrandisement, and had been consulting the oracle as to the steps he should pursue. 6 Came on, tij\Sev.] Goeller, indeed, (after Poppo) edits érj\Sorv. But, perhaps, there is no sufficient reason for the change ; at least the vulg. was read by Liban., who, in his Orat. p.85. A. thus imitates the passage: QIA THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. with a view to usurp the tyranny. This period he had fixed on, as regarding it the greatest festival of Jupiter, and as sup- posing that it had some reference to himself, as having been a victor of the Olympic games. But whether this greatest festival spoken of was meant of one in Attica, or elsewhere, he had never considered, nor had the oracle declared’: for the Athenians, too, have a festival called the Déasia, which is said to be the greatest festival of Jupiter Muilichius®; on which the city, in full concourse, offer up, many, not living victims, but the old country sacrifices.° Supposing, however, ideorncer ra Aracia. This use of ézéoyecSa is also found in Appian, t.1, 752. éwedSovone O& Tic éoprie. Here, the Scholiast observes, Peloponnesian is mentioned, because there were other Olympia both in Macedonia and at Athens. On which Duker refers to Spanheim on Morell. Epist. 1 and 5. pp. 14, 82, and 303. 7 Declared.) It had probably been worded (as usual) with studied am- biguity. So Hobbes well remarks, “ The oracles were always obscure, that evasion might be found to salve their credit; and whether they were the imposture of the devil, or of men, which is the more likely, they had no presention, nor secure wise conjecture of the future.” 8 Milichius.| Duker observes, that of this there is frequent mention in the antients, and it appears that not only at Athens, but elsewhere, the Jupiter Milichius was worshipped; also that the cognomen was given to other gods besides Jupiter. 9 In full concourse —sacrifices.] There are few passages of our author on which more difficulties have been raised than this. Some have doubted the correctness of the reading; others have questioned the accuracy of the fact. Castellanus de festis Graec., referred to by Duker, endeavours to prove from Xen. Anab. 7, 8, 5. and Aristoph. Nub. 407. that bloody sacri- fices were used in honour of Jupiter Milichius on the Diasia. But the former passage will only prove it of sacrifices to Jupiter Milichius gene- rally; though no good reason can be imagined why such should not have been offered up also on the Diasia. The words of Aristoph. Acaciouw érrwr yaorépa Toig ovyyiveot are more decisive; for as to what Duker urges, that the roast-meat in question might have been sacrificed to other gods on the Diasia, or to none at all — that seems no very creditable way of evad- ing the argument. It might as well be pretended respecting the kinds of food used on certain festivals in the Romish church, that the use of them, in any particular case, was no proof of the religious duty, because the per- sons, perhaps infidels, may have no regard to the festival. Custom is here all that is necessary to be supposed. Again, when Suidas in Awe rwdvoy speaks of the skins of animals sacrificed to Jupiter Milichius, it is in vain urged by Duker, that these might not be slain on the Diasia. Such an argu- ment is so evidently strained, as to merit no attention. Are we, then, to conclude that Thucyd. has been mistaken, or has written what is contrary to fact? Neither can well be supposed, and therefore some alteration of reading may with reason be thought of. Gyraldus read in a MS. ody iepsia povoy ada kai. But that is merely a conjecture, devoid of authority. The Scholiast, indeed, supplies us with one (for his words contain not an explanation, but only a var, lect,); namely, wavdnper iopraZovor, Sbovor Oe CHAP. CXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. _ 225 that he had rightly discovered the sense of the oracle, he set himself about the enterprise. But the Athenians, on hearing moddoi, &c. And this is adopted by Abresch and Hemsterh. on Lucian Timon 7., the latter of whom also reads dAN dyva Sbpara, which he sup- ports from Pollux, 1,26. But though Pollux evidently reads dyva, yet it seems to have been from the margin, especially as it is found in no one MS. ; which also is a sufficient argument against the former conjecture, it evi- dently savouring of alteration to get rid of a difficulty. The words must, therefore, be left as they are, and our endeavours turned to remove the difficulty by change of punctuation or interpretation. And here I have nothing better to propose than that of Bredov., Haack, and Goeller, év + wavdnpei Sbovot, 7odXoil ody igpeca a. 3. e, The ravdnpei and the zod\oi are, as they observe, inconsistent with each other. At Svovor there is the usual ellipsis of avSpwzrou, like the Germ. man. In this, therefore, I must acquiesce; though I cannot but wish for some example of a similar idiom. The tepeia were the animals sacrificed, the bloody sacrifices. See Schweigh. on St. Thes, 4416. A. And from the evident opposition in the next clause, Stara may very well be supposed to mean the undloody sacrifices, consisting of the fruits of the earth, or some preparations from them. Pollux, indeed, understands by Sup. the dpepara and Supudpara, such as cuiprvay, Udvwrore But though such were in use in sacrifices (thus I find from Athen. p. 3. that the inside of the victim was sometimes stuffed with those), yet they would hardly be called Sipara, not to mention that the use of Sipa for Supiapa is confined to the Jonic dialect. Besides, I suspect that Pollux had not in his copy éaeywpra, which is by no means favourable to that sense of Svpara. I therefore acquiesce in the explanation offered by the Scholiast, who takes the Stara (or rather the Sipara émtywpra, for so the Scholium should be headed) to denote certain cakes, or paste figures formed after the simili- tude of animals. On which curious, but obscure, subject the commentators are: silent. The following illustrations may, therefore, be acceptable. Pausan. 10, 8, 5. and 7, 24, 2, makes mention of these wéupara itywpua in this sense; and especially at 8, 2,1. Aud re wvdpuacey ‘Yraroy mpwroc, Kai b7roca Eyer Puyny, TrobToy piv n&iwoey obdéy Sioa, Téupara dé trrywpra et Tov Bwpov Kadnyioev, & wedavov Kadovow” ert kal é¢ npac ASnvaiot. See Har- pocr. in wéAavoc. These wéupara are also mentioned in other passages which throw some light on the origin and purpose of this kind of sacrifice. So Herod. 2,47. speaking of the sacrifice of animals to Luna and Bacchus (i.e. the Isis and Osiris of the Egyptians) says, ot d& wéynrec abréy ir’ aoSeveing Blov, orarivac mdcavTec Ve, Kai baThoayTEC Tabrac, Stover; also Plut. Lucull. 498. A. C. 10. ot KuZtejvoe ndpouyv Bdoc, rpde rijy Suciay, cat orarivny mrdoayrec TH Bw rapéornoay ; Appian, 1,752. éwedSovone dé Tipe EopTe, tv 1) Svover Boty pédarvay, ot mév OVK EXOVTEC, ExaTTOY ATO CiToU. JKsop. Fab. Ac. évrevdy) Body yrdpe oreativove Toinoag Boag, éxi rod Bwyor carécavoey. Bekker, too, refers to a passage of Suidas, where paste oxen are mentioned. ‘ ; This custom, I suspect, was very antient, and introduced into Greece by the Cadmzean colony from Egypt. And probably it had been from time immemorial in use in the east, since it seems to have been carried from thence into the earliest of all oriental colonies, the one to America. See Humboldt’s Researches into the Monuments of America, vol. 1. p.196. speaks of these wéupara as in use among the Mexican idols made of the flour of kneaded maize. And so Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 31,25. says, eidwda mowvyrac avopeixeka, Hence we may see the force of éxvywora here, which VOL, I. OQ 226 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. of it, ran to arms en masse out of the country to oppose it, and taking post before the citadel, besieged them.?° The time, however, growing long”’, the Athenians, worn out’? by the labours of the siege, most of them departed, committing the care of the guard to the nine archons, and giving them full authority 7° to manage the whole business as they should judge best. Tor at that time the archons administered most of the state affairs. ‘Then the party with Cylon, being closely does not mean peculiar to the country, as Hobbes and Smith render, nor usual in the country, as Goeller, but such as the old inhabitants of the country used, and which were probably still in use among the rustics, or the old fashioned and more religious, especially of the poorer sort. For such wéppara were held to be as agreeable to the gods as sacrifices of animals. Nor is the above sense of émy. unfrequent in our author. That in the earliest ages the fruits of the earth alone were offered, we have the autho- rity of holy writ ; and Kistem. refers, as testimonies of this, to Porphyr. de Abstin. 2,6. and Pausan. 1, 26. 10 Taking post, besieged them.| The terms zpockadiZecSar and zodtopxeiy are properly only applicable to a place, as 1, 134, and 5,61. And BonS. is used simply in the sense run to arms; as 5, 22. BonSeiy te Tig tavTwy gvracijc. Yet, in both these passages, the sense of succouring is also implied. The ywworerv, alittle before, signifies discern, as 1, 152., and Adschyl. Agam. 1538. évyvove ro épyor. 11 Growing long.| Literally, being drawn out into length, or protracted. For such is the sense (and not, as Bauer renders, accedente). ‘So Lucian, t.1.556. éei O& Td mpdypa é¢ peoroy émeyivero. The var. lect. here, éyywopévov, is preferred by Hemst.; and the phrase is elegant (on which see my note on |. 8, 9.), but it rather denotes the intervention than the pro- traction of time. As to yevouévov, which Gottleb. says is more frequent, that would not here have any propriety; nor is it frequent. As to the passages of Herod. 1, 735. and 2, 175. adduced by him, I suspect that both are corrupt. In the former, for ypdvov 02 yevousvou I conjecture ypdvov & éyyevopévov; and in the latter, for éeyeyovdro¢ I would read éyy., from the conjecture of Schweigh. 12 Worn out.) Attriti. So 4, 61. rerpvywpévoc, “ worn out with labour,” and 7, 28.rerpuxwpévor rokgup. And so dySeoSat TH mpocedpia, which very frequently occurs in Dio Cass. and Procopius. Ipocedpeia 1s, indeed, a very stroug term, on which see EKurip. Or. 95, and the Schol. We may suppose the fatigues of the siege, by what Aristoph. Lys. 282. says, of a similar siege of one who had seized the citadel: otrwe ézo- xedpkne éyw toy avdp ip extra Kai Oé&k’ aomidwy, mpde mbdAaLc KaSevOwy, _where by the éra cai dex’ doridwy is meant, that the line was seventeen deep (see Thucyd. 5, 68.); by which we may judge of the care taken that no one should break through and escape. 13 Full authority.| But not, as Perizon. on A¢lian V. H. 15. (referred to by Duker) has shown, so as to be subject to give no account of the pro- ceedings to the people. He also observes, that Thucyd. says rére, because afterwards the matter was much altered, the power of the archons being, in many respects, much diminished by Solon. CHAP. CXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 927 besieged, were in a miserable condition ’* through scarcity both of bread and water. Whereupon Cylon and his brother privily made their escape out; but the rest, being now hard pressed, and some even dying of famine, went and seated themselves as suppliants!® at the altar in the citadel. But the Athenians who were entrusted with the guard of the place, when they saw them dying’® in the temple, induced them to rise ’” and leave their asylum, stipulating '° that no harm should be done them. Then they led them away, and. put them to death; not sparing even some who, by the way, took refuge at the altars of the venerable goddesses. And from hence they '° and those descended from them were pro- 14 Miserable condition.) Such is the sense of ¢dabpwe exe. So our author in Athenzeus: dpa viv —rijy drorey’ He orabpwc ikowwynoeY dET~ rére. And Aristoph. Nub. 1303. ¢. zpdypara. 15 Seated themselves, §c.] For that was the posture adopted by those who took refuge at an altar. See Eurip. Heracl. 33., Andr. 44., and ZEschyl]. Suppl. 232. 15 Dying.) i. e. ready to die; for they would not wait till some were dead, since it was their purpose to prevent the pollution which was thereby supposed to be occasioned to a sacred place. See 2, 55. 17 Induced them to rise.] It is strange that some of the translators should understand it of ordering and forcing them to rise; since force is incon- sistent with the condition just after mentioned (though that is omitted by Smith), and which is recorded by Herod. 5, 71., and also by Plutarch Solon, c.12., who, moreover, adds a circumstance which illustrates the brief narration of our author; and proves that the suppliants did not so entirely rely on the faith of the Athenians, but adopted an expedient which seemed to give them still a hold on the protection of the goddess ; namely, to fasten a long cord round the altar, and keep hold of it till they should come to some place of safety. The cord, however, broke when they had advanced as far as the altar of the venerable goddesses, on which (Plutarch adds) the Athenians rushed upon them, as if out of the protection of the goddess, and slew them; nay, even some who had reached the altar in question. ‘Aviornt is a vox solennis de hac re, as just after, c. 128. Soph, id. c. 276., and Joseph. p.355, 8. ’Amdyw is also an usual term of being led to execution; as 3, 68. See my note on Acts 12, 19. 18 Stipulating.| This may seem not to agree with the accounts of Herod. and Plutarch, from whom it appears that they were to submit themselves to trial. But that is not inconsistent with the expression of Thucyd. It only supplies what the brevity of this account has left wanting. On the same principle, other discrepancies may be reconciled; as when Herod. says, karahabeiv tiv axpdrodw éreiydn? ob Ouvdpevog O& érucparijoa, we may supply rije éxibodje, Or Tov mpadyparog, as 4,164. Or, it may be ren- dered, “ not being able to succeed in keeping it.” 19 They.| Not the Athenians generally (as Hobbes supposes), but only those who had perpetrated the deed, or had excited the others to its com- mission, as it was said the Alemzonide had done. Q 2 298 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. nounced guilty of sacrilege towards the goddesses.*° Where- fore the Athenians expelled these sacrilegious persons. Af- terwards, too, Cleomenes?’, king of Lacedzemon, in con- junction with the Athenians (then labouring under civil com- motion) likewise expelled them, driving out those who were alive, and even digging up and casting out of the borders the bones of those that were dead; yet they afterwards returned again, and some of their posterity are yet remaining in the city. CXXVII. This pollution, then, the Lacedzemonians or- dered to be purged, with this especial pretence of righting what was wrong towards the gods’; but chiefly knowing that Pericles, son of Xanthippus, was, by the mother’s side, ob- noxious” to it, and supposing that if he were exiled their business with the Athenians would be more easily brought to a prosperous termination.®> However, they did not so much expect that he would suffer this, as they reckoned that they should thus involve him in calumny and reproach, as though the war were in some measure occasioned by his disaster.* For he was become the most powerful person of his time, £0 Guilty, §c.] So Aristoph. Eq. 445. a. rij¢ Oot, and Synes a. Tov Oeod. So also Pausan. 7, 25. (on this very act) évayeic rij¢ Osov. 21 Cleomenes, &c.] On this circumstance see Herod. 5, 70, 72. And on casting out the bones of the dead, see Plutarch in Solon., both referred to by Duker. It appears, plainly, that the purging the pollution was then a mere pretence, employed by a faction to accomplish its purposes. Hence, when that faction lost its power, the reliques of the opposite one rallied, overpowered it, and recalled their exiled friends. 1 Pretending, §c.| I have adopted the punctuation of Kistem. and Hack, étadbvew, OSev, &c. This is required by propriety; since d#Sev (which has here the sense forsooth, implying pretence) can only be joined with rywwpotvyrec. Thucyd. here first mentions the pretended purpose of this order, and then the real aim. 2 Obnoxious.] Upoceydpevoyv. Which is for éveydpevor or tvoyoy éyra. And so an anonymous writer, ap. Steph. Thes. aipare rpocexdpevoc. We may, therefore, very well dispense with Reiske’s conjecture. 3 Their business, §c.] So Gail: ils comptoient obtenir plus aisement ce qu’ils voudroient des Athenians. The version of Hobbes and Smith is not permitted by the turn of the sentence, even if we were to read zpocyw- pyoey ; whereas zpoy. is often so used, as 1, 109. and 3, 4. ob yap éxicrevoy Tolc ard TOY ’ASnvaiwy TpoXwonoEy. . 4 Disaster.] For none of the Athenians, of any party, could consider Brn ite than an accidental calamity, and not proceeding from any fault of his, CHAP. CXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 299 conducting things as he pleased in the administration of affairs ; and he was in all things opposed to the Lacedeemo- nians, dissuading the Athenians from making any concessions, and urging them to the war. CXXVIII. The Athenians, on their part, required of the Lacedzemonians that they should purge away the pollution occasioned by the affair at Teenarus.' For formerly the Lacedzemonians, having persuaded? some suppliants of the Helots to rise and leave the temple of Neptune at Teenarus, then took them, and put them to death. On which account, they suppose, the great earthquake at Sparta befel them. They ordered them to purge away also the pollution contracted to the temple of Minerva Chalcicecus, which happened in the following manner, — After Pausanias, the Lacedaemonian, had been at first recalled by the Spartans from his government at the Hellespont, being brought to trial by them, he was acquitted, indeed, of the offences laid to his charge, but was no longer sent abroad by the state. Having, however, pro- cured an Hermionian trireme® on his own private account and without any authority from the Lacedamonians, he pro- ceeds to the Hellespont, to cooperate, as he gave out, in the Grecian war, but, in fact, to negotiate matters with the king of Persia; which he had formerly essayed, aspiring after the monarchy of Greece. Now it was from the following circum- 1 Purge away, &c.] 1. e. banish those, or their posterity, who had been guilty of sacrilege at Tzenarus. 2 Persuaded.] Or, induced them by promises or conditions. See supra, 126. No. 13. 3 An Hermionian trireme.| Hudson thinks that ‘Epy. denotes the name of the ship, since the antients used to give names to their ships incribed on their prows. But though the fact be true, it seems here little to the pur- pose; not to say that “Eopu. would have been unlikely to have been the name of a Lacedemonian trireme; or, if it had, it is difficult to conceive how Pausanias could have had it. without the authority of the govern- ment. In explaining ‘Epp. by a6 ‘Epjudyne modewe Aakwrixijc, the Scholiast means a city in the Lacedemonian confederacy, which Hermione was. It seems that some of these petty states, though they kept ships, seldom manned them; and it may be imagined that Pausanias had sufficient in- fluence with the administration of that state, to procure the use of the ship in question. Indeed, it seems to have been thought by persons of dis- tinction, unworthy of them to use any ship but a trireme. Thus, Alci- biades went on the first expedition to Sicily in his own trireme. Q 3 230 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. stance, first that he laid the king under an obligation, and thereby made a beginning of the whole transaction: — Having, on his first advance * to Byzantium, after departing from Cyprus, become master of the city, which had been occupied by the Medes and some relations and kinsfolk° of the king, who were taken in it; he then sends them off to the king, without the knowledge of the other allies, pretending ° that they had made their escape. ‘This affair he had trans- acted through the medium of Gongylus, an Eretrian, to whose charge he committed Byzantium and the prisoners. He had also sent Gongylus to him, bearing a letter, of which (as was afterwards discovered) these were the contents : — ‘ Pausa- nias, the general of Sparta, wishing to oblige thee, sends thee back these prisoners of war. It is also my intention’, if it meets with thy approbation, to espouse thy daughter, and make Sparta and the rest of Greece subject to thee. ‘This I, moreover, account myself able to accomplish, with due cooperation and counsel on thy part. If, then, this proposal seemeth good to thee, send some trusty person to the. coast, by whom we may in future hold eur correspondence.” CXXIX. Such were the contents of the letter, which Xerxes approving of, sends off Artabazus, son of Pharnaces, to the sea-coast, and orders him to assume the government of 4 First advance.| Not preseniia, as some render. On the above signi- fication see Steph. Thes., to whose examples I add Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 40, 5. 5 Relations and kinsfolk.| These terms, the Schol. remarks, differ, They must here comprehend relations both by consanguinity and affinity. ° Preiending.| Literally, “that they had escaped him.” ‘This con- struction of dzod., with the accusative, is rare, and little noticed by the lexicographers, As the commentators make no remark on it, the follow- ing examples may be acceptable. Dionys. Hal. 70, 25. daodpdow rodg ayovrac. Procop. p. 11, 24. é¢ ra oixeia Zuprdvrag adijcer tévar’ TP OF Noy anmédpacayv avror. 7 My intention.] In the change of person here, there is nothing at which the critics need have stumbled, conjecturing dzoréurw. See Abresch. Dilue. in loco, and the note, supra 1,1. Of the yvwpny rowtpat, in the sense above assigned, I would adduce examples from Appian, t. 2. 757,51. .Arrian, E. A. 1, 1, 10. and 3, 19, 2. 4, 3, 4. 5,14, 2. Zosim. 1, 55,1. Philostr. V.A.1. 2,21. The oé dpioxe is old Attic, which also occurs in Kurip. Or. 204. od ydp pv’ apioxet. CHAP. CXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 231 the satrapy of Dascylitis’, dismissing Megabates, who had the government before; and withal charged him with a letter ° in answer, to transmit ® as speedily as possible to Pausanias at Byzantium, shewing the seal4, and whatever he should desire him to do respecting his own affairs, to despatch it with all diligence and fidelity. Then he, proceeding thither, performed all other things as he was commanded, and de- livered the letter. Now the king’s reply was as follows :— “Thus saith king Xerxes to Pausanias. On account of the persons whom thou hast sent safe across the sea to me from Byzantium, a benefit is laid up° in our house, registered for 1 Dascylitis.| On this satrapy Duker refers to Steph. Byz., and Goeller to Strabo, p. 861. The limits of this satrapy, he thinks, were about An- tandrus. And I had myself long ago formed the same opinion. The satrapy took its name from a city in Bithynia, called Aackid\wor, not far from which is a lake, called, in D’Anville’s map, Lacus Ascanii, the same, I imagine, with the Niuyvn AackvXirtc mentioned by Steph. Byz. and Eustath., as also Plut. Luc. 9. rije 0& Aaccudtridoc Aimyne TEOMEVN ’aKarTiotc. That the region hereabouts was called Dascylitis, and the above lakes were the same, appears also from Dionys. Hal. Antiq: p.38. 2 Charged him with aletter.| Literally, “ committed a letter to his charge (for delivery). ’AvremeriSnut is a rare word. I know of no other example than Joseph. 758, 35. A. yeypapdrocg mpdg abrov,— averirise, &c. "Avre- aioré\Xw occurs in Arrian and Herod. 35, 42, 18. where the simple ézuriSnpe is found. Valcknaér adduces an example from Demosth. In this sense it properly means to lay upon any one the charge of delivering a letter. 3 Transmit.| Such is thé sense of duaz., which term literally signifies “ to pass any thing from one to another.” See Steph. Thes. 7347.A._ It is to be understood of the letter which, it seems, Megabates was to deliver in person. 4 Showing the seal.| Not the signet, as Smith renders; for it is not likely that the king would send that. #pdyic is here, as often, used for odpayipa. The present passage is illustrated by a similar one of Xen. Hist. 7, 1, 59. cai 6 Hépone 6 gépwy ra ypdupara dééae THY Baciiéws o¢payiva, avéyvo TH YEYPappeva. This passage (Brisson says) is the only one that makes mention of the King of Persia’s seal. Here the Schol. adduces three traditions as to the representation on the seal. 1., That it was the picture of the king; 2. that of Cyrus, the founder of the monarchy; 3. the horse of Darius, by whose neighing Darius obtained the kingdom. See Herod. 3, 88, 17. In like manner, the seal of Agamemnon and the other Pelopidx, was (as appears from the Schol. on Soph. Elect.) an ivory arm, plainly an emblem of the power of the founder of the dynasty of whom Thucyd. relates, that he obtained the kingdom dre dvvapey reprrouodwevoy. Another explanation is hazarded by Ttetzes on Lycoph. 152. To these three traditions I would add a fourth, derived from Polyzen. Strat. 8, 27. roic Iepomy Baorhevor oppayic Bacwuc) sixov tor dvadedvpévyn Tac Tpixacg Exovon ‘Podoyotrvn. 5 Laid up, &c.] We learn from Herodotus that such dencfactors were called Orosange; on which Duker refers to Brisson de Regno Pers., Heraldi. Advers. 1, 9. and Grot. on Esther, 6,1. The names of these were Q 4 932 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. ever and indelible. With thy proposals I am well pleased ; and let neither night nor day ° hinder thee from performing 7 aught that thou hast promised me, nor stop at any expence % of gold and silver, or any greatness of military force (if such be any where requisite) to effect thy designs. But with Ar- tabazus, a trusty person, whom I have sent unto thee, do thou transact my affairs, and contrive so as shall be best for the credit and advantage of both.” CXXxX. On the receipt of this letter ', Pausanias, who had before been held in great honour? by the Greeks, on account of his command at Platzea, was now far more elevated, and could no longer endure to live according to the established customs of his country, but apparelling himself after the Median fashion ®, he went forth from Byzantium, and made recorded in a royal book, which Hack supposes to have been the Historical Annals, whence Ctesias professed to have drawn information; or was, as Goeller thinks, part of the di@Sepat BaotWuxai mentioned by Diod. 2, 52. This custom (he continues) is not unfrequently alluded to by the antients, as Herod. 8, 85. Diod. 15, 12. Charit. 7, 5. 8, 5. 2, 7. Plato Gorg. 506. C. Philo T. 2, 151. Mang.; he refers, also, to Dorville on Charit. Lysias p. 565, 259. Lucian 3, 415. and 7, 171. For a more particular explanation of the phrase (if any be necessary), 1 must refer the reader to Goeller’s note, to whose references I add Liban. Epist. 1397. Synes 207 C. Plato in Polit. 1. Xenoph. de Vectig. c. 3. (by whom the idea is applied to the Athenian people), Procop. 344, 10. Liban. Orat. 417. C. Joseph. 564, 41, Xen. Hist. 1, 1, 21. Philostr. V. A. 4,46. Thus Themistocles, by counselling the Athenians not to break down the bridge of the Hellespont, thereby intended to lay up a benefit with the King of Persia. So Herod. 8, 110, aroSikny piAwy Toinoecsat éc Tov Tlépocea. 6 Tet neither, §c.] i.e. let no distinction of night or day hinder, &c. So in a kindred passage of Herod. 5, 23, 15. woujoovct rovro ro ay xéivoe éEnyenrat, Kai npépne Kai vuKtéc. See my note on St. Luke, 2, 37. 7 Hinder thee from performing.| Literally, be any hindrance so as to make thee relax in performing. 8 Nor stop at'any expense.| Literally, “ let it not be any hindrance. ” KexwdvoSw is for koAupa éorw. And we are to repeat dore aveiva, &c. from the preceding. The present passage (1 would observe) is referred to by Aristid. T. 3. 681. D. 1 On the receipt, §c.] The letter was also, as appears from Chrysermus ap. Stobeei Serm. p. 228, 10., accompanied by 500 talents of gold. 2 Held in great honour.| And consequently maintained a dignified and elevated demeanour. For ¢hat the words following 7oA\q aor Tore Horo require. He had always, it seems, shown no little hauteur. 3 He could no longer, §c.] This passage is imitated by Procop. p.17, 10. 103, 11. 191, 19. 208, 30. 237, 28. and Choricius Orat. Fun, ap. Fabr. Bibl. Grae. 8, 876. which passages support the old reading caSecrao, CHAP. CXXX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 233 a journey through Thrace*, accompanied by a body-guard of Medes and Egyptians. He also caused his table to be laid in the Persian mode *; nor could he conceal his ambitious purposes °, but even in trifling matters he showed beforehand cancelled by Bekker. The new reading, however, is countenanced by Pausan. 2, 9. The English and French translators here, as usual, put Persian for Median; a charge which can seldom be justified, but is, in the present instance especially, injudicious, since those who know any thing of the Persian empire, as it then subsisted, need not be informed, that the Median and Persian dresses differed materially, as indeed, did, in some respects, those of most of the provinces belonging to that vast empire. This is clear from the very antient sculptures at Persepolis described by Chardin, Niebuhr, Keempfer, Le Brun, Porter, Ousely, and Morier. The Median dress consisted of a long full robe with flowing skirts to the ankles, and full loose sleeves reaching to the wrists; accompanied with earrings, collars, and sometimes bracelets. In front, about the centre of the waist, the robe was gathered up, and fell in regular folds over each thigh. On their heads they wore the high fluted tiara. Whereas the Persians were attired in a short tunic, reaching only to the knees, with long tight sleeves, and the whole of the dress so close that not a fold appears in the representations. On the head is a round topped cap, like the Phrygian bonnet. 'The waist is bound with a belt and buckle, from which is suspended a broad and short, but stout, sword worn on the right side. Why Pausanias chose the Median, rather than the Persian attire, is evident, namely from its gorgeous magnificence. See Xenophon Cyr. 1. 8. oTody Mynducyny —évdvecSa. The Grecian costume differed totally; the vest being short, and as appears from Appian, 2, 726, 33., of a square form. For he there says of Mark Anthony, orodojy sive rerpdywvoy “EXAnuinyy. That the material of which the above Median robes consisted, was silk, I find from Suid. T. 5,508. E. Snpucn, 28 ae elwSecav riy éoSnra toyalecSat jy mada “EXAnvec Mydueny éxddovy. Also Procop. ap. Suid. riyv éoSira — hy weda piv “EdAnvec Mn duxiy éxaddovy, viv Oe Synpucyy dvopazovor. 4 A journey through Thrace.| One may suppose that such a journey would not be without its purpose; and probably that was, to examine the country, sound the inclinations of its rulers, and make them subservient to his own ambitious purposes. 5 Persian mode.| Some MSS. read Median. But the common reading is doubtless the true one; and is confirmed by Nepos: ‘‘ epulabatur more Persarum.” I cannot, however, with the Scholiast, take the word simply to denote duxurious (though most of my readers will remember the “ Per- sicos odi, puer, apparatus” of Horace). It is probable that the Persian table was set forth in a different manner to the Median, and, perhaps, held the midway between that and the Grecian, and, therefore, was safer for Pausanias to adopt than the other. I would observe that zaperidero, (by ause of the middle voice something resembling the Hiphil conjugation in Hebrew), signifies “ caused to be set for him.” The passage is imitated by Joseph. 1514, 29. rpameZav yap ALETHMOY TAPETISETO. | 6 Nor could he, §c.] This clause has been almost transcribed by Procop. 103, 13. 105, 18. 126, 26. 174, 19. 257, 28. 500, 31. where for éorava I would read isrdva. The passage seems also to have been in the mind of Capitolinus, who thus speaks of Gordius: “ Superbus — qui se in novitate 234 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. _ BOOK I. what he meant hereafter to practise upon a larger scale. He, moreover, began to make himself difficult of access’, and displayed such a choleric temper ° to all indiscriminately, that no one could endure to approach him; which, moreover, tended as much as any thing to cause the allies to go over to the Athenians. CXXXI. On hearing of which, the Lacedeemonians had at the first recalled him on that very account; and when, after going out the second time, unauthorized by them, in the Hermionian ship, he was found to act in the very same manner; and when at last, being forcibly expelled’ from Byzantium by the Athenians, he returned not back to Sparta, but news came to them that he had fixed himself at Colonz?, et enormitate fortunee se non tenuit.”” And so Herodian 1, 15, 9. 6 Kép- podoc pete Karéxe éavTov, &e. 7 Difficult of access.| Nepos renders it, “ aditum petentibus non dabat, superbe respondebat.” The term occurs in a similar sense in Kurip. Iph. Aul, 545. Aristid. 1,112. B. dvoxzpécodov wapiywy eavroyv. It is placed among the epithets of a tyrant by Pollux, 1,42., not to mention various other passages 3 illustrative of dvoz. and é LUT Psy “Svompéour oc and sizp., Ovo7r- poonyopoc, Over pocosric, Ovodutroc, arpdoodoc, dbcedpoc, which I shall adduce in my edition; suffice it to say, that this whole passage is almost copied by Dio Cass. p.11, 13. vorpooocog TE Kat Svorpoohyopoc kal TH bmepowla TE Kat COLOTNTE TACAUTY) 7 POC TAaVvTac bpmowwe EXPNTO WOTE Ke 7 aes and 860, 50. kai rH Opyy odTwW Yadréry ExpnTo; also Joseph. 770, 59. of Herod. avip wpoe sic TavTac dpoiwc. Hence may be emended 765, 42. 2&nypiwoey axpury TY dpyy Kai wucpia sic TavTa ypwpevoc, Where read xdyrac, from the conjecture of Hudson. So Zonar Hist. t.2, 15,55. closely imitates this passage, as does Appian, 1, 5350, 80. orawe é¢ mavrac éyiyvero, where Schweigh. very causelessly conjectured zéyra, which would be inserting the very error that may now be emended from Josephus. Finally, such a person as Pausanias may very well be characterised in the words of Virg. fan. 5,621. “ nec visu facilis, nee dictis affabilis ulli.” 8 Choleric temper.| For the ¢ dey must be taken not so much of anger in particular, as that choleric temper which shows itself in so many odious forms. ' Forcibly expelled.| The expression of the original Big éxezodtopKxnSeic is a very strong one. And though Smith takes it in a figurative sense of being forced to leave, by the opposition raised against him by the Athe- mians (and so Gottl. and Haack, who compare 1, 134. éxohidpxnoay Aimy) ; yet it is not improbable that a scene took place there very similar to that recorded between Charles XII. and the Turks at Bender. 2 Colone.| The name signifies knolls. The site of this town is thus described by Strabo, 851,1. adda © ciowy (scil. eohwval) éri TH éxrde “EAAH- omovria Sadarry, Idiov Céxovoa cradiove TerTapakovTa Tpde TOY EKaTOY. For idpvdeic I would read idpvrSeic, used by Homer, Herod., Xen., Diod., and which is found in the Scholiast and many MSS. CHAP. CXXXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 935 in the Trojan territory, was practising with the Barbarians, and was making his abode there for no good; then indeed, they could no longer contain themselves, but sending a herald with a scytale®, the ephori ordered him not to depart from the herald; otherwise that the Spartans would declare war + against him. But he, willing to incur as little suspicion as possible, and trusting that he should be able, by money, to rid himself of the accusation, returned the second time to Sparta, and was put into confinement by the ephori; for they have the power of so treating even the king.” Afterwards, however, he contrived so as to be allowed to go forth, and offer himself to trial with any who chose to implead him.® CX XXII. No decisive evidence, however, had the Spartans to bring forward, neither his enemies nor the state at large, on which they might safely rely in punishing capitally a person of the royal race, and at that time invested with high dignity; for he was uncle, and regent-guardian * to Plistarchus, son of Leonidas, yet a minor, who was king. But by his trans- gression of the laws and customs of his country, and his 8 Seytale.| This signifies properly a staff; here, a form of letter used by the Lacedzemonians in this manner: they had two round staves of one bigness, whereof the state kept one, and the man whom they employed abroad kept the other; and when they would write, they wrapped about it a small thong of parchment; and having thereon written, took it off again, and sent only that thong, which, wrapped likewise about the other staff, the letters jomed again, and might be read. This served instead of cypher. It seems Pausanias retained his stafffrom the time he had charge at Byzan- tium. (Hobbes.) See an excellent description of it in Plut. Lysand. p. 444. D. 4 Declare war.] This seems somewhat harsh as respects an individual from a state, and therefore it may be supposed to mean, that they would declare him a public enemy. A phrase often used by the Romans, and occurring in Livy and other historians. 5 The king.| These words have an emphasis, and therefore I have pre- fixed even. ‘This is said because Pausanias was regent. 6 Chose to implead him.| He had, it seems, before obtained his liberty by bribery, and now he so depended upon his influence and power, as to sup- pose that few would be found hardy enough to implead him. 1 High dignity.| “ven royal. Tyij¢ is taken car’ 2g0x7v. Thus the passage is cited by Dr. Blomfield on Adschyl. Agam. 42. duSpdvou AwSev Kai OwKyrTpov Tyrie; where the very learned editor also compares Eurip. Hipp. 1276. Baorgida ryshy, and takes ry2yv In the sense imperium, as -Hom. Il. z. 195. which comes to the same thing. 2 Regent-guardian.| Such, Plutarch says, were called zpédducot, 236 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. imitation of Barbarian manners, he had given them many causes of suspicion that he would not contentedly acquiesce in his present situation * ; especially when they brought to their consideration whatever else in his conduct had deviated from *# their established institutions, and particularly, that he had formerly presumed, of his own private authority, to inscribe on the tripod ° which the Greeks had dedicated at Delphi, as the first-fruits of the spoils of the Barbarians, the following distich ©: — *¢ Pausanias, Greecia’s chief, o’erthrown the Mede, ‘To Phoebus this memorial hath decreed.” This couplet, however, the Lacedzemonians had immediately ’ef- 3 Would not contentedly, Sc.]_ Such seems to be the true sense of the difficult phrase pur) tcoc BotAEoSat Eivar Toig wapodor, on which the commen- tators make no remark. The question is, what is to be supplied at the elliptical phrase rotc¢ wapovor. ‘The Scholiast supplies 7#Seou or éSeo1, which is confirmed by Pausan. 1. 2, 9. vdpoe rote KnaSeorynkdow ob« apEecKdpevoc. And such may be the sense. But thus it is not easy to see the propriety of iooc; and it seems better to adopt such an interpretation as shall give some probable sense to that word. It is manifest that Pausanias affected a supe- riority to his countrymen, nay, even to the co-king. And this seems to be noted in isoc, which is used as in a kindred passage of 6, 16. where Alci- biades says, oid: ye dducoy 颒 Eavr@ péyappovovyra jn iooy civat. In either case not equal signifies not equal only,i.e. superior. At zapovo.may be sup- posed the usual ellipsis of zpaypacr, meaning situation. In fact there is here a blending of two phrases; namely, he was not willing to be equal but superior to what he then was; or, he was discontented with his present situation. 4 Deviated from, §c., t£ededujrnro.] The éx is for %w, preter. And diciraw is often used of conduct. As the commentators have omitted to treat on the term, the following illustrations may not be unacceptable. Dio Cass. 555,71. moka &w rev mwarpiwy téedeyrnSn 3 Dion. Hal. Ant. 337. & Tav marpiwy; Athen. 556.C. sig ra “EXAnvucd éSn éxdedinrnpévn 5 Joseph. 1314 and 1015. Appian 1, 394. and 2,501. In Agath. p. 65. obdé py Bip dpiorm éxdedunrypévoc, I would read év6., as propriety requires. 5 Tripod.| This, the Scholiast tells us, was afterwards removed from thence by the Roman emperor, and placed in the Hippodrome at Con- stantinople. 6 Distich.] i.e. a couplet consisting of an hexameter, or heroic, and a pentameter, or elegiac, verse. This circumstance and the verses themselves are detailed, perhaps from hence, by Demosth. contr. Nezram. 7 Effaced.] Literally, beat out; alluding to the mode by which the inscription would be obliterated. It is the opposite to coddzrw, to stamp, engrave. So Herod. 5, 59, 3. yodppara —ézi rpizoot riot tyxexohappéva; and Appian 2, 584. év r7) orhdy Kexddarro. It appears, too, from Demosth, contr. Neer. 1578. that this act of the Lacedeemonians was not voluntary, but that they were compelled to it by a judgment which had been given against them before the Amphictyons, on the prosecution of the Platzeans, CHAP. CXXXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 237 faced from the tripod, and inscribed ® on it the names of the states which, having united in the defeat of the Barbarian, dedicated the offering. This action, then, was also now num- bered among the delinquencies of Pausanias; and from the situation in which he stood, it was so much the rather thought to have been done in furtherance of his present design. They learned, too, that he was tampering with the Helots; and, in- deed, such was the case: for he had promised them freedom and citizenship, if they would join in the insurrection, and co- operate with him in his projects. But not even zhen® did the ephori think proper, especially by reliance on the testimony of Helot informers, to proceed to a measure of such unusual severity towards him (in accordance, too, with the rule which they observe towards one another, namely, not to be hasty in resorting to measures of extremity '° respecting any Spartan, unless on indubitable proofs); until at length (it is said) the person who was about to carry the last letter for the king to Artabazus (an Argilian, who had once been his minion "', and who acted for the other Greeks. This sentence (he says) adjudged them to pay a fine of 1000 talents, efface the inscription, and engrave another containing the names of the states which had taken part in the battle. He also says that the Lacedzemonians conceived much ill-will, on this account, against the Plateeans, and afterwards found means to take vengeance. 8 Inscribed.| The couplet said by Diod. to have been inscribed, is thought by Wessel. never to have been really so. It should seem to have been only written as a jit inscription for it. 9 Not even then.) ‘This long-suffering lenity seems to have been occa- sioned by some of his friends in the Ephori, and the administration in general. One such, it is evident from c. 154. that there was in the former. 10 Measures of extremity.] BovXsvocu re aviceoroy signifies, literally, to take such a step as cannot be recalled or remedied. An euphemism for capital punishment; as 5,45. and Herod. 1, 137. aiviw révde rov véuoy — pnoeva iri pig airig avhceoroy waog Ede. 11’ Minion.] Or pathic. Gottleb., however, maintains, that it must be taken in a good sense. And he refers to Mlian V.H. 3,12. And, indeed, Xen. de Repub. Lac. says, that Lycurgus ézoinoey iv Aaksdaipore pdév HTTOV tpacTdc TAWIKHY aTéxEcrat ty yovEic TALOGY, 7 Kal AdEAMde AOEAGHY Eic adpovdicu améyovra. Which is strong language ; but it rather shows what Lycurgus was anxious to make the Spartans, than what they really were in general, especially in the later times of his institutions. It will no more prove the point in question than the strict injunctions of Jesus Christ and his Apostles to moral purity will prove that Christians in general are chaste and temperate. Besides, in a character otherwise so flagitious as was that of Pausanias, where is the wonder if, amidst his imitation of other Persian ‘manners, he should have adopted a vice for which that country has ever been infamous. It 238 sos THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. was much attached to him) turns informer. ‘This man was alarmed, on chancing to reflect that no one of the messengers before him had ever returned *; and (first procuring a coun- terfeit seal}8, in order that, if he should be mistaken im his suspicions, or Pausanias should ask again for the letter to alter any thing in the writing, he might escape detection) he then proceeds to open the letter; in which, as he had sus- pected ’4 something of that kind, so he found it written there- in, that he was to be put to death.’° CXXXIII. He then showed the writings to the ephori, who, indeed, gave more credence than before to the suspicions of his guilt; but wishing to be yet ear-witnesses of something said by Pausanias himself, it was contrived’ that the man It may seem strange that the term should have a plural form, though a singular sense. But this is no more than is found in many other words; as Kurip. Hippol. ‘Imzdduroc, éyvou UirSéwe mawetpnara. 12 That no one, Sc.] So Justin. 2,15. “ scribit preeterea Xerxi, quos- cunque ad se nuntios mississet, interficeret, ne res loquacitate hominum proderetur.”’ 13 Procuring a counierfeit seal.| i.e. causing a seal to be made similar to that which stamped the impression on the letter. This he probably did by contriving to get a stamp from the original seal, which was probably a signet or seal-rine. See Jeremiah, 22,24. Of the various modes by which such were counterfeited, a full description may be seen in Lucian in his Pseudomantis. Pollux, indeed, 8, 27. seems to have read zwapacnpyva- pevog. But unless that were an error of memory, it must have been ex glossa. The common reading, too, is confirmed by an imitation of Dio Cass. 435, 40. wapamomodpevoc Ta Kaicapoc vropyhnpara. The apa here denotes preier; another example of which sense occurs in Aristoph. Cone. 226. rapolwvrotow. Meursius, in his Miscellanea Laconica, |. 3, c.6. in an interesting trea- tise on the Lacedzemonian seals, tells us, that the seals, or seal-rings, were of iron up to the time of Pliny. And he informs us, on the authority of different writers, that the seal of Helen had engraven on it a jish; that of Clearchus, dancing Caryatides ; that of king Areus, an eagle holding a serpent in its talons. See Exod. c. 28, 11. ‘4 Open the letter, in which, §c.| So Livy, 1. 33. 28. conscientia ictus, aperit literas. 15 He found—death.| Matthie, in his Gr. Gr. § 296. says that the con- struction is, Apyiuc éveyeypamro kreive, for evey. Apy. kreivery. But it is more simple to suppose xreivey to be put for creiveoSat, with a subaudition of éors. Moreover, what is proper of the ching, is asserted of the person; of which Matth. adduces an apt example from Isocr. In fact it is the same in the common Latin phrase proscribere aliquem. 1 It was contrived.] ?Amd wapackeviie and tk mapackevije, like the Latin. & composito, are used of what is contrived or plotted. So Auschin. ap. Steph. Thes. é@ 2. caSeZéuevor. Hobbes has ill-rendered it by design. By whom this device was contrived, is not clear. Smith assigns it to the Ephori. CHAP. CXXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 239 should go and take sanctuary, as a suppliant, at Teenarus °, and there frame a booth, built double® (or hollow) by a par- tition, in which cavity he hid some of the ephori. Pausanias then going to him, and demanding the cause of his taking sanctuary, they understood* plainly the whole affair; the man expostulating with him about what was written concerning him, and laying open the other particulars, point by point; urging that he had never yet deceived ° him in any of his em- But it is more likely to have criginated with the Argilian, whose name (by the way) Thucyd., out of contempt, has not chosen to record. He merely calls him the man, as we say the fellow. 2 Take sanctuary at Tenarus.| ‘That this was an asylum, appears not only from the present passage, but from Pausan. 134, 40. Plut. Agis 11 and 16. Polyb. 9, 54 and 9. Polyzn. 2, 81,5. Aristoph. Lys. 1320. The temple was situated in the celebrated promontory of the same name. Indeed, equally true and well known is it that temples of Neptune were so situated ; (as, in fact, the antients usually chose high situations for all their temples, doubtless to excite the devotion of travellers.) See Eurip. Cycl. 317. ‘To double promontories was certainly in the then imperfect state of nautical science, a most difficult and dangerous operation; and, therefore, no wonder is it that such sites should have been selected, on which to erect temples Iocedé1 owrhpt. Pausanias says that the temple in question was like a cave. And we may suppose that it was excavated out of the rock of the promontory, like many early oriental ones, as, for instance, that of Ellora. 3 Hut built double.| In one of the walls, probably one which abutted upon some part of the building of the temple, or the wall cf the zepiBoroe. It may, indeed, seem that the building of a hut had little to do with his taking asylum there. But it should appear that suppliants did not always take refuge within the walls of the temple (which, in many respects would be an inconvenient abode), but sometimes chose to rear a booth or hut in the close, or réuevog which surrounded the temple, and which being supposed to belong to it, (as our church-yards to churches,) was included in the jus asyli. See infral35. The Argilian, then, contrived to make one of the walls double or hollow, and placed the Ephori in the cavity. For such seems to have been the manner of the thing, which is not made clear by the translators and commentators. ‘This view is confirmed by a passage of Joseph. 845, 55. imitated from the present: é« dé adrije kadvbye, évdorépw dappaypacty érepdy aredyngviac. Yet Nepos writes thus: ‘ Hance (scil. asam) juxta, locum fuerunt sub terra, é quo posset audire si quid loqueretur cum Argilio.”” Wesseling thinks he followed some other authority. But why he should here desert one whom he so regularly follows, it is difficult to imagine. It should rather seem that he read the words of this passage otherwise, namely cai ocnynoapévov Oropbypare (for Cvadpaypart) kadvbjy. © =«nv7} sometimes signifying a cavern. This hut was probably formed of boards. On which see note on 2, 52. 4 They understood.| Not, as Smith renders, “ they heard distinctly all that passed;”? for that would have nothing to do with what precedes, and was not necessary to be told. Besides, it would require réyTwv. 5 Deceived.| J have followed the interpretation of Suidas and other antient lexicographers, which is adopted by Duker, Kistem, Levesque, Abresch, Bauer, and Haack. ‘Though by Steph. Thes., Reiske, Gott). 240 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. ployments on the business of the king; and yet was now, forsooth, to be lzkewise honoured® with the reward which attended so many other messengers, namely, to be put to death. The truth of all this Pausanias acknowledged ; bidding him, however, not to be exasperated at what had happened, and pledging his faith that he might safely leave’ sanctuary ; urging him, too, to depart with all speed on his journey, and not obstruct ®° the matter in hand. CXXXIV. Having distinctly heard these words, and now possessing certain knowledge of the truth, the ephori with- drew for the present, and proceeded! to apprehend him in the city; and it is said that, when he was about to be appre- hended in the public street ®, on viewing the countenance of one of the ephori, who was advancing towards him, he per- ceived the business he was come about®; especially as another, Wyttenbach, and Goeller, it is explained, “ brought into danger.” But that signification, though it is found elsewhere, is here far less suitable. The Scholiasts seem to have been much perplexed with the term. Yet one of them nearly adopts the former interpretation. Of the word in question I shall subjoin several examples in my edition. 6 Honoured.] Spoken ironically. The commentators, however, dwell too much on the zpo, which is absorbed in the sense honour. In rendering the rest of the sentence I have, I trust, attained the true sense ; though the difference of idioms forbade a more literal version. Toic zoddoic cannot signify most, since all of the messengers, it seems, had been put to death; but “ the many, those many.” A rare sense. ‘The Schol. takes the rote z. for roic waar. See my note on Matth. 20, 28. 7 Safely leave.] ’Avacrdésewc, (which was causelessly suspected by Steph. and Gesner), depends upon zepi understood; and, as Bauer remarks, is put emphatically for safe departure. | 8 Not to obstruct, §c.] This passage is imitated by Procop. 132, 42. OsioavTec pr) — Ta Toacobpeva OvaKkwdboy. 1 Proceeded, §c.] The commentators stumble at the expression 2)\An {uv éxowvyro, because the attempt was not successful. And the Schol. ex- plains it, “ were about to make,” “ wished to have made.” Hobbes and Smith render, “ intended to, or determined to apprehend him.” Here, however, as often, we have only to take the imperfect tense of action commenced, but interrupted; i. e. they would have apprehended him. They did not apprehend him at Tenarus, probably because they were provided with force sufficient to seize one who, doubtless, was not without many attendants, and would be likely to make a desperate resistance. 2 In the public street.| Such is, I believe, the sense usually ascribed to évy ry 60. And, indeed, the streets of Sparta would not ill correspond to the expression. But, perhaps, it may signify, “ on his way.” So Nepos, “in itinere.”” And thus the Pythagorean dict., not to hasten éy r7 0d. 3 Perceived, §c.| Hence may be emended Joseph. 857, 3. imitated from this passage: yvwpicaca ig’ éywpe. where the MSS. read éy’ by éy. and CHAP. CXXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 241 out of good-will, secretly gave him intimation by a nod or beckoning *; on which he ran at full speed towards the temple of Minerva Chalcicecus® (for the réuevos, or sacred Hudson conjectures 颒 bv. I would read 颒 g Other examples may be seen in my note on Rom. 5, 12. 4 Nod or beckoning.] ‘Though the commentators take no notice of the expression vetpare apavei, yet it deserves some attention. Nepos may seem not to have read it, since he has vwtu significabat. Yet there is no var. lect. and the vedpari ap. was read by the antients. So Xiphil. 1278, 60. vedpaTe adavet yowusvoc. Liban. Or. 892. E. vedpare xpmpevoc. Clem. Alex. Strom. 538. D. vetpare ddavei xeyonpévwr. Plut. Arat. 20. dua veiparog tOntwoe TY Téxvwrmn gebyev. Besides, Nepos may have read vevpart, and supplied zpoow7ov or the like, (so Pausan. 10, 31, 2. vevyare xpoowrov. Herodian 7, 8, 21. redyeot tpoowrov vetpact.) or d¢Sadpay, as Sirach 27, 22. Psalm 34, 22. Hor. Serm. 1, 9, 65. and Aristoph. Baby]. évvevet i pevyew oicade. Or yerpdc might be supplied. So Onosand p. 90. Tapacivanua yiyversae vebpare yepdc. Herodian 1, 9, 7. yewode vevpare Joseph. 1278, 46. kai rq vebpare ripe yepoc, &c. Herodian 4, 113. 77% oe xeupi ppace. See more in my note on Luke 1,22. 5 Temple of Minerva Chalciecus.] ‘The version of Hobbes here is sin- gularly confused, and indeed erroneous, as varying from the original. He also wrongly interprets igody of both the temple and the ground on which it was situated. With respect to the temple here mentioned, it was the most venerated and celebrated in Sparta. The epithet Chalciawcus, of course, properly appertained to the goddess ; but, by a frequent metonymy was often applied to the temple. So Livy, 35,36. A&toli circa Chalcicecon (Minerve est tem- plum zereum) congregati ceeduntur. The goddess, however, obtained her epithet from some peculiarity in the building of the temple. What that was, interpreters and the antiquaries are at a loss to discover. The Schol. supra 128. gives three opinions, the two first of which alone deserve atten- tion. 1. Either because it had a brazen chapel; or 2., from the solidity of the edifice. Thus the murus aheneus esto of Horace; and so Zach. 6, 1. “ mountains of brass.”? Of these two the former seems preferable. From Pausanias |. 3, 17, 3. we learn that it was built (or formed) by Tyndareus. And he seems to have thought that it had been of brass, from his words at p. 321,15. Sylb. which are as follows: “ That the temple should have been of brass is no great wonder, since we know that Acrisius formed a brazen chamber for his daughter, and that the Lacedamonians had the temple of Chalcicecus, which remains to this day.” He also says that both the temple and the statue were of brass. And he adduces other examples of brazen buildings. To which it may be added, that Procop. p. 204. ult. says the temple of Janus was dzac xadxovc. Livy, too, (ubi supra) seems to have been of the above opinion. Yet it is difficult to believe this of any more than the vewy, (cella) or sanctum sanctorum, at least if we understand it of solid brass. But I cannot help suspecting that the edifices in question were only coated with brass plates. And indeed Dr. E. D. Clarke in his Travels, vol. 2, 153. and 3, 734. says that the Greeks sometimes coated buildings with metallic plates. And he testifies that he saw vestiges of them in the ruins of the gymnasium at Alexandria Troas. To which I would add, that Livy, |. 41, 20., says the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus had not only the roof of gold, but that all the walls were plated with gold. His account may be illustrated from Procop. p. 97, 92. who says that the roof was of VOL, I. R 24.2 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. close, happened to be near at hand), and took refuge there before they could overtake him. Then, in order to avoid the inclemency of the open air ®, he entered into a small build- ing’, which formed part of the temple, and there sat down quietly. They, for the present indeed, were too late ® in the pursuit, but afterwards proceeded to unroof? the building; and having ascertained that he was within, and cut off from all egress, they then blocked up '° the doorways, and stationing brass, richly plated with gold. In like manner I would understand the aurea domus of Nero mentioned by Sueton., and also Hom. Od. 4, 72., ppacéo — yadkod re orepdmny Kaddwpara nxhEevTa Xpvood 7’, &c. Vestiges, too, of metal plates have been found in the ruins of Memphis and other Egyptian cities, and of Persepolis. The custom of thus adorning buildings is not only of oriental origin, but of the most remote antiquity; for it seems to have been carried to America in that colony which ascends far beyond the records of history, or even of tradition. So Bernhardo de Diaz, in his History of Cortez, says that the inside walls of the temples at Mexico were cased with silver plates. So also were those of the royal palace in Peru. _& To avoid, &c.] For this part of Peloponnesus is at times very cold, the winds sometimes blowing very keen from Mount Taygetus, with snow or sleet. Of the numerous illustrations of the original, which I have brought together, I select the following, since the word izaiSpu¢ has no example in Steph. Thes. Liban., Orat. 383. i7aiSpwe¢ rakaurwpéy, Diod. Sic. 6, 81. uv. dtaxaprepetv. Dio Cass. p. 33, 35., and often v. dvarraéoSa. Herod. 4,7. vu. karaxomaoSa. PlatoSymph. § 23. v. comaoSa. Aschyl. Agam., éy oikhpacw Natovow ion, Tov braSpiwy raywv Apsowy 7 amaddayEvTEc., and Prom. v. 113. izatSpue ssopoice raccadevroe &y., where Dr. Blomfield has conjectured izaSpioc. But that seems not necessary. The common reading is defended, besides the above passages, by Aristophon ap. Athen. p- 238. D. iwaiSpuc yeova dutyeyv. Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 389, 5.v. péver, and others which I could cite. 7 Small building.] Perhaps a sort of chapel, or perhaps the pronaos. The genitive rod iepod is not so much taken partitively, as there is an ellipsis of mpocexbpevoy, tveydpevoyv, or the like. Goeller refers to Manson. Sparta, vol: opxgieps 21. 8 Too late.| Namely, to attain their purpose. Such a clause is generally left to be understood in sorepeiv. 9 Unroof.| Probably the roof was covered with tiles. So 4, 48. dudsvrec rv dpogy, tardoyv ry Kepapw, the tiling. See my note on Mark 2, 4. drecréyacay ri}v orétynyv. There is a very similar passage in Xen. Hist. 6, 5, 9. This was done, not so much that he might suffer from the weather (as is usually supposed), as that they might have a perfect view of his situation, so as to remove him before he expired. 10 Blocked up.] Both the antient and modern commentators understand this of building up the door-ways. And Diodor. relates a story, that his mother brought the first brick. So also Lycurg. C. Lever. p. 166., Nepos, Plutarch, and Tzetzes, nay, Chrysermus ap. Stob. Serm. p.228., has a similar story respecting his father. This might induce us to doubt the story altogether, and suspect that it was founded on a misunderstanding of our author’s meaning, For dwKodépncav (which Nepos well renders obstrua- CHAP. CXXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 243 themselves there, utterly starved him to death.1! When they perceived that he was just !? at the point of dying in the chapel, they carried 13 him out of the sacred precincts ", while yet breathing ; and on being removed he immediately ex- pired. At first they were going to cast him into the Ceadas 1°, erunt) cannot properly denote butding up (neither would that be necessary, as the Lacedzmonians were stationed at the doors); but d/ocking up, aréppagay. And it is remarkablé, that of all those who relate the story, not one has used azoik., but dvou., dvaxriZw, éva7ou.; and our author has wvdida Kanic évpcodounpévyny at 6,51. And so Herod. 3,117. rac Ovaspaydc rHv obpéwy évdeiwac., whence, in CEneas Poliore. p. 443. Ern. rac muhacg avédeymxav, | would read éved. And so Arrian, E. A. 6, 29, 6. 77) Supida ALS évoucodounoavra. Indeed, whether avo. can signify this, I doubt; and, therefore, in Apollodorus, |. 2, 5., Pseudo Themistocles, and Lycurg., as also Polyzn. 2,38, 1., I would restore évou., from one good MS. Be that as it may, I find no proof that d z ou. can signify this. The only passage that countenances it is in Polyeen. 7, 30. rag widag Tov reixoug arwkodopnoay. But there I doubt not the true reading is dywx. On the contrary, in Heracl. de Polit. p. 431. ézwe pi dvouodopmow abrac (scil. rac ododvc) I would read drwx., which ought also to be restored in Xiphilin, 1340, 77. for ézwk., scil. rae rida. 11 Stationing themselves, §c.| The expressions mpocxadeZépevor and 2e- wovopknoay are figurative, and translationes é re militari petite. ‘They are imitated by Lucian Tyrannic. t. 2, 148. Such persons it was thought lawful to exclude from food, drink, and raiment. So Eurip. H. F. 52. rdvrwy 62 ypeiou raod’ Wpag pudaooopev Lirwy, TOTOY, éodHToc, K.T. Xr. 12 Just.] Such is the sense of dozep ciye, which often signifies no more than ¢#Sdc both in Thucyd., Herod., and other good writers. Hobbes and Smith, however, not aware of this idiom, run into error; the latter ren- dering, “ observing how bad he was.” Of the idiom in question (which ue frequently perplexed commentators) I shall abundantly treat in my edition. ‘3 Carried.] Smith absurdly renders, /ed him out, as if a person at the last gasp could walk. 14 Sacred precincts.| Such the context requires; for into the temple, properly so called, he had never advanced. 18 Ceadas.| Or Czeadas. There is here a diversity of reading. All the recent editions have Ceadas. See Wasse and Duker. And xeddac, I must observe, is also supported by Pausan. 1. 4, 8,4. where he has plainly the present passage in view (and therefore for éo&4é\Xovor I would read_éué.) Also by Simplic., Nicephorus, Basilius, and Suidas, cited by Meurs. Misc. Lacon. And I long since emended in Plut. Agid. 19. for dmdyew sig rv cadoupivny Asx dda., sic Tv Kadovpivny céaday. I now find I have been anticipated by Leopard Emend. I, 13, 14. (though he less correctly, I think, reads caiadav.) ‘The mistake arose there from confounding an uncommon with a common word. As to the A, it arose from the N preceding. But, to proceed, perhaps there are more authorities for caiadav, which, more- over, is defended by some cognate words in both Greek and Latin, as kalerov, or kaerdc. Caieta (whence the name of the place) as we learn from Eustath. on Hom. Il. 8. 581. (referred to by Duker) signified a rent or fissure in the earth, occasioned by an earthquake. Hence in Hesych. caiara (for that is only another form of the same word) dpvypara, i ra Rg 244, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ie wherein they are accustomed '© to throw the bodies of male-_ factors; but afterwards it was decided to bury him some- where thereabouts.!? But the Delphian deity afterwards directed them by oracle to remove his sepulchre to the place bd cstapay Karappayevra xwpia I would read pwypara; for Strabo, p. 567. (here cited by Wasse) says that caeroi is the name given to ot amd ry ceiopayv pwxpot, such as are frequent in the Lacedeemonian territory, which, for that reason, has in Homer the epithet caerdeocoa. Yet I confess the common reading is countenanced by our Scholiast. Eustath. also has the forms caérac or kaarac. All these, then, favour the au Neither will etymology or the proprietas linguze assist us in determining the reading. For the xeddacg may, as Heyne and Goeller think, be derived from xedZw and xéiw, findo. Yet xaiadag may equally well be derived from kaiw, cognate with cdw or yaw, yaiw, whence yaZw and yaopa. And when I consider how strongly it is supported by the cognate words, I am inclined to give it the preference. There is, however, a discrepancy in the explana- tion of the word by the antients, which may deserve attention. By some the place is represented as merely a vast fissure, or, as Basil explains, BapaSpoy abrogvic. While others, as Strabo, Eustathius, and Phavorinus, describe it as a prison, or subterranean cavity. And our Scholiast, as a romoc épwpvypévog, i.e. a pit or place dug by human labour, and formed by art. Wemay, however, suppose that it had been originally no more than barely a huge fissure (such as are frequent in Peloponnesus), and was used as a sort of golgotha, or place in which to toss the bodies of malefactors. In process of time, however, it seems to have been enlarged and converted into a subterranean prison. There was also a place at Athens called the barathrum, used as a prison, but which probably had been at first only such a golgotha, though afterwards something corresponding to the place formerly subsisting in our prisons, and cailed the condemned hole. The use, however, of subterranean prisons seems to have been an oriental cus- tom. ‘So Zechariah 9,11. I have sent thy prisoners out of a horrible pit. See also Psalm 40, 2. 6 Are accustomed.| 1 have adopted the reading cidSaciv, because, as Poppo and Goeller observe, it is more suitable to the sense, the custom yet remaining in the time of Thucyd. It is also confirmed by a kindred pas- sage of Plut. Cleom. c.38. Certainly I cannot but censure the temerity of Bredow and Bekker in cancelling the word altogether; for, besides the MSS., it is defended by Photius, p. 40. (where for # must be read 9.) He perhaps derived the gloss from some ancient Scholiast on Thucyd. The true reading of the whole passage is that adopted by Benedict and Haack. 17 Thereabouts.| It is not clear what our author means, whether near to the Ceadas, which is the opinion of the Scholiast, or near to the sacred pre- cincts, or near the place where-he had died, as Nepos took it, though he has procul, which, however, may be taken, as Fischer says, of distance not very remote. Andsoin Virgil. But if he was buried near the place where he died, one does not see why the Delphian oracle should have ordered his removal. The interpretation, therefore, of the Scholiast, is probably the true one. As to the passage of Nepos, I cannot but suspect that the words qui erat mortuus are from the margin. Thus procu will have the sense over against, which is very reconcileable with awAnoiov. And procul isso used by Nepos himself, Themist. 8. procul ab insula, where it answers to ip in Thucyd. CHAP. CXXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 245 where he had died (and he now lies in the porch or vestibule '®), as the inscription on the pillars shows.'? It was also ordered that as this pollution had been perpetrated, they should give back two bodies instead of one to the Chalcicecus; and they had made two brazen statues, and dedicated them forthwith in the stead of Pausanias. CXXXV. Now the Athenians, as the god himself had adjudged that there was a pollution, required the Laceda- monians to purge it [by banishing the posterity of those who had caused it]. On the Medising of Pausanias, the Lacedz- monians sending ambassadors to the Athenians, implicated Themistocles' also (as they had discovered from the proofs 8 Porch or vestibule.| Or the area before the temple. The Scholiast explains it of the propyleum; which comes to the same thing. Though Smith’s version, “ the area before the temple,’ seems more natura]; and it is confirmed by Clem. Alex. 1.3. p. 252. cited by Ruhn. on Vimzeus Lex. p.195. cai moorepeviopara thoxnra, addon Te Kai dpyadec, ornamental plots. 19 As the inscription, §c.] These words are generally referred to the preceding parenthetical clause, “ and he now lies in the porch,” so as to form part of the parenthesis. But there is something frigid and inept in that sense. ‘They should rather be referred to the more remote subject. The inscription (answering to the éitle at 2 Kings, 23,17., see also John, 19, 19.), it seems, signified, that “ Pausanias was there buried, whither he had been removed by the direction of the oracle.” It appears from Liban. Fpist. 1080. that the monument of Pausanias did not in his time remain, but had been suffered to go to ruin by the neglect of his successors, the rulers of Sparta. Yet the expression used by that writer amehSeiy cic¢ zip is an odd one to signify suffer destruction. I have sometimes thought it might mean go fo the furnace, which would apply to the orHAat, doubtless of brass, and perhaps to the brazen statues. Yet I find from Pausan. |. 5,17,7. that the statues remained in his time, and stood near the altar. 7 1 Implicated Themistocles.| Such seems to be the true sense of cvr- exyTiavro, which is misunderstood by the interpreters. Certainly it is a very rare word, and I have met with it no where else but in Plutarch in Peric. ove cuverytidyro rot Mnducpotv. As to the crime of which the Lace- dzemonians accused him, there are no means of knowing whether he was guilty or not. The assertion of Lacedamonian partisans, and of opposition politicians at Athens will little deserve to be credited. And, indeed, the whole seems a very improbable charge, as Themistocles had, in many respects, showed himself a true patriot. Yet so loosely did Themistocles sometimes carry his principles, that we cannot place that entire reliance on his unbending integrity which we readily accord to Miltiades, Aristides, and Cymon. And he must be admitted to have been, with all his abilities, a somewhat equivocal character; which has been usually the case with poli- tical adventurers. He had undoubtedly been treated most ungratefully by his country, and deeply injured by a certain party. And one can scarcely R §$ 246 ' (HE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I- which concerned Pausanias), and required that he should be punished in like manner. Being induced to consent, they sent with the Lacedzemonians (who were ready to join in the pursuit), persons whom they commanded to apprehend him wherever they might meet with him: for he happened at that time to be in banishment by ostracism, and though his ordi- nary residence was in Argos, he frequently visited other parts of Peloponnesus. CXXXVI. Themistocles, however, havmg previous in- telligence ' of their purpose, fled from Peloponnesus to Cor- cyra, as having formerly rendered a service * to that state. The Corcyreans, however, representing that they durst not harbour him, lest they should incur the united resentment of both the Lacedzemonians and the Athenians, conveyed him to the opposite coast® of the continent; and being tracked thither, according to the report of his course *, by those appointed to apprehend him, he was compelled, in a great emergency” to throw himself on the hospitality and protection of Admetus, answer for the conduct of an exile, of no very rigid virtue, under such circumstances; nor say how far his hostility to his political antagonists and personal enemies might not hurry him; not to mention that in the then state of Greece he might choose to leave some opening for a welcome reception from the court of Persia, should circumstances, as was likely, oblige him to flee his country; and it might be true, what Ephorus asserts, that he was conscious of Pausanias’s plots. 1 Intelligence.] 1... from such of his party as yet remained at Athens, and with whom he would keep up a correspondence. 2 Rendered a service.| Namely, when he dissuaded the Greeks from proclaiming as public enemies all who had refused to cooperate in repell- ing the Persian incursion. Themistocles most magnanimously and wisely interposed, representing that such a measure would plunge Greece into more disastrous events than the Persian conquest would have inflicted. 3 Opposite coast.| i.e. Thesprotis. 4 According to, §c.] Smith renders, “ by enquiry of.’ But the Schol. rightly explains, riéorw, ¢ypnv. The passage has been imitated by Dio Cass. 509,74. Tloprniov émedimgtey nara wiorw ; and Appian, t. 2, 296, 63. éehavvev ii Try tw, Kata mboTW Tie Lopriiov guyjc, and 2,855. Athen. 256. B. oreitac ti rijg Aiwdidoc, cara rbot — Tig THY Tpoy6YwY xXwpac ; Phil. Thess. ap. Suid. v. wéoric. Wéorw war’ éoSdijv vdaroc—7rASev. Hence it appears that zicrw has been rightly restored by Hudson on Joseph. 739, 39., as it ought to have been by the editors of Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 68, 38. 5 Great emergency.| The nature of this is pointed out by Plutarch in Vit. u@Aov — Bacrryinc. So that there is no occasion, with Thiersch, to read ré for rt. CHAP. CXXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 247 king of the Molossi®, though by no means his friend.’ Now it happened that he was not then at home.? ‘Throwing him- self, however, on the protection of the queen, as a suppliant °, 6 Molossi.) The exact situation of this state it is difficult to fix, and still more the extent. See Palmer’s Gr. Ant. p.322 —336. It lay beyond Ambracia, and extended pretty far inland, up to the chain of Mount Pindus. it probably varied in extent at different times, and sometimes had Atintania subject to it. ) 7 By no means, $c.) Nepos renders, “ cum quo ei hospitium fuerat.”’ But he seems not to have read the od, and to have taken the giAov for Zévov, a sense which it frequently bears. But the negative is confirmed by Cicero, Plutarch, Diod. Sic., and Liban. Epist. 259. 8 At home.] Ove éxidnpoyv. So Xen. Cyr. 7, 5,69. éridnuoy eur’ aro- Onpoyv; Aristoph. ap. Etym. Mag. in évdnpocg: adX ob ruyxyave’Eridnpog wy. So also in Dio Cass. and Lucian. 9 Throwing himself, §c.}|| There was great force in this appeal, which the queen could scarcely reject, it being thought impious to spurn a sup- pliant. And when she had admitted him as her suppliant, Admetus could not but reverence sq sacred a claim to protection. Something very similar is related of Hassan Bey by Mr. Hope, in his Anastasius, vol. 1. p.324. “ He sped his way into the Gynzceeum, prostrates himself at the feet of the wife of Ibrahim, and implores her protection. She swore to protect him, and in her presence none durst lift his hand against the supplant.” See Eurip. Orest. 663. It seems, too, that the union of the son had much avail in the supplication. And thus Thucyd. says it was péyoroy ixérevpa. Hence is illustrated an obscure and ill-understood passage of Eurip. Pheen. 1585. ixeree ixeray aipdueva, where I would read ice, from the conjecture of Valckn., confirmed by three MSS. By this ceremony Themistocles was understood to entreat him by his son, i, e. as he hoped for his preservation by the gods, whose protection an act of such signal mercy and benevolence would tend to procure. So Soph. Aj. 588. Kai ct wpdc¢ cov TéiKvoOLV, Kai CEeGy ikvotpat, ju) TPOCOE NMaC yEvn. There was, too, a great efficacy in this particular place (namely, the altar of the hearth) for such a supplication. So the Schol. on Soph. Aj. 491. peytoroy yap OKdiwwpa, Td Tie abritc éoriac émuirvyéiv, boTE Kai THY TOMO” peddmeSa Oud tavra. Such a suppliant was called ixérne tdéorioc. So Aischyl. Kum. 574. Schutz. tucérng ddpwr ipécrwe; and Kurip. Cycl. 370. Swparwy epecrioue Eévoue ‘Ikrijpacg éxSver S6pwy. In imitation of the present passage, Plutarch Coriol. 23. says, rapsiceASwy dpvw mpde Thy EoTiay éxasize ow7ny. Hence is illustrated Kurip. Ion. 1257. te viv mupac imi. Kay Savyc yap év3a0 obca, roic aroxreivwor oe Mpoorpdrauy aipa Inoec. See also Eurip. Orest. 1410. Jt is truly observed by Musgrave on Eurip: Orest. 1442. “ Religio erat veteribus preces quas 颒 éoriag aliquis fundebat aspernari.” Hence, too, is illustrated Eurip. Phoen. 281., as also Eurip. Ale. 162. cai oraoa mpdoSev ioriag waredgaro. There is, too, a most per- plexing passage of Xenophon, which, by a better punctuation, and by reference to this custom, will cease to contain any difficulty, Anab, 7, 2, 33. EcadeZouny ivo0idpioc, abr@ Kern. ; f The sitting must be understood to be appropriate to the thing. So Eurip. Heracl. ixérar caSeZoueSa Bopsor Oey. Hence in Dionys. Hal. Ant. p- 481, 2. (imitated from the present passage) ixérn¢g rot aydpog yiyverqu KaveZopévov emi ric éoriac, I read kadeZopevoc. This Jarula foci (on which see Facciol. Lex in Vesta) was, we may sup- pose, the seat of their family devotions. R 4 248 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. he was directed by her to take the hand of her son’, and seat himself at the altar by the hearth: And not long after, Admetus coming in, he makes known who he is, and intreats him, though he had been his opponent, in preferring a pe- tition to’the Athenians, not to take vengeance upon him in his state of exile, for that the revenge would be taken on one at present far his inferior in power.’’ It was (he said) true generosity for equals to avenge themselves on equal terms ”* ; and moreover, that he had opposed him in a matter of anterest only, not in a case where life was concerned ; for that if he should give him up (mentioning by whom and for what he was pursued), he would deprive him of all means of saving his life,’ CXXXVII. Having heard this, Admetus raises him 1, to- gether with his son, just as he had sat himself down. Now this was the most solemn and powerful of all modes of sup- plication. And not long afterwards there came up the Lacedze- monians and Athenians; to whom, though they used much 10 Son.] Nepos says, “ filiam parvulam,” where the editors think he fol- lowed some other authority. But as Nep. throughout the story, so closely follows Thucyd., I should rather suppose either that he read here 77)y maida, or wrote “ filium parvulum.’’ Plutarch certainly read voy, im which all the MSS. unite. 11 For that the revenge, &c.] Smith well renders, or rather paraphrases, thus: “ ‘To make him suffer now, would be taking those advantages over a man in distress which he ought to disdain.” Here I have not followed the reading of almost all the MSS. and edi- tions doYevecripov, as yielding no tolerable construction or sense. And I should certainly read, with two MSS. and Kistem, doSevecrépov, but that Goeller seems rightly to account it a solecism. Under these circumstances I prefer aoSeviorepoc, from the conjecture of Reiske and Bauer. And this is edited by Goeller. ‘The sense is the same as with doSeviocrepov, and the change is so slight as scarcely to need MS. authority. ‘The nominative is to be taken as adrdc just after. 12 It was, §c.] A noble sentiment, with which I would compare Liban. Or. 421. B. at yap réy yarerardvrwy mpde rove AehuTyKOTaC, TY TOY Trap- ofvvaytuy dvorvxia Abovra. Perhaps Thucyd. had in mind Hom. Il. E. 255.00 yap pot yevvaioy advondZoryte pdysosat. The phrase 76 rod isov is here used as at 2, 89. axd Tov toov Tapacket= acacya; and pépove is to be supplied. 13 All means of, Sc.] Zwrnpia does not here signify safety, but the means of attaining it. A rare sense. | Raises him.| 1. e. bade him rise; which implied that the request was sranted., CHAP. CXXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 249 importunity, he would not give him up. But his intention being to go to the king of Persia, he sends him? away over- land to Pydna, a city of king Alexander’s on the other sea; where, happening upon a merchant-ship just sailing? for Tonia, he embarks, and is driven by tempestuous weather upon the Athenian fleet besieging Naxus*; and being in great fear, he discloses to’ the shipmaster who he is (for none in the ship knew him), and the reason of his flight, and threatens, if he should refuse to save him, to accuse him” of carrying him off for a sum of money. The only method °®, he said, of pre- servation was for no one to be allowed to leave the ship until the weather allowed of their voyage.’ Finally, if he would consent, he would remember to repay the favour with the 2 Sends him.] This would seem to denote that he sent him openly with anescort. But that is not very probable. There is more reason to sup- pose, as Diod. tells us, that he went off secretly and by night, with the countenance of Admetus. Diod., too, adds a circumstance which is highly probable; namely, that he obtained the aid of two young men, Lyn- cestians (for I read, with Wesseling, Xvyxuordc, which is countenanced by the best MSS.), who were travelling merchants (like our pedlars, and the merca- tores mentioned by Cesar B.G. 1. who are described as commeantes, &c.) and through whose perfect knowledge of the country he was conveyed in safety, in spite of the efforts of his pursuers. 'We may suppose that they avoided Thessaly, and took their route by the chain of Mounts Pindus, Cambunium, and Olympus. 3 Just sailing.| Or, “ already weighing (anchor).” It is wrongly ren- dered by Hobbes and Smith, downd. There is a very similar passage (but more circumstantial) in Jonas, c. 1, 3.3 also in Liban. Epist. 1435, Heliod. 1,160. Plut. Mar.35. Joseph. p. 915,36. Polyzen. 1, 30, 7. 4 Besieging Naxus.) which had revolted. See supra, c.98. Though these events took place at the same time, it is impossible to adjust the chronology. Yet it should seem to have been not long after the time when the Athenians obtained the command over the allies, perhaps a couple of ears. : 5 He would accuse him, &c.] This expedient displayed that adroitness and dyywoia, accompanied, however, with laxity of moral principle, so cha- racteristic of ‘Themistocles. 6 The only method, §c.] Such seems to be the force of the article here. See Middl. on Gr. Art. p. 69. 7 No one to,§c.] And that, lest any of the crew might recognise him, or suspect who he was, and reveal it in the fleet. Méype wove yévyntat is wrongly rendered by Smith, “ during the voyage.” Hobbes might have taught him better. T)ovc is for edmdoia, as 5, 5. and Xen. Anab. 6, 1,22. atpur, dy rove 7. Herod. Vit. Hom. c. 19. 6 wrode ipiv tora. Eurip. Hec. 892. ei pév iv orparg Tdotc. Plut. Luc. wot gavévrog. Polyb. 4,57, 2, and 6. Finally, Soph. Phil. 641. who pithily re- marks, dei cade wove tod’, bray pevyye Kaka. 250 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. return it was entitled to.6 The shipmaster ° acquiesced, and having rode at anchor!° off the armament, he afterwards proceeds to Ephesus '!; nor did Themistocles fail to liberally reward '? him with a sum of money (for some afterwards came to hand '* from his friends at Athens, as also some from 8 He would remember, §c.| Such is the force of the brief idiomatical words of the original, which are strangely passed over by the commenta- tors. “AzopuyvynoecSac denotes to remember to make a return. As to the reading of the Cod. Grav. ydpw pynpovetdoavra arodoiva, it is merely a gloss, but well represents the sense. There is a kindred passage in Hesiod Theog. 503. ot ot areuvnoavra yapw evepyoiawy; and Kurip. Ale. 311. ob} poi voy rév0’ arépynoa yap. Airhoopar yap o akiay piv ob more. Per- haps Thucyd. had those passages in view. Xdptc is for dyriyaptc, as the Scholiast well explains the word on a similar passage at 1,73. And so Nepos, “ cui ille pro meritis gratiam retulit.” 9 Shipmaster.] On the force of the term vadv«Anpoc and many similar ones I have copiously treated on, Acts 27,17. Plutarch here adds, cai rg kubeopvynvy. And as he avowedly follows Thucyd., he must have so read ; yet, doubtless, from the margin. It may be observed that in merchant vessels the vav«eAnpoc performed the office of xubepvArne. 10 Rode at anchor.] Such is the true sense of dazrocaXsvoac, which is vaguely rendered by Hobbes and Smith, dain at sea, or kept at sea. And the above sense is confirmed by the fact, that ia dyxipa, or ayxipay, or the like, is often added. To the examples adduced by Wasse, I add Appian, t. 2,249. ém’ dyxupév a; Polyzn. 9,2,7. ix’ ayxupiy cadsdve; Plutarch Pomp. éz’ dykupév mpdcw rije xopac a; Appian, 2,824, 27. éx’ ayxupoy a; Joseph. 694, 8. a. éx’ ayxipac. Also ripe ye seems to be understood, which is supplied by Diod., cited by Wasse, to which example Tadd Achill. Tat. t. 2,103. Finally, the word was so taken by Nepos, who renders, “ in salo navem tenuit in anchoris,” ‘Y¥7réo here signifies, not wpon, (as Hobbes renders) but off, as also does procul in Nepos and Virg. Ain.3,13. We may be sure (though Thucyd. does not mention it) that the shipmaster would anchor as far out to sea as his length of cables and the weather would permit, and that he would keep _ to windward of the fleet ; which, as the weather was so stormy, would pre- vent him from being boarded by any from thence. 11 Ephesus.| Plutarch says Cyme. Probably he passed to Cyme from Ephesus, after a short stay. 12 Liberally reward.| Or gratify. Szparebw literally signifies to make much of, pay attention to do. ‘Thus it is implied that the present was liberal.’ And such, indeed, the service claimed, especially if, as Plutarch relates, there was a reward of 200 talents offered by the king of Persia for the person of Themistocles ; which would refute the charge of his having held treasonable correspondence with the king. ‘3 Came to hand, S.] A remarkable sense of é\Setv, which also occurs in a very similar passage of Herod. 8, 5. éaucriaro te rev ASnvaiwy (I con- jecture ASnvmy) thSeiv Ta yohwara. See my note on Mark 4,21. Plutarch, with a view to the present passage, says (Themist. § 25.), ray O& xpnparwy TOV ad’TP TOMG piv drékraTev Ta Ou TOY diwy sic "Acvay emer, Where I formerly conjectured for éz\e, 7ASe. But that is defended by Appian, t. 2,641, 25. orépevey rac ik rijg Iradiac abroic dvuathioveac wapacKebac. It is of more importance, however, to attend to the iaegex, by which it seems, and indeed Plutarch plainly says, that on Themistocles’ conviction, s CHAP. CXXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 951 Argos, which he had there privately laid up); and proceeding into the interior, in company with a Persian of the maritime parts '*, he sends a letter }° to king Artaxerxes '° son of Xer- xes, who had lately come to the throne, the contents of which were to this purport: — “ I, Themistocles '7, am come unto thee, who of all the Greeks did most injury to thy family, during such time as I was forced to repel the invasion of thy father; but who conferred still more signal benefits, when my retreat was placed in security, while Azs return back was encompassed with dangers.” '§ (Here he inserted an account his property had been seized and confiscated, to the amount of 100 talents, or 80, according to Theopompus. The money sent him was some that his friends had contrived to secrete, and save, as it were, out of the fire, doubtless with as much difficulty as the faithful Scipio, in Gil Blas, is said to have rescued from the talons of the soldiers, two bags of doubloons. It plainly appears from what follows that other monies also arrived, which he had secretly deposited with trusty persons at Argos; and yet Gail makes the money sent him by his friends at Athens to be what he had laid up at Argos. 14 Proceeding, §c.| Plutarch relates the matter more circumstantially, though somewhat differently. He says, that Themistocles was conveyed to the court in a covered carriage, such as are used for women, through the contrivance of Nicogenes, his host at Agee in Molia. It is probable, how- ever, that Nicogenes accompanied him; and he was an inhabitant of the sea-coast, and, though not, it should seem, a Persian, yet might be of Per- slan extraction, at least was a Persian subject. Indeed that Nicogenes did accompany him, appears from Diod.; for though he calls the person by the name of Lysithides, yet the circumstances so exactly tally, that we may very well suppose them the same. The cause of the discrepancy I may consider on some more suitable occasion. 15 Sends a letter.] Doubtless by Nicogenes or Lysithides. Diod., indeed, says he introduced him to ‘a personal interview with the king. If such bf the case, the interview, doubtless, was subsequent to the sending the etter. 16 Artaxerxes.| Diod. says Xerxes; probably from Ephorus. But Plu- tarch, Cicero, and Nepos, with reason, prefer our author’s chronology (the words of Plutarch are as follows: roic dé yporucoic Soret padAov Oo O. ouppipssSat, kairep 088 abroic arpipa ovyrarropévorc). And so also does Charon Lampsacenus, an historian more antient than Herod., on whom see Mus. Crit. p.2. p.221. seq. To the fragments there indicated by the learned writer, I add along one which occurs in the Schol. on Apoll. Rhod. |. 2,479. Charon is also mentioned by the Scholiast on |. 2, 1055. 17 I, Themistocles.] 'The commencement of this letter is closely imitated by Liban. Orat. p. 436. D. 18 During such time, §c.] Such seems to be the true sense, which has been imperfectly understood. ’Azroxomd7 must, by a dilogia, be accommo- dated so as to suit both Themistocles and Xerxes. ’Ev rg daopadei and ty irucwvddyy are phrases standing for adjectives. Uddw is to be joined with dzroKcopwy. 252 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. - BOOK I. of the previous intelligence 19 he had received of the retreat from Salamis, and also of the non-demolition of the bridges on his account, as he then pretended.?°) “ Wherefore a re- turn of kindness is due to me.*? And now, persecuted by the Greeks on account of my good offices to thee, I am come hither, having it in my power to render thee many services ; and my wish it is, after the interval of a year, in person to 19 Previous intelligence — account.| See Herod.8,110. On the od did- Avoww Duker adduces examples of this kind of idiom, to which I add Dionys. Hal. p. 669, 6. Themist. 262. C. Others may be seen in Markland on Max. Tyr. Diss. 14. t.1, 267. Valck. on Eurip. Phoen. Schol. 9. Schneider on Xen. An. 7,7,24. and Monk on Eurip. Hipp. 196. None of them, however, have mentioned the use (and it is, indeed, very rare) of jy) for ov in this idiom. The following are the only examples known to me. Aristoph. Cone. 115. dewdr & gorw % py 'wrepia; Onosand. c. 10. 9 pry) — ei¢ TO AANSwor aywriopa, weipa; where the separation of the negative and the substantive is remarkable and unparalleled. Indeed there was formerly a hyphen used in this idiom, which were better retained. In that passage therefore, I conjecture ¢é yj) and epg, which was in the archetype of those MSS. which have repd. 20 As he then pretended.| The whole passage may be literally rendered thus: “ And also the non-demolition of the bridges on his account, which Themistocles falsely ascribed to himself, or made a merit of.” It appears from Herod. 8, 110. that Themistocles did send a message to Xerxes, that he had checked the pursuit of the Greeks, and suspended the breaking dewn of the bridges on his account. And as the letter plainly alludes to that passage, it must have been sent. As to the words 4 Wevdé¢ mpoceroinoaro, (which refer both to the message and this letter,) they can hardly import that Themistocles was not the mover of those measures; since there is every reason to suppose the contrary. The sense must be, that he claimed a merit with Xerxes for these measures on false pretences; for though he proposed the measures, and even sent the message to Xerxes, yet it was out of no good-will to him, but from profound policy; for it was a custom with certain nations alike famed for their valour and prudence (as the Lacedzmonians) never to pursue a beaten enemy very far. And so far from breaking down a bridge under those circumstances, it was an old military maxim to build a bridge for a flying enemy. Hence it is very judiciously inserted among the stratagems of Themistocles by Polyzen. 1, 50, 3. Herod., indeed, says that in giving this advice he only sought to lay up a store of merit with Xerxes. And he adds: ratra Xéiywy dueGarre, scil. rode "ASnvaiovc. where duBadre signifies choused them. But this seems an unjust censure. Themistocles doubtless gave the most judicious counsel, and, there is little doubt, with all slucerity and good faith. Yet, with his accustomed shrewdness and ever wakeful attention to his own interest, he saw that this would be an oppor- tunity (in the words of Scripture), “ to lay a good foundation for the time to come.” ‘Therefore he sent a private message to Xerxes. And had his correspondence been detected, he would doubtless have ascribed it to deep laid design, it being politic to hasten a flying enemy. 21 A return of kindness.| So Onosand. 115. yapic dpetterar. The evepyecia is well rendered by the Scho), dyvriyapu. And so supra, c. 129. CHAP. CXXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 253 lay open to thee the particular business which has brought me hither.” CXXXVIII. The king, it is said, highly commended * his plans and intentions, and bid him do as he said.* Then, \ Highly commended, &c.| Such seems to be the sense of the words, which though plain separately, yet, when united, are by no means easy of interpretation. Hobbes renders: wondered “ what his purpose might be.” But SavpdZo will scarcely admit such a sense. Smith renders, ‘ gas sur- prised at the spirit and boldness of the man.” But dravoiay cannot mean boldness. That version is rather founded on the expression of Plutarch Savpacac To podyvnpa Kai Tv TéAay abrod. But the biographer has here, as often, deviated from his historical authority. And the sense, above assigned, is required by the words following. 2 Bid him do, &c.] 1. e. execute his plans. So 1 Kings, 17.13. This, indeed, rather implies an answer by message ; and yet I cannot but think that the his- torians on whom Diod. and Plutarch have founded their narratives (as Cha- ron, Ephorus, Dinon, Clitarchus, Heraclides, and others), were all authorised to assert that Themistocles had an interview with the king. Nay, according to. Plutarch, he had two. Certainly the circumstances mentioned by Plutarch, on the authority of Phanias and others, are very natural and probable. It seems that he procured an introduction to Artabanus, (who is called r@ xXALapyy, which probably means captain of the body guard,) partly by the influence of Nicogenes, and partly by the mediation of a Grecian woman, concubine to Artabanus. By their applying to Artabanus, it seems that he was one of the Jntroducers to a royal interview (like our Lords in waiting), such as are represented so frequently in the very antient sculptures at Persepolis, habited in a robe and collar of office, with a truncheon in their right hand, and with the left one leading forward some person or persons. It appears from Phanias, that Themistocles would not tell him who he was, but reserved that to be communicated to the king in person; and according to the narration of Plutarch, it was so communicated. But it seems far more probable that it was communicated by letter, as Thucyd. relates. And this is so far confirmed by Diod., that it plainly appears the king had inform- ation who the applicant for an interview was, before he would admit him. Diod., indeed, ascribes the introduction solely to Nicogenes (or Lysithides), and says that he dealt very cautiously with the king, and procured a previous promise that he would do Themistocles no harm. But Nicogenes seems not to have personally introduced him; and all that the king would be likely to promise would be, that Themistocles should be allowed to speak for himself, and plead his own cause. Now this, it must be remembered, was what no accused person, in the despotic government of the East, could claim. Thus Agrippa says to Paul, (Acts, 26, 1.) ‘* Thou art per- mitted to speak for thyself.” If, however, the /etter in Thucyd. be authentic, the address to the king, as given by Plutarch, cannot be so. Themistocles would not have to tell the king who he was, but would only follow up the arguments for forgiveness and protection briefly stated in the letter. That the king should make no reply to his speech (as Plutarch relates), is quite agreeable to the etiquette of oriental courts. Thus the Turkish emperor very rarely vouchsafes a reply to the speeches of any ambassador. Doubtless the king was much delighted; and the circumstances mentioned by Plutarch are characteristic of the levity of an oriental despot. - Plutarch 254 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. in the interval which he required, he attained all the know- ledge he could? of the Persian language, and the manners and customs of the country. After the expiration of which period, he went (to court) and gained such influence * there as no Grecian had ever yet possessed; and that both from his former rank and fame, and the hope entertained of Greece, which he engaged to bring under the dominion of the king, but especially from the proofs he had given® of ability and intelligence. For, indeed, Themistocles was a man in whom was most clearly displayed the strength of natural under- Plutarch narrates that he had a second interview with the king, the next morning, at which he explained his reason for requesting a year to be allowed him before he entered into any discussion with the king -on the affairs of Greece; and in so doing used a metaphor highly ingenious and appropriate. ‘* Human discourse” he said “ resembled variegated and em- broidered carpets. For like those, it required to be stretched out, in order that its figures might be shown to advantage; but when contracted and drawn up, they were hidden and spoilt.” * The king was doubtless pleased with the aptness of this comparison, and the good sense contained in it: and, according to Plutarch, returned it by a scarcely less witty turn, telling Themistocles that he was indebted to him two hundred talents; that being the sum which he had promised the person who should bring him The- mistocles. Now, says he, you have drought me yourself and therefore have a right to the sum. 7 3 Obtained all the knowledge he could. It is strange that Portus should take the meaning to be, “ he learnt what could be learnt.” And still more so, that Nepos should say he acquired a greater knowledge of the language than those who were born in Persia. ‘ Credat Judzeus Apella.”’ Philostratus, indeed, in his Icon. 52. p. 857. says: é&erdvnoe yap rovro, i.e. to speak the Persian language; but that may denote after-acquire- ment. The picture mentioned by Philostratus seems to have been one which represented Themistocles addressing the king in the presence of the court, on his audience, after his year’s retirement. 4 Such influence.| Literally, “ became great with.” An idiom common to our own tongue, but now confined to the vulgar; though it is found in 2 Kings 5,1. See my note on Matth. 5, 19. Among other marks of the King’s respect and regard towards him, Plutarch mentions this, that he permitted him dtaxotoam rév payudy A6ywy, where pay. \oy. do not mean precepta magica, as the Latin translator renders, but “ doctrinas ac literas Magorum.”. And this permission was necessary, for Philostr. Vit. Soph. p- 494. says: ob yap mawWevovor Tovc py Tlépoag Uépoar Mayo. ijv ju) oO Baowsdc ton. 5 From the proofs he had given.| Such is the force of the zepay didove, of which expression I would instance examples in Plut., Themist.. Polyzen., Herod. 5, 5, 11. * These orp#uata were, it seems, so formed as to admit of being rolled up like a piece of tapestry or oilcloth; and always required to be stretched out and fastened down to be properly seen. CHAP. CXXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 255 standing °, and in this respect beyond any other was he most worthy of admiration. By the mere force of his natural genius 7, and without the helps either of early culture or after study °, he was the best judge, and with least deliberation, of measures of immediate and sudden emergency °; and of the 6 Strength of natural understanding.| So Dio Cass. p. 407. of Cesar : Tie pboewe ioydi Savpaory txéypnro. Liban. Or. Par. in Julian c¢. 7. ra padwora Tic pioeme Oudatke THY toyvy. Euseb. Eccl. Hist. 3, 23. péyeSoc pioewc. It is of more importance, however, to observe that Thucyd. seems to have had in mind, Pind. Ol. 2, 154. code 6 odd eidwe dug. MaSévrec ot, &c. where the Schol. explains: ad gicewe — ot paSdvrec dé, avTi Tod ot and padhoewe O& eddrEc, Kai ovKk ad pboewe, Tpdc (compared to) roy ExovTa Onrovére THY isxiy ard picewc x. 7. So also Pind. Olymp. 9, 152. rd df dug (1. e. pboeL) KpaTioTOY may, Tool O& OWaKTaic ’AvSpwrwy dap_eraic kiog “Qoovoay éhioSa, Aristoph. Vesp. 1281. bvrwa—paSdyra rapa pnoevoc, AN arb copijc piceoc abréparoy éxpaSeiy kK. T,X. 7 Natural genius.| Literally, mother-wit. So Pausan. 4, 55. ovvicer yao oikeia TO “EXAnvucdy vrepebadXovTo. 8 Without the helps of, Sc.]| Such seems to be the true sense of ovre zpomaswy é¢ abriy, ovre éxiuaSwv. The zpo refers to the time previous to his entering on political life. This passage is imitated by Suidas in Axa- pave. ovtwe Ot idwrikic sixey We obdiv TpopaSwy odd: (I conjecture ode) ETLMarayV. 9 He was the best, &c.] Such appears to be the real sense of this passage, which was celebrated among the antients, by some of whom it was imitated. ‘To the example from Dionys. Hal. Ant. 7, 57. adduced by Goeller, I add Dio Cass. p. 32, 77. of Scipio, dproroc piv ry é« mdesiovoc 7d déov éxdpovrizey, apistocg O& Kai éx Tov Tapayphpa 7d KaTETEiyov épevyijoat. Joseph. p.331, 8. Dio Cass. 407, 8. of Caesar: mdvra yap asi rpiv arap- THIVat Kai TpodisyivwoKe Kai Tpdc TavTa Ta oUpPBHYaL OvYauEVYA TPOTTA= pacxebacro, where for dmaprn3iva I would read, from conjecture, aravrnshnva. See also Joseph. p. 21, 33. It is plain that by the réyr mapaxpija of our author, Dio. Cass. understood things present; as also did Nepos and Cicero. But that is not the full sense, though it is probable Thucyd. might have in mind the Homeric é¢ ijoy ra 7 Zovra, Ta 7’ éodpeva, mpo tT tovra. See also Pind. Nem. 1, 40. So Cicero Offic. 1,23. “ Ingenii magni est precipere cogitatione futura, et aliquanto ante constituere quid accidere possit in utramque partem; et quidquid agendum sit cum quid evenerit ; nec committere, ut aliquando dicendum sit— non putaram.” Terent. Ad. 3, 3,52. “ Illud est sapere, non quod ante pedes modo’st Videre, sed etiam illa quee futura sunt prospicere.”” Some admirable remarks, too, on the character of Themistocles may be seen in Aristid. 3, 295. The word yvopwy is best rendered judge. ‘There were, it may be ob- served, certain magistrates at Athens who were called yyvwporvec. The word seems properly an adjective. And so Hesych. yywpwy cuvverdc. Thus ayvopey occurs in Pind, Olymp. 8, 78. And other compounds may be seen in Stepl:. Thes. nov. ed. The ézi wXetoroy is to be joined with rod yevn- conévov. See Hemsterh. on Lucian 1,15. The sentence is thus elegantly paraphrased by Mr. D’Israeli, New Curiosities of Lit, vol. ii. p.425. “ Bya species of sagacity peculiarly his own, for which he was in no degree indebted either to early education or after study, he was supereminently happy in forming a prompt judgment in matters that admitted but little time for 256 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ie future, even for a long way forward, he was the best con- jecturer. Whatever affair he might take in hand "°, he was able also to discuss !! its merits; and even in matters in which he was unpractised, he was at no loss to form a tolerable judg- ment.!2. He had, moreover, the especial faculty of looking forward, and discerning the better or worse in an affair of which the issue was as yet buried in the uncertain womb of futurity..°> To sum up the whole, —by the strength of his natural genius '*, and the shortness of preparation he needed, he was excellently adapted for suggesting, offhand, what was deliberation : at the same time that he surpassed a// in his deductions of the future from the present.” On this political dong-sightedness the same intelligent writer offers some judicious remarks. 10 Take in hand. Or, “ be occupied in;” as Herod. 1, 35. 7, 5, and 16. where see Valckn. Here Hobbes and Smith have translated most absurdly. 11 Discuss. The sense seems to be, that as soon as he was engaged in any business, he became able to discuss the points relating to it. 12 He was at no loss to, §c. Literally, “ he was not destitute of the power,” &c. This sense of od« aadXdooeoSaris elegant; and as it has not been illus- trated by the philologists, the following examples may be acceptable. Lucian t. 2. 289, ob« arnd\Xaxra ypagucjc. Joseph. 1014, 18. rij¢ dé cogiac ob« amnddaypévoc. Aristid, t. 5. 558. obre ovyyvwine aahddaxro. Joseph. 798, 39. mpdésic aioyuvey odk arnddAaypéevat. So also Philostr. Imag. p. 826. Hence is illustrated an obscure passage of Joseph. 859, 2. (imitated from our author), coirne elvae pry arnddapévoc, where xpirne eiva is for kpivey. The use there of azad\doecSar with pur) for od is very rare; but I have noted another instance in Philostr. Vit. ap. 6,11. Hence, too, may be emended Themist. p.90. C. rijc gidiag ob« daedknhara, where read amnaxrat. Properly the verb should have the genitive after it; but sometimes a verb in the infinitive is found without the rod; as Joseph. 786, 19, 842, 5. 859, 2. and indeed in the present passage of Thucydides. ‘3 He had moreover, &c.] Such seems to be the true sense, though not the most literal version of this difficult sentence, which has been misunder- stood by the translators, especially Smith, who renders it, “ foresee the better and worse side of a question.” The modern commentators offer no remark on the passage. By the Scholiast the devo 7 yetpoy is not amiss explained by 76 cuvoicoy, }) 7d BAarrudy. That is, “ what may turn out in the issue,” whether for benefit or for injury. The passage has been imi- tated by Arrian Exp. Alex. 1.7. 28,4. ZurWetv 58 rd déov ert tv TH dhavet bv detvéraroc. And hence we may perceive the sense of an obscure passage of Theophrastus, a comic writer, ap. Athen. 362. F. rove épdyvrac deisivat Ilownrikouc, trapouc, mpoSipovc, ebrdpouc, Ey roic amdépow Bdérovrac, &c. where point evzdpoue tv Toicg amdpouc, BAéTOVTac, i. e. who are able to find a course of safety amidst difficulties, who have their eyes about them. \4 Strength of, &c., pioewe Suvape. So Dio Cass. p. 407, 1. picewe ioydi. Liban. Orat. 513. gicewc ioyvy. and Epist. 1064. gicewc pwuny. Procop. p- 40. pioewe toxti. ‘The whole passage has been imitated by Agath. p. 22. where he depicts the character of Narses. See also Plutarch. Themist. c, 2. CHAP. CXXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. Q57 proper to be done in any sudden emergency.'> As to the manner in which he came to his end, it was by a natural death, through disease 1°; though some say }7 that it was self- procured, by poison, when he found it impossible for him to perform what he had promised to the king. His monument '° is at Magnesia in Asia, in the market-place; for he had the dominion '? of that district; having, ‘by the bounty of the king, had Magneséa assigned to him (which brought him the annual revenue of fifty talents) to supply him with bread *°, 19 He was excellently, §c.| This is imitated by Isid. Epist. abrooyedidZew 76 doy, and Philostr. Vit. ap. 1. 5, 37. rpoohy b& abr@ amocyedudZew (I con- jecture durocy.) dpicra avSpmzwrv. So Vit. Soph. p. 482. (where see the note of Olearius) Onosand. p.14. oyediaZey 7d cbudepov. See also Spanh. on Julian. p. 14. Upon the whole, there was a strong resemblance between the character of Themist. and that of Demades; between whom, as compared with Demosthenes, there was the same difference as between Sheridan and Pitt of our own times. 16 As to the manner, §c.] The transitive force of 62, and the emphatical and idiomatical use of vdoncac I shall illustrate in my edition. 17 Some say, §c.] For various are the accounts concerning the death of Themistocles. Some, adverted to by Plutarch, say it was by a strong poison, which he always carried about him; others, that it was by bull’s blood. Both parties, however, are agreed that it was done deliberately, and that after feasting with his friends and saluting them, he sacrificed to the gods, and proceeded to take the fatal draught. And this is alluded to as the end of this celebrated person by Aristoph. Equit. 83. Yet there is surely more reliance to be placed on the account of Thucydides, especially as it is very probable that a man of 65 (as we find by Plutarch), and who had been worn out by perpetual labours and anxieties, should die of disease. Be- sides, many eminent writers of antiquity gave no credence to the common account. Thus Cicero in Bruto, c.11. (cited by Duker), thinks that his poisoning himself was feigned by Clitarchus and Stratocles for rhetorical and tragical effect, since the common mode of death would supply nothing to work on in the way of ornament. Symmachus ap. Schol. on Aristoph. Eq. v. 84. (referred to by Duker), accounts for it in another way. To show, however, the inconsistency of Cicero, I would remark that in his Epist. ad Atticum I. 9, 10. he adopts the vulgar belief, as being better suited to his present purpose. Diodorus plainly acquiesced in the account of Thu- cydides. " 18 Monument.] Goeller refers to Brisson de Regno Pers. p. 211. 19 Dominion.] Or government. Like that of the local pachas of the present Turkish government. For in Asiatic Turkey there are many fami- lies which hold not only for life, but hereditarily, the government of certain districts. oan of 20 Magnesia—bread.| Were the substantive, being in apposition, con- tains a fuller explanation of the preceding, noting its design. Or we may subaud éic, which is supplied in most of the following passages, whence may be derived further examples of this oriental custom. Xen, Anab. 1,4, 9. kapat Tapvodridoc hoary, cic Cévny deddueva. Athen, 1. 1,23., where he treats of this custom ; also p.33. K. ’Aru\ay wédtw Taig yaperaic edtdocay VOL, t. S 258 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. Lampsacus to provide him with wine (for its abundance of which it was in the greatest repute), and Myus for meat. His relations, however, say that his bones were, at his own desire, brought home and deposited, unknown to the Athe- nians 2}, in Attic ground; for to bury him there was unlawful, he having fled his country for treason. Such were the issues which attended the fortunes of Pau- sanias and Themistocles, the most celebrated persons in Greece of their age. CX X XIX. These, then, were the demands respecting the expulsion of the sacrilegious, which the Lacedzemonians made, in their first embassy, and in their turn received. Afterwards they sent frequently to the Athenians, ordering them to retire from Potidzea, to permit Adgina to be independent, .and—what they most of all insisted on — distinctly apprising them that if they would rescind the decree concerning the Megareans * sic Zavac. Diod. Sic. 1.11, 57. who has this passage of Thucyd. in view. Herod. 6,7. (of Demaratus), 6 dé 20é&ero adréy peyadwori, Kai yy TE Kat méduc éOwxe. Athen. 534. D. who says of Alcibiades: efg d& rag amodnpiag om6Te GTéEdXNOLTO, TEcoApOL THY OUUpAXiOwY TohEwY WoTED SepaTraivate ExpijTO. oKnyyy piv yap abr Ilepouny érnocoy Edéotot, rpudy 0& Totg immotc abrov Xtoe wapéixoy. tepsia Of mapicracay sic Tag Suoiac Kai Kpseavopiag KuciKNnVol, Asobiot O& oivoy maptixoy, kai Ta GdAXa Ta Tpdc THY Kay Hpspav icra. Herod. 2,98. So in Plutarch Anton. c.37. Anthony is said to have given to an illustrious refugee, dike Themistocles, three cities, Larissa, Arachthus, and Hierapolis. See also Philostr. Vit. ap. 1.2,51.; and in Athen. p. 29. K. Cyrus the great is said to have given to a friend seven cities. Hence is illustrated Luke, 19,17. ioSe tZovciay tywy ixdvw déea widewy. That the custom is very antient we know; for there are vestiges of it in Homer. Thus Liban. Orat. 262. B. observes that Agamemnon offers to Achilles, as the price of reconciliation, seven cities, each possessing some excellence. I cannot conclude without observing, that to the three cities here men- tioned by Thucyd., Neanthes and Phanias ap. Plutarch Themist. c. 29. add two others, Percote and Palescepsis, cic orpwyny cai durexdyny. But the number in Thucyd. is confirmed by Diod. and Plutarch, Finally, this cus- tom remains in the East even to the present day. Thus Athens is always assigned to the chief Sultana for pin-money ; and, in like manner, Jerusalem to the Sultan’s concubines for the same purpose. Hence each is governed by a black eunuch appointed by the Sultana, or the concubines. 21 Unknown to the Athenians.| Pausanias, indeed, 1, 1, 2. says, that the Athenians repented of their anger, and permitted his relations to bury the body in Attic ground. But one cannot long hesitate which account to prefer. It seems, however, that in his time not only the place of burial was known, but that a tomb had been erected near the great port. " Rescind the decree, §ce.] The Schol. on Aristoph. p. 657. A. Edit. Biset. informs us that during the time of the peace between Athens and CHAP. CXXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 259° (in which it was forbidden for these to use either the port of Athens, or the market at Athens), then there would be no war. But the Athenians neither hearkened to any other of the requisitions nor rescinded the decree; recriminating on the Megareans for cultivating? the border territory, left sacred and unappropriated ®, and debateable, and harbouring some gp EET CS Ce B We cera Megara, the Megareans resorted thither, and supported themselves by the sale and exchange of commodities; “for (adds he) they buy their food from out of Attica, because it is convenient of approach, and because they themselves have very little corn-land.” The decree in question is thus expressed by Aristoph. Acharn. 533 and 554. w¢ xpi Meyapiac pijte yp, phr’ tv ayopd, hr tv Sadarry, pont’ bv yreiowp pévecy. And the strictness with which the decree was enforced, is plain from Aristoph. Acharn. 520—523. ket zou cicvor torev, }) Aayodwy, 7} xowplOuoy, 7) cxdpodov, 7) XdvOpoug addc, Tabr’ hy Meyapud, kdréirpar’ abSn- pspdy. Kai Tatra péy 01) opixpd, eaézryw@pra. In which passage, too, we find the articles chiefly sent by the Megareans to the Athenian market. Other particulars may be gathered from the Schol. there. See p. 396. D. and p. 530. Edit. Biset. 2 Cultivating.| Here éwepyaciay has been rightly adopted by our recent editors, to whose remarks I would add, that such was read by Libanius, who, in his Orat. 506. B. thus writes (with a reference to the present passage), OTL THE lepac ywoag ddiyov ére=PASoY pépoc, Kai érepyacdyro, which words are said to be those of the decree, and the ézepyaciay in Thucyd. seems to have reference to the ézepydoavro there. So also read Pausanias 1, 36, 3. whose words are these: “Iovot 0é tw’ ’EXevoiva 2& ’AYnvéy,—’ AvSe- pokpirov meroinra pyijpa— ic rovrov Meyapsvow iotiw avoowraroy épyor. otlKkypuKa éhYdyTa, wc pr) TOV oLTTOY TY xwpay érEepyalowTo, KTEtvovcL A’. Kai optor Tava Spdoact wapapéver kai éc 7d0E pHvysa ix THY Seoty; where Facius remarks that the territory in question appears from 1. 3, 4. to have consisted of the district of Eleusis. But it is incredible that it should have comprehended the whole of that district. We may rather suppose a strip of it nearest to Megara. Pausanias also from 5, 4, 5. appears to have here read ézepyaciay. And the same term is used in a kindred passage at 10, 15,1., from which it would seem to have been a vox solennis de hac re. Though from Xen. Cyr. 3, 2,23. értyapiag 0 sivat cai irepyaciag kal ézrwopiac, it seems to have originally denoted any common cultivation, as of what is with us called open-field land. | This strip of border land seems to have been left unappropriated, to prevent disputes, and in order effectually to make it so, it was consecrated to the Eleusinian goddesses (as we find from our Schol. and Heliodorus, cited by Duker). That those were Ceres and Proserpine, is clear from Pausan. 3, 4, 28.; and from the words of the decree cited by Liban. Or, Potid. 506. B. (which’are as follows : sipyéoSwoay Meyapéic Mpéivwv ’ArriKoy, kai yije Ore Tijg lepac xwpag ddiyoy éreEHATOY pépOC, Kai EwEpyaoarTo), it ap- pears that the portion thus illegally cultivated was but small. The words, indeed, of our Scholiast, rij¢ wodjjc, show that it was not all. 3 Unappropriated.| Or undefined and debateable. We may dispense with the conjecture of Reiske aSepiorod, and that of Lindau dvapérov The Scholiast explains it of land not set out and appropriated to certain possessors, and therefore left uncultivated; for what 1s cultivated (he adds) seg 260 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. fugitive slaves.4 At last a final embassy came from Lacedee- mon (composed of Ramphius, Melessippus, and Agesander), which, making no mention of the former points of requisition, only said: — “ The Lacedemonians wish that there should be peace; and peace there may be, if ye will permit the Greeks to be governed by their own laws.” Then the lacocertotmens, having called an assembly, in which all were permitted to offer their sentiments °, it was determined, after consultation, to return an answer once for all®; and many others came forward and spoke, though divided in opinion — some insisting on the necessity of war; others urging that the decree should be no hindrance to peace, but should be rescinded; when Pericles son of Xanthippus’ (at that time the leading person at Athens, and most celebrated, both as an orator and statesman ®), came forward, and gave the following counsel. has limits. I must observe, however, not always. There is much land both in this and other countries that is cultivated in what we call open field. And indeed Poppo and Goeller suppose that the district in question was so cultivated. But that is supposing that it was allowed to be cultivated, which is contrary to the epithet iepac. Besides, the complaint was that they cultivated it. It should seem that the dopiorov has reference, not to indivi- duals, but to the land being not within the limits of either country, not assigned to either country, and, therefore (as border land often is), debate- able. It is possible, too, that the tract itself might not be accurately defined, and, therefore, in that sense, debateable. On which pretence only was any portion cultivated. 4 Fugitive slaves.| These are supposed by the commentators (who refer to Athen. 570. and Aristoph. Ach. 525.) to have been certain slaves of As- pasia’s. But there is no reaons to confine it to them. Those of many other persons were doubtless included. 5 Permitted to, §c.) The phrase yvépuac odicw abroig mpobriSecay is remarkable ; for though other authors use yvmpac or Oyo, TportEvat OF rouigzat, yet no other adds odiow adroic, which may be accounted for from the verb including in itself a notion of giving. 6 Once for all.| Such is the true sense of &rat. And the same occurs elsewhere, though little attended to by editors. So Liban. Or. p.228. and Herodian, 7, 10, 3. in a kindred passage; Appian, 1,150,358. Atlian V. H. 13, 24. Ps. 62,11. and 89,35. And so the Latin seme/. See Facciol. Lex. 7 Son of Xanthippus.] This Xanthippus was a very celebrated person, as we may infer from his being thus mentioned by Timocreon ap. Plut. Themist. c. 21. AN ei rbye Tavoaviay, 7) kai rb ye Zavtinmoy aiveic, fj rbye Aeutiyivay. “Eyw 0 ’Aproreiday érauviw. 8 Orator and stalesman.| So Xen. Mem. 2, 9, 4. tcavdy timeiy re kai apaéa. See also Wetstein on Luke, 24,19. and my note on Acts, 7, 22. CHAP. CXL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES: 261 CXL. “To the same opinion', Athenians, do I still continue to adhere —that no concessions must be made to the Peloponnesians; though I am well aware that men are not in the same disposition when at first induced to undertake a war, and when engaged in its toils and dangers ?, but that their minds fluctuate according to events. I feel, however, that I must offer the same, or nearly the same.°, counsels that I before did; and I entreat such of you as are swayed by them, to give the weight of your influence towards the main- tenance of the public resolves, in the event of any adverse occurrence, or else not to ascribe to your own wisdom any success that may attend us.* Indeed the events * of measures | To the same opinion, &c.] This passage is cited by Aristid. t. 3. 226. D., who also makes some remarks which merit attention. Dionys. Hal., too, p. 370, 21., and Appian, 1, 553, 91. commence orations with almost the same words. “EysoSa: signifies to entwine oneself about, lay hold of, keep hold, hold fast, keep to. 2 Though I am aware—dangers.| The reason for this may be assigned in the words of Eurip. Suppl. 479 — 83; and so our author, l. 2. 8. dp- xomevor yao mavrec d€bTEpoy avriiaubavovTar (Tov TodEMov). ’Ooy? signifies here disposition, mood, or mind. So the Schol. explains it 7pd7w. Some MSS., indeed, read dpuy7. But the vulg. is well defended and illustrated by the passages adduced by Wasse, to which I add that in Soph. Trach. ravry ovy dpuy. I would, with the early editions, the Schol., and some MSS., read doy. There, however, the word simply denotes impetus, as in the Elect. 1011. Auschyl. Suppl. 1770., where it 1s wrongly rendered iré by the editors. ’Opy7, indeed, primarily denotes any violent emotion of the mind: hence, it not only signifies anger, but grief and desperation ; as in Soph. Cid. Tyr. 1241. and Trach. 935. Here, however, it signifies mind or disposition; as in Theogn. 214, 215, and 312. Other examples may be seen in Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. p.v. 568., who might have ad- duced a most apposite passage from Theogn. 958. dpyi}v Kat puSpoy kat TpOTOV. 3 The same, or nearly the same.] Here «ai is for 7, as is almost always the case in this idiom. So Demosth. Olynth. 3. opoiwe cai raparAnoiwe. Isocr. Areop. § 35. dpotacg Kai raparAnoiac. Athen. 87. A. ex emend. Pors. dpolwe Of Kai TapaTANSIwg. 4 Not to ascribe, §c.| There is a very similar sentiment in the third ora- tion of Pericles, 1. 2, 64. In xaropSoivrwy there is not, as the Schol. supposes, any antiptosis ; there is only a sort of hypallage, the action being ascribed to the agent. It is also put for iv karopSépev, which would better answer to ijy, but that our author is fond of variety. I must not omit to observe, that, in the words just before dpa re cai, the orator uses great delicacy, lest he should be thought to speak despairingly, or ominously, as Nicias does in his address to the soldiers just before their fatal retreat into Sicily : oicrov yap ar abréy akwrepor On Eopsv 7) PIdvov. 5 Indeed the events, §c.] Goeller remarks, that in these words is given the reason why such as may change their opinions ought not, if success t Ws: § 2 262 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. proceed with no less uncertainty than the plans of men; inso- much that when any thing falls out contrary to our expecta- tion, we usually attribute it to fortune. That the Lacedz- monians did formerly °, and especially do now, plot to work us harm, is manifest; for, notwithstanding that, in the adjust- ment of differences’, it was expressly stipulated in the treaty, that each party should reciprocally abide by the award of fair arbitration, and that each should continue in possession of what it respectively held®; they have neither sought for judicial examination, nor accepted it when offered. No: they are desirous by war, rather than by words, to decide the points of difference between us; and now they are come, no longer to expostulate with, but to dictate to us! They command us to retire from Potideea°—to grant independence to Aigina *°— should attend them, to claim the praise of prudence, since even blundering counsels may be aided by fortune; wherefore those who fail of success usually blame, not their own counsels, but fortune.” Perhaps, however, this'is pressing too much on the sense of yap, which does not always assign a cause, but sometimes only signifies indeed. Neither are the persons in question supposed to change their opinion, but only to adopt one different from that of the speaker. It should seem that this whole passage contains merely a sententia generalis, meant to be applied to both parties; and yap here, as often, refers to a sentence omitted ; q. d. “ But let neither party be too positive that their counsel is the best, nor afterwards judge of it by the event; for the events of measures are as uncertain as the plans of men, of which who can tell whether they willsucceed ?” Thisis as much as to say, that they who adopt his counsel, must not understand him to answer for more than the prudence of the counsel, not the success which may attend it. ; 6 Did formerly.| Namely, at the time when they endeavoured to hin- der the Athenians from walling their city. They had, indeed, borne them ill-will almost from the time that the Athenians attained the command of the allies. For though at first they seemed to care little about it, yet envy soon arose in their bosoms. 7 Differences.| The Schol. well explains, “ disputed or debated matters which lead to differences.” The genitive is, perhaps, governed of zepi understood. On the whole phrase dicac — dsyeoSat, see the commentators on T’. Magist. p. 227. ° In possession of what, §c.] This is one of the most antient examples of the stipulation called the uti possidetis. _ 9 Retire from Potidea.| The translators render, “raise the siege.” And, indeed, the expression frequently bears this sense; but the Athenians were required not only to raise the siege, but to abandon all claim to the place, which would be implied in their retiring from it. , 10 {igina] To this Pericles was decidedly averse; and, as we learn from Aristot. Rhet. p.25., and Plutarch in Pericle, used to enjoin them to pull out this eyesore of the Pirzeus.* ‘ «it ao tape neitaeeee, So, at least, the expression there is always interpreted; but there seems to be something incongruous in pulling out an eyesore; and as Afun denotes; first, a CHAP. CXL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 263 to annul the Megarean decree — nay, these last ambassadors dictatorially require '! us to permit the zrdependence of Greece ! Now let not any of you imagine that we are going to war for a small matter '?, if we refuse to rescind the decree in question ; concerning which they pretend that, if that were abrogated, there would be no war. Leave not in your bosoms aught of self-reproach, as if you were going to war for a trifling matter : for this very ¢rifling matter’? comprehends the whole proof and test of your mind and purpose.'* Thus, if you yield} to their requisitions, by conceding this point, some greater de- mand will be imposed upon you, as being likely, through fear, to comply with ¢hat also.'!° Whereas, by stiffly refusing '7 ‘1 Detatorially require.] Upoaydpevovor is a stronger term than reAsvovot, and signifies to order a thing to be done, or to beware before- hand (zo) of the consequences of refusal. In this sense the term often occurs in Xenophon. Examples may be seen in the Lex. Xen. 12 Small matter, Bpdyeoc.] So I read, with Bekker and Goeller, for Bpaxéwe, which it is strange should have kept its ground in all the previous editions, though it is a manifest error, and, probably, nothing originally, but a typographical blunder. 13 This very trifling matter.| There is something very emphatical in this Bpayd re rovro, where the re (something) is elegant. 14 Mind and purpose.] i. e. how you stand affected to the Lacede- monians, whether you fear them, or not. So the Schol. The translators, indeed, all render it, constancy, spirit, resolution. But that signification never occurs in our author; whereas the other frequently does. Perhaps it may best be rendered resolves. Thus, it is found in Herodotus, and the Tragedians, in the sense animi decretum. See Dr. Blomf. on Adschyl. Ag. 1525. Ieipa here signifies test. Hence is illustrated an ill-understood passage of Appian. t.1. 46, 25. rv meipay ExovTEc TIY TEpt THE IFyEmoviac. 15 Tf you yield.| Goeller points out an imitation of this passage in Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 1180., to which I add another in p. 651. Sylb. ‘Exirdooey is a term appropriate to issuing orders to subjects. 16 As being likely, §c.] 1 see no reason to abandon the old reading jiraxovcovrec, which seems to have more propriety and spirit than the other izaxotcarvrec, adopted. by Smith. That would, moreover, require ixeivo, and does not admit of the cai, which, in the old reading, has great force. 17 Stifly refusing.] ’AmutxvpicaoSa signifies, literally, to strengthen one- self, or persist in any action. SoinPs.64, 5. {119 02 “TIM, which literally signifies, they strengthen themselves in an evil thing, or iniquity. There is a hypallage. So the Sept. éxpariwoay, &c. small particle of concrete water from the eye, and secondly, the blear-eyedness, or eyesore, which results; so the apeAev requires Afunv here to be taken in the primary sense. ‘The phrase is similar to the ex6dAw 7d icdppos amd Tod dpSarpmov ood of Matt. 7, 4. Athenzeus, |. 3, 24. ascribes this witticism to Demades. S 4 264 “(THEE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. * : this, you may teach them henceforward to treat you more on terms of equality.'® CXLI. ‘Make up your minds, then, either at once to sub- mit, before you have sustained aught of injury, or if you shall decide to go to war (which, indeed, I conceive to be most adviseable), on no account to make any concession, whether great or small’, nor thereby hold what you possess in jeopardy : for the very same subjection is alike implied in compliance with the greatest and the least demands made, previous to judicial decision, by equals from their neighbours! Now as to the circumstances of the war”, and the means of carrying it on by either party, hear and learn the posture of affairs, and then judge whether we shall be the worse prepared for the contest. The Peloponnesians are a people who live by personal labour’, nor are they in possession of any wealth, 18 Treat you, §¢., axd rov icov mpocdépecSau] UpoopéipecSa signifies to hold intercourse with; as Herod. 1,13, 14. dmiorwe mpoctpepsro maaw, Xenoph. Hist. 5, 3, 7. dvriumddorg z. At ioov must be understood pépove. 1 On no account — small,] i. e. KaSdrat, mavtitwe. So. Polyb. 1, 38, 5, ob Bovrevopevor caSarak eixay abSic tyywoay x. 7... where there is a transposition ; and the conjectures of the editors may be dispensed with. — 2 The circumstances of the war.) As 4,10. 7,76. Though, by an Attic idiom, ra rot wohiuov may be for rév wédspwoyv, with the subaudition of cara, Then, rév drapydyTwr (sub, zepi) signifies facultates, apparatus ; as 1, 70. and 3, 39. 3 Live by personal labour, abrovpyoi sict.] The air. is explained by the Schol., one who does his work himself, for want of slaves. Now, here there seems to be something not very reconcileable with what we learn from other quarters; namely, that the Lacedaemonians were all small landed proprietors, who (like the good Hidalgo Quexada) lived on the rents or profits of their petty domains.* Yet, it may be observed, that this is not inconsistent with the sense of avr., when properly explained. The word signifies, indeed, one who works with his own hand, or one who does his own work (as Xen. Cyr. 7, 5, 67. émioverara Zévrae did rd abrovpyovc eiva), And, though we find from various authors, that the agricultural work was done in Lacedzmon almost wholly by slaves, yet, as even that would require the superintendence, and sometimes co-operation, of the masters, those masters might be called adrovpyoi, just as the term may be applied in general to such of our farmers (formerly franklins) as till their own land, since they do the work either by themselves, or by ser- vants. ‘That the persons in question did attend to the business of their own farms, is plain from what follows. Thus, they are called yewpyoi, infra, c,.142. Nay, that they did sometimes themselves work, appears from Aristoph. Lys. 1174., who introduces one engaged in war, exclaiming * Indeed, Mitford says, they were all gentlemen, who had no profession but the military one. There, however, he exaggerates. CHAP. CXLI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 265 * either in private purses or in the public treasury.*_ Moreover, of long-continued, much less transmarine °, wars they have had little experience, and that from the short duration ° to which their want of means limits their contests with each other. Now such persons neither man fleets’, nor can very often send forth Jand-armaments, inasmuch as they must be absent from their domestic: business, and yet be supporting themselves at their private expence; and, moreover, are ex- cluded from the use of the sea.® It is, indeed, seperabundance H0n yewpyeiv yujevoc arodde Botdopat, ’Eyw Of korpaywyiy ya mpara vai dw. Such was Diczeopolis in Aristoph. Of these there is a graphic description in the words of Max. Tyr. Diss. 30. fin., concluding with éz’ abroupyia Ovarerovnpévouc. ‘These, Eurip. Orest. 911. rightly says, are the prop and stay of a state. + Nor are they, §c.| The reader will bear in mind the former explana- . tion of wealth, as applied to the Lacedeemonians. They were in possession of competency, so as to obtain necessaries, but possessed little or no super- abundance even of produce, still less provision of money. Mitford here perplexes himself and his readers to little purpose, by first starting and then removing a needless difficulty, namely, how far this could apply to the Corinthians, and he might have added the Eleans, both wealthy states. He therefore supposes that Thucyd. is speaking comparatively. But there is no need to resort to this expedient, since from the circumstances here men- tioned (which do not apply to the Corinthians, Eleans, Megareans, &c.) it is plain he could not intend them, and it is as plain that he only intends the Lacedemonians. 'The subject is much illustrated by the following pas- sage of Aristot. Polit. 2, 9. datvAwe O& Ever Kai Tepl Kowa YOKpaTa Toig ZTap- TeaTac. ovTE yap tv TH Ko Tic Tow tatty OddéY, TOAEMOUG pEyadovE avayKkalomevor TodEpEiy. Elopepovol TE KaKGc. Old yao TO THY U1”, eLval TI)V mslorny yiy. ov téeraZovow adAhrdwy rac sispopdc. From the following chapter of Aristot. it is plain that this eiopopa was a capitation tax, which was paid only by the men. 5 Transmarine.| It is strange that almost all the translators and com- mentators should understand by dvazovriwy maritime, or by sea. The sense I have assigned is not only inherent in the word, but is required by the context; and it occurs frequently in the historians, and other writers. Of the many examples I have collected one will suffice: Auschyl. Choeph. 346, Tapoy dtaTrorTiov yac. 6 Short duration.] Bpayéwe éxcpepsiv scil. wodépove, is put for Bodyeac éxud. 7., Which Steph. causelessly conjectured. Reiske would take Bpaxéwc de brevi spatio. And Abresch and Goeller understand it of both space and time ; than which nothing can be more uncritical. 7 Neither man fleets.| ‘The z\npovvrec may include the equipping of the ships ; but the sense seems to be that such (as being mere landsmen) are not persons to man a fleet. . 8 And moreover, Sc.| ‘These words refer to the first clause of the sen- tence, and give a reason why the Peloponnesians cannot man fleets ; namely, because they are far removed from any use of the sea. All the interpreters. understand it of their being barred and excluded from it by the naval superiority of the Athenians, A sense which may, however, be comprehended. 266 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES.. BOOK I. of possession that can alone sustain wars, and not onerous contributions wrung from poverty.’ Men, too, who subsist by personal labour 1°, are more disposed to further a war with their persons than with their purses. ‘The former, they trust !1, may even survive the danger; the latter they are not sure but they shall exhaust before the contest be ended — especially if (as is probable in the present case ’*) the war be lengthened out beyond their expectation. For a single battle ’®, indeed, the Peloponnesians and their allies are a 9 It is, indeed, §c.] Such seems to be the sense of the passage, which thus presents a maxim that should be ever present to the mind of a states- man. As to Smith’s version, it makes nonsense; for what comparison can there be between funds of money and forced contributions. And if at funds of money we supply voluntarily contributed, we obtain a sense, indeed, but ' one inept and unworthy of the author. It is superabundance of posses- sion subsisting generally throughout a nation that can alone enable it to sustain a war; because war, at best, implies wasteful consumption. Whereas if there be no superabundance, but only what is barely sufficient to subsist the people, war cannot be carried on, since it will speedily reduce a nation to poverty, and then to utter destitution ; which, when it becomes general, must put an end to the war, whatever may be the courage or hatred which animates the people. This was seen in the case of France during the last two years of Buonaparte’s government. I have supplied ‘* wrung from poverty,” as being necessary to the sense, and implied in Giaoe éogopat. And here I must observe that Bias does not signify forced or compulsory (which has nothing to do with the reason- ing), but onerous, burthensome, such as bear hard upon the payer. An inter- pretation which is confirmed by the Scholiast, who says that the Lacede- monians, from their poverty, Biaiwe eicédepor. The present passage has been imitated by Dio Cass. 589, 8. 353, 75. Dionys. Hal. Ant. 1,389, 8. They, however, supply yonudrwy. Hence the adage found in Appian, 2, 658,57. that money constitutes the nerves of war; which, however, is only true of superabundance of money, without which the strength will be but like the temporary strength imparted by fever. 10 Subsist by, §c.] Adrovpydc¢ must here be taken as before. See note on 141,3. The argument is, that if such persons have some money, they are less disposed to serve with their purses than with their persons. And then is subjoined the reason ; strange as it may seem to set more value upon property than life, yet, by the self-deceit of taking for granted that they shall escape, one is not fairly stated against the other. 11 They trust.] Or, they feel persuaded, and take for granted. The xgéy signifies even ; as Dio Cass, 40, 25. éy thridt kay weptyevecsai. 12 As is probable, §c.) It is strange that the commentators should not have seen that such is the sense of the dézep eixdc, which is not suitable to the sententia generalis, since it cannot be pronounced of war in general. 13 For a single battle, §c.] Pericles now proceeds to show that the La- cedeemonian league is only strong defensively, not offensively ; and, as being composed of several petty states, subject to all the disadvantages which CHAP. CXLI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 267 match for all the other Greeks; but to carry on a war, against even an inferior force '*, they are not able; especially as they use only one common council '’, by which no measure can be speedily carried into effect; and while all the states are equal in suffrage, though of different race ’° and descent, each urges its own private and separate interest.’ Under such circumstances, no efficient or decisive measures are usually carried — for some are mainly bent on avenging themselves on their enemies; others are anxious as little as possible to injure their private interests '° ; —and assembling together after a long interval, they give only some brief space to the consider- ation of the common welfare, the greater portion they devote such confederacies always have against any single state, though of far in- ferior force. 14 Against even an inferior force.| Such appears to be the sense of the phrase zrodepety jr) pede Spoiay avtitapacKedyny, with which the commenta- tors are perplexed. They have, indeed, seen that jy) must be joined with époiay, of which transposition of the negative Poppo adduces examples. But on the sense to be assigned to ju) dpoiay they are not agreed. Bauer, Abresch, and Gottleb. explain it majorem. But besides that this would be nimis argutum, it yields by no means a good sense; for it was scarcely necessary to be told that the Lacedzemonians could not maintain a war against a superior force. It is strange the commentators should not have perceived that ju) ou. can only signify disparem, unequal, inferior, which yields an excellent sense. ‘This interpretation, too, is placed beyond doubt by a kindred passage of Joseph. p. 1123, 32. where it is said of the Romans, txerae 02 TO Kparety del, KaTa TOY ovy bpoiwy, B&Caoy; for such is the true. punctuation of the passage, which does noé require emendation. 15 They use only, §c.] The versions are here vague and dubious; the translators, it seems, not feeling themselves on sure ground. It cannot be meant that the Peloponnesians used no general assembly or congress ; though that is a frequent sense of Bovdreurjptoy. So Herod. 1, 170. says that Thales persuaded the lonians éy ovdevrijproy éxrijoSa. The sense may be, that they did not, in time of war, use a standing board of war, which should direct measures, but only a general congress, which carried no measure speedily. Some obscurity has arisen from the construction, where Poppo, Haack, and Goeller think the ,2) must be taken both with the participle and the verb. And of this idiom they adduce several exam- ples. Perhaps, however, it is not necessary to suppose it here, if the words be pointed thus: pujre, Bovreurnpixp evi ypopévor, Tapaypijpa Te d&we émiTehGou. 16 Different race.]. Some were of the Dorian, others of the Ionian race. 17 Urges, §c.] So Livy, 10, 20. sua quemque molientem. 18 As little as possible to, &c.| So true is the observation of Herod, 1, 2, 3. rod Onpwderoic, kai Kowwwperotc, Kai roy OvapspovToc, dAtyn Toig Ka éva gpdyric. And that of Liban. Orat, 356. A. odd ydp éy raic payate mayrec dpolove Tapéxyova éavTodc, GAN ot piv TOU Opdoae Te yiyvoyTal, Tog O& rou pun) TWaeiy Te pedee. 4 268 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. to the furthering their private interests’; nor does each consider that by such neglect he injures the public welfare, but fancies 2° that others will provide for that in his stead. Thus by this private 7? notion, entertained by all separately, the general interest is sacrificed, and the common weal is im- perceptibly brought to ruin. CXLII. “ Most of all, however, will their exertions be impeded by the want of funds; for according as they are tardy in their contributions, so must their measures be dila- tory. But the critical seasons of warfare tarry not. And further, as to their occupying and fortifying any posts here, or their forming a navy, neither needs excite fear. For the former could hardly be accomplished by a state of equal strength ° zn time of peace, much less* in an enemy’s country, 19 The greater, §c.] The passage is imitated by Isocr. Nicocl. p. 30. D. ot pir (scil. éy craic ddvyapyiag Kai Snpoxparicc) borepotor THY mpayparwr (state affairs) rov piv wdéioroy xpdvoy émi Toic iWiorg dtarpibovowy, ot povapxtkol, ovK amoXdsimovTrae Téyv Kaipoy, AN Exaoroy ivy re OedyTe TPaTTOVOL. 20 Fancies, §c.] So Isocr. Nicocl. p.37.s.f. ot piv moddGy Karapes Novow, sic GdAANAOVE amobdéroyrec; Dionys. Hal. 396,18. otera tkaoroe ipav tov mAnotoy tmip rov Kotvod éav. See also Lycurg. C. Leocr. p. 155, 44. 21 By this private, §c.] So Aristoph. Conc. 206. ra dnpdora yap puoSo- popovvreg ypnpara, Ide oKxometS txactoc, 6 re Tic Kepdaver* TO dé Kowvdy, WorEep Atloysoc, KuAvOETaL. 1 Tarry not.) Or, will not wait for men. The word peverde is very rare, but occurs in Aristoph. Ach. 1620. peverot Ocoi. A similar sentiment occurs in Pind. Pyth. 4, 509. 6 ydp Katpdc, rpdc avSpwHrwr, Boayd pérpoy éyet. for so I point. Hence may be understood Pind. Pyth.1, 3. oy geara kapdy OwWobc; Dionys. Hal. Ant..11. p.699. wdSovrec bre ob Toig mpdypaow ot Katpoi OovAsiovow, GAA Toic Kaipoic TA TPdyparas 2 A state of equal strength.) At w6dw dyrimadoy the recent editors have here stumbled. Heilman joins avr. with ‘ézireiyioww. But this is doing violence to the structure of the whole sentence. Reiske and Gottleber take the avr. to mean one of equal match, and Kistem, rival; which senses, indeed, merge into each other, but are not apposite. Preferable is that assigned by Portus, and others, “ of equal strength.” But the question is, equal to what? ‘To our own, say those commentators. But this has nothing to do withthe argument. It must mean, equal to theirs, of equal power with theirs. The orator means, that it would be difficult for such a state to raise such fortresses even in time of peace, when their whole power might be devoted to that single object. By eipjyn, it is implied, that such are in their own country, a circumstance which must be tacitly supplied, to complete the antithesis. | 3 Much less, jrov 6.) Not “much more,” as Smith renders. Examples may be seen in Hoogey. de Part. Just after, for év zodepnia re, | would CHAP. CXLII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 269 and especially as we may retaliate upon them by the erection of similar forts. Or if they should even raise a strong hold here, though they might, indeed, annoy a part of our terri- tory by incursions, and by harbouring fugitive slaves, yet this erection of a fort would not be sufficient to hinder us from making naval attacks on them‘, and thus retaliating upon them with that arm wherein we are strong — our navy. In fact, we derive more skill in land service from our sea service, than they from their land service gain towards naval affairs.” read év zroXepig ye; for re has no place here ; whereas ye will connect with jou Ox), and, indeed, often occurs with that formula,* though frequently omitted by the scribes. It has been rightly restored by Reiske to Herod. 2, 12, 18., on the conjecture of Valckn.; and the same ought to have been done in a passage of Plutarch, t. 11. p. 328. Hutten. Finally, éxeivoee is for zpdc¢ éxetvovce. And dyrrrecy. is of passive form, but active sense, like many other words in our author. Thus, every thing becomes plain. As to the difficulties which have been started by Poppo Proleg. t. 1. p. 236., they are of his own raising, and have originated in misapprehension of the scope of the passage. Scarcely fewer are the mis- conceptions of Goeller. Eureixeoue cannot mean circumvallatio urbium Atticarum continuis operibus facta. Still less can avremtretyispévwy be un- derstood of “ cruising round Peloponnesus, and thus barring the Lacedz- monians from the sea.”” The sense here of ézureiyioue, and ayrem. is clear from the context ; and from the use of éersiyoic, at 6, 90. The error above indicated chiefly arose from not ascertaining the true force of avriwadov. 4 Yet this erection of, §c.| The sense here assigned by the translators and commentators is : “ But that will not be sufficient to block us up, and hinder us,” &c. And, indeed, if the reading of the MSS. is to be re- garded, such is the sense that will arise. Yet écrevyiZew cannot well have any other signification but that which it bore in the preceding sentence , and, certainly, it cannot be taken for dmoreyiZew. Besides, ixavdy will thus, by an unaccountable negligence, be left destitute of any subject ; and the whole sentence will proceed very lamely. I cannot, therefore, but suspect that the passage is corrupt, and that from having been tampered with by half-learned sciolists, who did not discern the ratio sententiz. To me it seems clear, that the sentence is not bimembris, but monocolus ; and that the rs, as also cai (which the recent editors have done well in cancel- ling), arose from those who wanted to make it the former. Nothing, there- fore, seems necessary but to remove the re; and then, in ézurevyiZew, we gain the required subject. Yet, as the infinitive, thus taken, cannot well dispense with an article, so the 7d should be prefixed (and, probably, the re may have partly arisen from it). Thus all will be plain; and I have ventured to follow this reading in my version. 5 In fact we derive, §c.] Such seems to be the true sense of this dif- ficult passage, which has perplexed the commentators and translators. The scope of the sentence is, to account for the naval superiority of the Athe- nians, which arose from the want of experience, under which the Pelo- * Yet ye is, in not a few instances in our author, separated from its preceding formula by a word or phrase ; as just after, ob pevror ikavdy ye. 270 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. Nor will they easily attain nautical skill and experience: nay, even yourselves, who have been cultivating it even from the time of the Persian war, have not obtained a perfect mas- tery therein. How, then, should mere husbandmen —landsmen, unacquainted with the sea, and who, moreover, will not be suffered by our numerous blockading vessels to acquire skill — how should they ever accomplish any thing of consequence ? Against a few, indeed, of our blockading ships, they may even venture on an encounter, emboldening their want of skill by superiority of force °; but when held in awe by any tolerable number’, they will keep close. And thus by want of practice, they will become the less expert, and consequently the less courageous: for nautical skill is, as much as any other thing °, the work of art, and does not admit of being pursued at chance times? or by the bye’®; nay, it rather allows not any thing else to be done with it, even by the bye. ponnesians laboured in naval affairs; and which their experience of land service could not impart. The yap is not strictly causal, but has the sense of etenim, quippe. At Tov cara yijv must be supplied soi and wpdyparoe. At é& rod vaurixod, and éx rot Kar’ ijeyoyv, must also be supplied zpdy- paroc. The car’ iirepoyv is a phrase for an adjective; as in Aristid. 3, 343. roic Kar’ irewpov mpaypac. and also 560. There is a kindred passage in Xen. Hist. 7, 1, 10., where, speaking of the Athenians and Lacede- monians, he says: 6 Sedc dedwxev abrotc, Horsp vpiy Kara Sadaccay évrvyeiy obruc éxétvoue Kara yijv.—we O& dvayKxaia obdiy HrTov abroic ) KaTa yijy émt= pidera, i) Upiv » Kara Sadarray. 6 Emboldening their, Sc. Spactvoyvrec.] Steph. Thes. compares Basil, Spacivet o& dévSpwroyv yepiy Obvapic. To which I add a passage of Auschyl. Ag. 215. Bpdrove Spaciva yap aicypdpnric mapaxord. 7 Any tolerable number.| odXoig is to be taken comparaté. 8 As much as, §c.] Or, if any thing else be so. 9 At chance times.| Or, as it may happen to be convenient, and conse- quently perfunctorié. So Longin. de Subl. c. 53. six cai we érvye; Polyb. 1,8,1. ody we érvye mapevoxdouy, non leviter. Whence is defended the common .reading in Joseph. 270, 5. raparre 0 airdv ody we éruye Worra, &c. “Orayv roxy occurs in Eurip. Iph. t. 722. and Elect. 1169. 10 By the bye.| Literally, “in the manner of an inferior or bye concern.” This phrase te wapéoyov and some kindred ones are, from imitation of the present passage, to be found in the best writers; and as the formula is neglected by the commentators, I shall adduce a few out of the many ex- amples which I have collected. Polyb. 3, 58,3. pnréov d& re ob« te mapép- you, kai dveppippévwc, GAN 2& imvordoewc. Lucian 1, 89,85. od wapétpywe perernoerar; Hesych. rdpepyor, vdSov, we pixpdy re Téyv dvayxaiwy, Hence is illustrated Eurip. Erecth. frag. 1. ef 68 wdpepyoy ypr) Te Kéumacat; also Theocr. Idyll. 11. init. dyeiro dé ravra mapepya. So Cebes. 56. ra dé @Aa mapepya nynoacsac; Aristoxenus Athen. 545.C. ra 0& @Aa ravra ty rap- épyp rideoSar xopa; Pausan. 1,9, 4, rovrow peilova vaApxe Twe 7) GAdou CHAP. CXLIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. rir a CXLIII. “ Furthermore, if they should even seize and confiscate! the treasure deposited at Olympia or Delphi, and therewith endeavour, by the offer of higher pay, to draw away the foreign seamen in our service, that indeed —if we and the Meteeci were not of ourselves a match for them — that truly might be dangerous; but as circumstances now stand, we have the power to cope with them— nay, we possess pilots and shipmasters, home-born (a most material point indeed), and seamen of every class, more in number and of greater skill than all the rest of Greece can show. By reason, then, of the danger, no one would choose to desert his abode®, and fight on the opposite side, and with less of hope, for the sake of a few days’ higher pay, | *¢ Such, then (or nearly), I conceive to be the state of the Peloponnesian affairs. Our situation, on the contrary, is free from the désadvantages I have animadverted on in theirs, and possesses other and high advantages, in a far greater degree. Thus, if they should invade our territory by land, we can attack them by sea; and affairs will not be on an equality, for even a part only of Peloponnesus to be ravaged, and the whole of Attica — for they will have no other territory to occupy instead *, unless such as they may acquire by dint of arms. ‘To us there is a considerable territory, both on the islands and on the mainland.’ Of vast consequence indeed is the dominion of the sea®; for consider, had we been islanders, who would have been less open to attack than ourselves ? mapepya eivat A\é6you. Of the same nature is éy zapipyw ridecSa, which occurs in Soph. Phil. 473. and elsewhere. 1 Seize and confiscate.] Literally, disturb, remove. An euphemism. Smith absurdly renders secrete. 2 We and the Meteci.| Or, foreigners sojourning in Attica. 3 Desert his abode, gebyev rv abrotv.] Here the ellipsis is yjv. Yet it should not be rendered country, with Portus; for Attica was not their country. And the karouciay, which the Scholiast understands, would be very harsh. It is, therefore, better to accommodate yijy to the case; and it may be very well rendered by the Fr. sejowr. Though the whole expres- sion may be freely rendered, ‘* desert his colours.” 4 Occupy instead.] i.e. as the Athenians had Kubcea, and the other islands and colonies. 5 Mainland.| By this meant Thrace and Asia Minor, &c. This whole passage is had in view by Aristid. t. 2,15. C. sof 2 ole 8 Of vast consequence, Sc.| This passage is had in view by Aristid. - oyaes. CU. 272 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK i. Now, then, it behoves us to bend our thoughts, and frame our plans as much as possible, in conformity to that situation; to abandon all care’ about our lands and houses °, and (confining our attention to the sea, and the defence of the city,) not be exasperated by their loss, to venture on a battle with the Pelo- ponnesians, who so far outnumber us. For if we even come off victorious, we shall still have again to contest with numbers not inferior to our own; and if defeated, there will together vanish ° our influence over our allies (the very essence of our strength); since they will never continue in subjection to us any longer than we are able to overawe them. No— grieve not '® for farms and houses, but reserve your anxiety for persons"; for lands do not gain men, but men lands. Indeed, if I thought my counsel would avail, I should urge you to go forth and destroy them with your own hands’; thereby letting the enemy see that you will not for such things be induced to submit. CXLIV. “ Many other points I could touch on in refer- ence to our hope of success in the contest, if you would con- sent to forbear making fresh acquisitions of dominion” ; there- 7 Abandon all care.| Literally, let them go. Not evacuate them, as Smith absurdly renders. 8 Houses.| ‘These were chiefly suburbane villas or country seats; gene- rally, however, like our granges of olden times, and the bungalows or gar- den houses of the Indo-Europeans. 9 Lakewise vanish.| Literally, therewith, or besides. So Xen. Memor. 1. 5, 6, 7. irrwy O& Oy, Kai Ta oikeia TpocaTobadoe ay. 10 Grieve not.] Literally, “ make no moaning or whining” (see Ezekiel 24,17.); for dddduporc is a very strong term, and at the same time a very rare word, of which the only example known to me besides this, is in Liban. Or. 509. 11 Reserve your anxiety for persons.| So dd\Supotw rrosioSav is to be accommodated in sense, in the second clause of thissentence. Separa signifies persons as opposed to things. On which signification I shall fully treat in my edition. 12 I showd urge you, §c.] So the advice of Aschylus to the Athenians, as adduced by Aristoph. Ran. 1463. It will be well, he says, ay r)y yiiv OTaY VOpiowot THY THY TohEMiny Kiva oderipayv, ry O& oherepay THY TOE piwy Wdooyr 0& rag vatc, dwopiay é roy TOpOV. 1 Forbear making, §c.| Such is the sense of jy 28éAnre apyay pu) eat- kréosa. For ixuréoSat signifies “ to make fresh acquisitions; i. e. in addition to what you have inherited and possess.” The very phrase oceurs in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 45,39. Polyb. 17,17, 1. and vavuricby émixraoSae in Xen. Hist. 7, 12. It CHAP. CXLIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 273 by adding self-derived and needless dangers. For, in truth, I apprehend more from our own mistakes than from the plans of our enemies. Those topics shall, however, be dis- tinctly treated on at such other oceasions as shall, in the course of events, offer themselves. For the present, let us dismiss the ambassadors with this answer: —‘ That we will grant the Megareans the use of our markets and ports, pro- vided that the Lacedemonians will cease to prohibit us and our allies (as foreigners) from sojourning with them; for neither the one nor the other is forbidden? in the treaty: also, that we will grant independence to such states of our alliance as were in possession of it at the period of the treaty ; and when the Lacedzemonians shall, on their part, give znde- pendence to their own states — not an independence modelled in subservience to their own polity, but such as shall leave them at full liberty to act for themselves.? Furthermore, that, confermably to the treaty, we are ready and willing to submit to lawful arbitration and judicial decision, Finally, that we will not be the first to take up arms, but those who shall commence hostilities we will resist, force by force.* Such an answer will be at once just, and suitable to the dignity of this state to return. Be assured, however, that war is inevitable, but that the more readily we meet it, the less eager shall we find the enemy to attack us. Recollect, too, that from the most perilous achievements redound, both to states and indi- viduals, honours the most distinguished. ‘Thus our ancestors, resisting Median invasion (not, be it remembered, with such means of defence and resources for war as We possess ? — nay, It is impossible not to admire the political sagacity evinced in this salutary counsel, which the Athenians paid dearly for slighting. 2 Neither the one, &c.] At éxeitvo I would subaud card; and resolve kwdver Into Koya tort, So 1,72. et re py azroxwdver; and Macho ap. Athen. 582. E. 7d cwdtov yap tori Touro. 3 Not an independence, &c.] So in a kindred passage at 1,19. Kar’ 6dt- yapxtav opiow adbroicg émirndciwe brwe ToduTEvVowor; also Dio Cass. 205, 29. T0ig éEriTNEiwc ohio Exovor; and so Hesych. émirndsiwe. appodiwe. 4 Will not be the first, Sc.) This passage is imitated by Onosander, 26. avipwrot TposupOTEpoV avTiTaTToVTaL Toc Oswvoic, ElddTEC WC ObK pxoUOLY, GN apivoyvra; Aristid. 5,259. A. Liban. Orat. 196. C. od« dpyovrec, aX’ apovopeyv; Dionys. Hal. 1, 488. dy o& dpEnoSe, duvvotpeca. 5 Not with such, §c.] The sense of avd récwy dé dpuoperor is learnedly VOL. I. di 2774: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. with the abandonment of their possessions), depending on counsel rather than on fortune, relying on courage rather than strength, beat back Barbarian invaders, and raised the state to what it.is. Let us not, then, be outdone,.but use eyery means of resistance to the foe, exerting ourselves to the utmost to transmit what we possess entire and undiminished ° to our posterity.” CXLYV. Thus spoke Pericles. ‘The Athenians approving of this counsel, made a decree conformably to it, and returned for answer to the Lacedamonians what he had suggested, both generally and particularly; namely, that they would do nothing upon command!, but were ready to haye the differ- ence decided on equal terms and on fair arbitration. Then the ambassadors returned home, and no further embassy was sent. ‘i CXLVI. Now these were the criminations and differences, on either side, before the war, and which had their origin in, and dated from the affairs of, Epidamnus and Corcyra. Nevertheless, intercourse ® was yet maintained between the individuals of either nation, without any herald ®, though not without suspicion and apprehension; for the things which had passed were a breach of the treaty, and the cause of the pte hostilitiesséaihess oe Se & explained by Abresch in_ his,Biluc. Thucyd. To the examples adduced I add Dionys. Hal. p. 58. Polyb. 1, 3, 7..and 12,9. 4, 31, 4. 6 To transmit, §c.] There is a similar. passage, supra 71. where see note. So also Aristid. 2, 247. dperiig mapaceiypara pi) yeipw kaTadeTeiy 1) Tapa TOV aporépwy avrot ma peXGE Oo 1 Zo do CO Ce This passage is imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. 509. 35. pndev Opdoa wore t& brrur dey waroc. Hence is confirmed the common read- ing in Ant. 320, 45. pondey wy perp Potherat mparrew Kehevovete. Hence, too, © is illustrated Appian, 2, 694. && érirdyparoc ixsivy bTHKOVOY. 2 Intercourse.| Not commercial dealings, as Smith renders. For the Lacedzmonians were not a commercial people ; and éuuy. seldom has that sense. Nay, it is just after rete ae in the sense inéercourse. Here will apply the words of Livy, 1. 2, 18. s.f. “ Bellum indictum Tacitae inducize guietem annum tentere.” 3 Without any herald.| Namely, as not being at open war, so as to need such. See supra 53. me tee ‘neat, ezar ‘A, T 44 peysnqd wopuoT 9 N a K, A 72>, we yy en nD = O Fass eho Te Spry m mm MY = >t A ——— = A = Fe ———¥ ee —— TTAU() & “sZ ba 2) Z TAID PTD Fa he 4G A : oo) 2a ile eS { OFIOVUEL GX YINOTROVIA “BOOK 1. = THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 275 BOOK II. I. Hence 1, then, commenced the war of the Athenians and Peloponnesians and their allies, in which no further intercourse was held without heralds. And now, being fairly engaged ? in the war, they carried it on without intermission ; and the events of it are here narrated, in the same order in which they hap- pened, by summers and winters.? II. Now* the twenty-years’ truce, which was concluded after the reduction of Euboea, had continued ° fourteen years; but in the fifteenth, being the forty-eighth of the priesthood ® of Chrysis in Argos, and when Adnesias was ephor in Sparta, and Pythadorus had two months to complete’ of his archon- ship at Athens, in the sixth month after the battle at Potidzea, and at the commencement of spring, some Thebans, rather 1 Henee ] i.e. from this time. The Schol. explains, “ from this cause.” But that sense is not so apt. 2 Fairly: engaged]. Gottleb., Hack, and Goeller say that caracravrec ézrohépouy is for Karéornoay é¢ wédenov. But rather the caracrdyrec is for KaraoT. cic téAgnov, the elliptical words being supplied a76 rod cowod: and nkaracrayrec is for caraoraSévrec. For the Aorists of this verb have often a passive sense. The above method is supported by the Schol. and by many similar passages; as 1, 52. caréornuey éc wodepov. 1, 44. KadioToyTa Ec modepoy. and 2, 11. kaSioravrat éc Epyov. 3 By summers and winters.] This is said agreeably to the inartificial method of reckoning, which, having been introduced by the simplicity of antient times, was still retained, and continued long after in use. Ac- cording to this, the summer included the spring, and the winter the autumn. Of this Bauer adduces an example from Ovid Fast. 1, 459 and 460. See also Petav. D.t. 10, 28., and Gron. Obss. 3, 14., referred to by Duker. 4 Now.| The yap is not, as the Schol. fancies, resumptive, but incho- ative, and answers to our now then. > Had continued] 'The Aorist must here have the sense of the Plu- perfect. This signification of éupéivey, continue, is rare. To the ex- amples adduced by Abresch, I add one from Aischyl. P. V. 545. adda poe 760 eupévor kal phyror éxraxetn. 6 Priesthood.| It was the custom of the Argives to reckon time by the years of their high-priestess. On which Gottleb. refers to Vales. on the Ex. Polyb. t. 3.161. ed. Ernesti. (t. 7. p.94. Ed. Schweigh.) And Goeller refers to Creuzer Ant. Hist. Gr. p. 71. 83, 125., and Dahlman on Herod. > 225." Bs Two. months to complete, §c.] For, as Mitford observes, the Athe- nians began their years about the summer solstice. 4 2 . 276 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ii. more * than three hundred in number, under the command of Pythangelus son of Phylidas, and Diemporus son of Oneto- rides, Boeotarchs®, made an entrance in arms, about the first watch’, into Platzea.® Certain Plataeans (Nauclides and his 5 Rather more.| Hobbes renders, “ three hundred and odd.” But that is too uncouth. The phrase may generally be expressed by our “ and upward ;” thus here, “ upwards of three hundred.” But to advert to the thing itself, Herod 7, 233. states the number at four hundred; perhaps using around number. One might suspect that our anthor wrote rerpak., but that the common reading is supported by all the MSS., and by Diodor. and Theon. Progymn., the former of whom says they were chosen troops. 6 Baotarchs.| Of these there were eleven, elected annually by the several cities, or petty states, which composed the republic of Beeotia. These, the commentators and writers of antiquities tell us, exercised the executive and military powers. But they do not advert to Pollux, 1, 128., who says, that these were the masters of the horse, like the Polemarchs among the Athenians. Their office, it should seem, was chiefly military, but in some degree (how far, it is difficult to ascertain) civil. 7 First watch.j Literally, sleep. An expression which savours of the simplicity of antient phraseolegy, and is accounted mean by Pollux. 8 Platea.| Of this small, but celebrated, city the following topogra- phical sketch may be not unacceptable. It is written in the singular, HAdraa, by Homer, Herod., Thucyd. (with, perhaps, one exception), and Athen. 4, 13.; by the later writers in the plural. Steph. cites an interesting passage from Kudoros (though there, for E. dé yij¢ mepiddov, I conjecture 6, 1. e. 4 libri). The singular, how- ever, seems always to have remained in common use, and may be traced in the present name of the city H/atia. With respect to its situation, it was on an eminence, but at the roots of Mount Citheron, between that and Thebes, from which it was distant (as Thucyd. 2, 5. says) 70 stadia, or, ac- cording to Diccearchus, 80; though Gail, who discusses this discrepancy, makes it 60 only. As Thebes was an extensive city, the discrepancy may best be reconciled by supposing, that some estimated from the extremities of either city; others, from different situations im those cities. But to proceed, it was in the road leading from Athens (and also Megara), by Eleutherze and Dryscephale, to Beotia (see Thucyd. 3, 22.), and not far from the Asopus. See Strabo, p. 631. By the ruins of the city, which are found not far from the village of Cocla, it seems (as Goeller tells us) to have been triangular, with a citadel of the same form at the south angle. Gell. also informs us, that the north side measures about 1025 yards, the west 1154, the east 1120. On the west side were two gates, and as many at the east side. The form of the Theban gates we learn from our author, 2, 4. The walls seem to have been from seven to nine feet thick, and to have been fortified by towers placed at unequal distances. On the temples, statues, and pictures, see Pausan. 9,4. The forum, in which Pausanias, the general, sacrificed to Jupiter the Deliverer, is men- tioned by Thucyd. 2,70. Before the city, and twenty stadia distant from it, was the fountain Gargaphium. See Herod. 9, 52. There were, too, a celebrated temple of Juno (see Thucyd. 3, 68.), and also a chapel dedi- cated to the hero Androcrates (see Thucyd. 3, 24. Herod. 9, 24.), near to Gargaphia, and on the right of the road to Thebes. As CHAP. II. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. a" party) had sent for? them, and now opened the gates for their reception, intending, with a view to their own agegrandise- ment’®, to destroy such of the citizens as were their adversa- ries, and bring the city over’’ to the Theban confederacy. They had negotiated '* the business by means of Eurymachus son of Leontiades, a Theban of very considerable power and influence. In fact'’, the Thebans, foreseeing that a war As to the origin of the name, some of the antients derived it from a daughter of Asopus; others more rationally from z\drn, the broad end of anoar. See Steph. Byz. and Strabo. Without a better knowledge than we possess of the circumstances of the country in the early ages, it is impossible to tell how far this may be admitted; though Cope, which admits of a similar derivation, nota little countenances it. It is surely as probable as the conjecture of Casaubon, that the city derived its name from the breadth of the plain. Indeed the origin of the name may well be involved in obscurity, since the origin of the city ascends to a period far beyond history, and in which even vague tradition scarcely sheds a faint glimmer. The stories which ascribe its foundation to Heroes, and represent the inhabitants as avroySovec, only show the extreme antiquity of both. As to the foundation which the Thebans arrogate to themselves at 3, 61., it was manifestly only the second founding. And here it may be observed that the case of Platza serves to show the extreme antiquity of monarchical government in Greece; for Pausanias testifies that it was at first ruled by kings. The second foundation of Platza, by Beeotia, plainly proceeded from conquest, and therefore we may easily account for the people never coalescing with the other Beeotians, with whom, indeed, it appears from 3, 61. that there had been very antient quarrels, and by whom they were never willing to be ruled. Before the Median war Plateea seems not to have attained any celebrity. Its history from that time it were needless here to trace; and it may suffice to refer the reader to the historical sketch of Poppo, t. 2. p- 282. seqq.. from whom much of the foregoing matter has been derived. Further particulars may be derived respecting the site of Platza from Mr. Hughes’s interesting Travels into Greece. 9 Sent for.| Or called, invited. Not induced, as Smith renders. The above signification is frequent in Thucydides. That this was done by the oligarchical faction we may easily imagine. And it is certain from 3, 65. and 3, 16, od pera Tov TANSove by eioehSovrTeEc. i0 Aggrandisement.| This is more probable than the statement of Demosth. C. Nezr. (who there relates the story of the seizure of Platzea), that they had been bribed by money. Bribery there might, in fact, have been, but of a less coarse kind. The account of our author is also con- firmed by Diodorus. 11 Bring the city over.| Not subject it, as some commentators explain ; for that is inconsistent with the end which we are told they had in view. Indeed the sense I have assigned is necessary, and not unfrequent. One example may suffice. Xen. Hist. 4, 2, 28. Aécbow zpocromoaryrec TY TOE. And see infra c. 4. Plataea, it must be remembered, bad formerly been part of the Beeotian confederacy, and was now to be restored to it. 12 Negotiated.| Stipulating, doubtless, for a sort of independence in _ respect to this petty state, to be, however, under their tutelage. ‘8 In fact.| Nimirum. On this sense of yap I have a little before treated, T 3 278 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, BOOK II. must ensue, were desirous to preoccupy Plateea (with which they had ever !‘ been at variance), while the peace yet subsisted and no open war was carrying on. It was, indeed, this cir- cumstance that enabled them the more easily to accomplish their purpose, for a guard had not yet been set. ‘Then, posting themselves in armed array '? in the market-place, they refused to comply with the solicitations of those who called them in, to fall presently to work '°, and proceed to the houses of their enemies; but judged that it would be more advisable to employ conciliatory proclamations, and rather try to bring the city over to treaty and amity. They therefore caused the herald to proclaim aloud, that ‘“ whoever chose to enter into confederacy, conformably to the national usages ? of the 14 Ever.] i. e. from very antient times. Not eternally, as Smith renders. 15 Posting themselves, §c.] Such seems to be the true sense of Sémevoe ra é7ha,on which there has been no little difference of opinion among philologists, chiefly because this formula had at least two, if not three, senses, apparently inconsistent with each other. Those who wish to have the fullest inform- ation on this formula will do well to consult the commentators on Herod. 1. 9., Wessel. on Diod. Sic. 1, 524. and 2, 428., and above all Schneider in his Index to Xen. Anab. in v. I shall here merely offer a few general remarks, The phrase is not well rendered in the present case, castra ponere, encamp ; since the forum would not be a very convenient place. The érda may be so used at 1, 111. 3, 1. 6, 64.; but the addition of the verd alters the case. Neither can the Latin arma ponere be always adopted: since that s'gnifies merely, “ arma deponere,” (and so our pile arms has no other sense,) whereas bza SéoSac has only sometimes that signification. I therefore accede to the opinion of Bredow, that the sense in the present passage is posta fassen, 1. e. to make it their place d’armes, head quarters. at a time, until their preparations should be completed. The Athenians, is so used with the name of a city or country; yet the sense thus arising will not be very apt, since it is not likely that the Lacedemonians should have made the Sicilian and Italian allies of so much consequence. Nor is it probable that all the Peloponnesian ships were, as they will thus be sup- posed to be, in readiness. Others (more properly) connect them with the words following. It has, indeed, been objected, that we have had nothing mentioned about these ships. But Diod. speaks of them, 1. 12, 41. in these words: «ai robe Kara riy Susdiay cai Iradiay cvppayoue Ovarrpecbevodpevor Ovakociac Tpinpeow Exevoay BonSeiv. And from the close connection which subsisted between the Lacedzemonian confederacy and their colonies in Italy and Sicily, it was likely that the one should ask, and the other freely grant that aid to their parent states, those of the same race (Doric) which they were so able to render. That Italy was well provided with wood for ship-building we learn from Appian, 1,300, 13. cai vat¢ eipydZero moddde, evEvdov tig “Iradiac obonc; Moschus ap. Athen. 206. F. cai ry sic rjy adXAny ovpstay OANY, Tipy pev 2 “IraXiac, rives & Sixediac; Virg. An. 11, 526. Bis denas Italo texamus robore naves, Seu plures complere valent; jacet omnis ad undam Materies. That the Italian and Sicilian states were suffi: ciently wealthy to build considerable. fleets, we have abundant evidence. And that they did so, we know from the Syracusans soon afterwards doing this, and other states before and after, mentioned by Diodorus. Thus it appears that roig raceway édopévorc must be taken, not, as Poppo would have them, in a future sense; namely, “those who should take their part,” but in the usual acceptation of the present, “ those who were taking, or had taken, their part.” For to suppose é\op., as Goeller does, a dativus commodi, “ for the benefit of those, &c.” is too arbitrary and harsh a me- thod, in which, indeed, he would never have acquiesced, had he not been compelled by his intepretation of vat éweraySyoay rouioSar. Thus no difficulty of interpretation remains. But it must be observed, that the roic raxewwy dou. is to be referred solely to the confederacy in Greece proper; while the rayra dpiSpor, total number, must refer to both the Italian and Sicilian ships, and those of the home alliance. Yet even then the number is so great, so much greater than was ever furnished or brought into action, that I formerly suspected some error in the word. But neither the MSS. nor any passages of classical writers in my Collec- tanea offer any countenance to such a notion. And if we bear in mind the immane quantum, the péy« yaoua, between human plans and their ewecution, we may the better digest this difficulty; and the we éoouévwy plainly shows that that number was the one contemplated, or ordered in the same vaunt- ing spirit as made Buonaparte, in the last year of his reign, decide in council on, and order such levies as were never raised, nor could be raised. Nor are we to infer from what Diod. says, that 200 Sicilian and Italian ships were actually then in Peloponnesus, for the éeway only imports that the Lacedamonians urged them to send that number ; unless (which is not im- probable) there be some mistake. — 5 One ship only at a time.| This was a caution not unusual under cer- tain circumstances. And it is found in the oration of Hermocrates to the Camarinzans, |.6,76. Here the Schol. is wrong in supplying pera knoviov; for, until they were actually at war, no «jpvg was necessary. So 1, 63. dvev enpvxeiov. The Schol., however, rightly remarks we zpd¢e gdoug OnsEr. U 2 992 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. on their part, made a careful survey of the actual ® strength of their confederacy, and sent the more frequent embassies to the states around Peloponnesus, Corcyra and Cephallenia, Acarnania, and Zacynthus; perceiving that if those countries were friendly to them, they might securely’ carry on a war around Peloponnesus. VIII. Indeed, nothing trivial’ or confined was meditated by either side, but they strung themselves to the contest*; and naturally enough: for at the beginning® of any under- taking all apply themselves with more than usual alertness. Besides, there was then a numerous body of youth in Pelo- ponnesus, and no less so at Athens; who, from inexperience‘, 6 Actual.| Literally, existing, So 1,76. tiv brapxovoay dbvapw; and 5,39. zpdc¢ roic bwapyovow. Hobbes renders it present. Smith omits the word. 7 Securely.) Bebaiwe. I cannot quite accede to the construction of Coray and Goeller, who take Bebaiwe with ditva; though the passage they cite (5,10. cahdcSgior gitvov) gives some countenance to the opinion. There was need to draw the bonds of friendship closer with all these states, though already well inclined to the Athenians. The Corcyreans were not friends of long standing, or who had received such powerful as- sistance as to claim any great return of service. ; | Nothing trivial, §c.] It is strange that the learned commentators have nothing to remark on this passage, which has been imitated by so many classical writers; ex. gr. Lucian Nigro, t. 1,43. pucpdv obxere obdiy émtvod ; Plutarch in Kumen. c.12. oddéy ere puxpdy tdriZwrv; Plutarch Cic. 18. obdty oby érevder puxpoy 6 A. y donuoy; Appian, 1, 536, 10. Kai puxpdy oddéy evsupobpevocg “EMAnororrioy ixie3 and 1, 794. obdiy opucpby duevogiro; Ar- rian E. A. 7,1, 6. obre purpdy re Kai paddoy émwoey AéZavdpoy ; Joseph. 686, 25. puxpov obdiy érevott; Xen. Cyr. 6,2, 4. wapeoxetalero —we 02) avip obdéy opixpdy éxwody mparrev; Zosim. 1, 44,3. Livy, 2,49. nihil medium, nec spem nec curam, sed immensa omnia volventium animo; and 7,39. nihil medium—aut imperium et honorem aut mortem denunciantes. See also 50, 33. Horat. Epist. 1, 12, 5. nil parvum capias, et adhuc sublimia cures. Hence is illustrated a passage of Adschyl. Theb. 548. obre peiov, ovr’ ioov- NeAipéva., Where the words Evpbokei—éyew are parenthetical, and exegetical of dvadgouay. And odr’ ioov is put per litotem. Supply Grd peifov. Actyyréivar is for Aedypévor, by the figure mpde 7d onpa= VOMEVOY, 2 Strung themselves, §c.]| Or, prepared to put forth their whole strength. In %pwrra there is, as in cparawioSa at 1 Cor. 16,13. and npin strength from pin, fo string, an agonistic metaphor. The term signifies to string one’s nerves, and thus excite oneself to any undertaking. 5 At the beginning, §c.| So 1.1,140. kwaizep eidwe rode avSpwrove od TH avbTy Opyy avaresopévotc TE TodEpELY, Kal ty TH Epyw TPaooovTac. + From inexperience.| Here the Schol. aptly adduces the adage: ydude ameiow méhepoc. Similar passages, probably written with a view to this, are found in Liban, Orat. 752, D. where we have 2& d€ovdiacg; Appian, CHAP. VIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 293 eagerly caught at the war. The rest of Greece, too, was all eager with expectation® on the two principal powers thus en- gaging® in combat. Many, too, were the prophetical saws told about, and many the oracles’ pronounced by the oracle- 2, 267, 60. where occurs 2& dmepiac; Arrian E. A. 5, 27,15. where occurs Cut ro areipacrov. IT would for azeinacroy read dreiparov. 5 All eager with expectation.| Namely, waiting to see the event. Hobbes and Smith render, “ stood at gaze, in suspense.” The passage is imitated by Joseph. 1025, 42. 1108, 31. Philostr. V. Ap. 8, 15. and 8, 21. See also Appian, 3, 326. Agathias ap. Suid. in peréwpa. Dionys. Hal. Ant. 528, 5. Lycurg. C. Leocr. 152,43. Plutarch Demosth. 18. Philostr. V. Ap. 7,33. Joseph. 1168, 20. where I would cancel év. Justin, 1.3, 2. init. An ample body of critical matter on the ratio significationis of this word and peerewpiZeoSar may be seen in my note on Luke 12, 29, 6 Engaging.| Literally, meeting together, Evrvwvoedr. This use of Evvévat is found not unfrequently in the classical writers; as Polyeen. 4, 5,13. The phrase seems formed on the Homeric (Il. 2.120.) é¢ pécoy GUboTENWY [LEMAWTE WAXETSAL. 7 Prophetical saws — oracles, §c.] The distinction here made by the Scholiast and most critics is, that by \dyca we are to understand oracles in prose, by ypyopoi, those in verse. Now though this distinction is not always observed by the later writers (as Philo ap. Steph. Thes. Arrian E. A. 7, 16,9., also Aristoph. Eq. 796.), yet it seems here to have place; and itis usually observed in the earlier writers, who use Adytov to denote the pre- diction of a soothsayer, ypycpd¢ the oracle of a god. So Aristoph. Vesp. 799. dpa rd xpijua ta Oy we TEpaivern, are fulfilled. See also Appian E. H. 2, 5,14. Such predictions might be either in prose or verse; but were usually in the /atter, as the ypnopoi were generally, if not always. So that Dio Cass, 431, 66. and 273, 64. has wrongly confounded the two terms by writing (in imitation of this passage) Moyea wavroia yoero, Towards understanding the nature of the Aéy.a there is a highly impor- tant passage in Aristoph. Eq. 1000. seqq. where Demus (the people) thus addresses Cleon: —“* What have you got there?” Cleon. “ Adyta.” Dem. “ What all?” Cle. “ D’ye wonder ? aye, by Jove, and I have besides a chest full.” Adland. “ And I a garret and two lodging-rooms full.” Dem. “ Come, let me see—why whose can ever these prophecies be?” Cle. “ Mine are Bacis’s.””? Dem. ‘“* And whose are your’s?” All. “ Glaucus’s, the elder brother of Bacis.”? Dem. “ But what are they about ?”’ Cle. ** About Athens, about Pylus, about you, about me, about all sorts of things.” Dem. “ And what are your’s about?” All. “ About Athens — about Jenti/s — about the Lacedemonians — about fresh mackerel — about those in the market that deal out flour by short measure — about you — about me”? Dem. “ Come now, and read me them.” Cle. “ Hear, then, and pay attention to me.” On which both Cleon and Allant. give speci- mens of these \éyia, which are very curious, and all in heroic metre. By the prefatory words of these, it appears that they were prophecies, but purported to have been suggested by Apollo; and they are called xpnpoi. See also the Pax. 1070. seqq., where the Schol. treats of this Bacis, calling him @ ypnopodsyoe. Finally, there are three passages of the classical writers which especially illustrate this of our author, as describing the very same turbulent and highly excited state of things as subsisted on the present occasion. Eurip. Heracl. 400—6. Ildd\tc 7’ év bdo, opayia Y yromacpiva ”Eornxey, ol¢ Xp u 3 294 . THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. singers ®, both in the states going to war and in the rest. And, moreover, a little before these events took place, Delos had been shaken by an earthquake, which had never before happened in the memory of the Grecians.? Hence it was ravra ripvecSar Sey. Ovnmodrsira © doru pavréiwy bro, Tporaid 7 tyspHy, kai rodet cwrnpia. . Xpnopay 0 dowode wavrag éic tv ovvadioag, “HAeyEa, Kat Bébnra Kai Kexpuppéva, Aoyra Tarad, TYE yG owrhpra; where I must observe the A\dyta wadad gives great confirmation to the reading priorum for piorum, in a kindred passage of Virg. Ain. |. 4,464. Multaque przeterea vatum predicta priorum Terribili monitu horrificant. Polyb. 3,112, 8. nayvra 0 hy ra wap’ abroic Nya Tot Tére Oud ordéparoc, onpetwy dé Kai TEOA- Twy Tay piv lepdy, Taca 0 hv oikia TAHENnc; Applian, 2, 115. dsimara Ta yap Gdoya woNXoic évérrimTe Tepl OAnY “IraNiav. Kai pavTevparwy radawy ém- gobwrépwv épynudvevoy. There is also a similar passage in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 472, 29. - s Oracle-singers.]| The word ypynopodéyog denoted, 1. like xyonopwdde, vates, one who pronounced oracles in verse, pretending to have them from divine revelation. Thus Pollux, 1, 14. joins the terms payréic, Seoparreic, xenoumool, xonopordyotc; and so Herod. 1, 62. and 8, 96. yenopodkoyog — dc xog rade; also Livy, 1, 55. idque cecinere vates. It denoted, 2dly, one who recited or chanted (for that seems to have been the way in which they were uttered) the prophecies of others. And this seems to be the sense in Xen. Hist. 5, 3,3. So ypnopodéoyny in Lycoph. 1419. 3dly. it denoted one who, though he might not pretend to direct revelation, yet recited and in- terpreted either oracles, or the “ vatum predicta priorum.” Such are the xXpnopey aooic in Euripides; see also Herod. 7, 142 and 143. Now there were, we find from Aristoph., many such impostors at that time, and in full credit and practice. It was quite a trade. ‘Thus in the Aves 960. a ypyo- poddyoc is brought on the stage thus: — Pisth. “ Who are you?” Chresm. “ Who? why an oracle-singer.” Pisth. “ Then go to the devil!” Chresm. “ O, my good sir, set not lightly by divine things! There is a pro- phecy (yonopdc) of Bacis, which plainly speaks with reference to, &c.” How low and sordid a class of people these were, appears from Aristoph. Pac. 1047. Tryg. “ Whoever can that fellow be?” Serv. “ Why what a strutting braggadocio! he is surely a prophet.” Tryg. “ No, by Jove, but it is Hierocles.” Serv, “ Aye, I warrant, he is the oracle-singer, he from Oreus. What now will he say to the treaty?” Tryg. “ It is plain that he will set his face against this reconciliation.” Serv. “ No, he wont — he has only come hither, allured by the scent of the sacrifice.’ Then the yonopoXoyoc joins them, and soon puts in for a share of the roast-meat, and spouts some oracles of Bacis. Of this notable class was even Cleon himself, who might be said to be xpnopoddyoc in chief. So in Aristoph. Eq. 61. it is said of him, @dee d& xpnopodve. &S 6 yipwy ovlurAAULa— réxvny werroinrat, “ has made it his trade.” Vinally, it appears from Herodotus (7.6. yonopoddyor kai diaSérny yono- pov Tov Movoaiov.) that there was a yet lower class of these ypnopoddyor ; and as the preceding were the Sidrophels, or master-wizards, so these were the Whachums, or under-strappers, who used to hawk about oracles or pro- - phecies, for the benefit of those who would consult and fee them, and whom they assisted in applying the oracles to circumstances and petsons. 9 A little before, §c.| There is here a seemingly point blank contra- fiction between Thucydides and Herodotus, 6, 98., who, speaking of the time of the Persian war, says: AjAog éxivASn, we EAeyor ot Axpuo, Kat CHAP. VIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 295 said, and indeed it seemed to be? a prognostic of the events which were afterwards to take place. Whatever else, too, happened of a similar nature, all was anxiously scrutinized. Now the good-will of the generality inclined by far the most to the Lacedzmonians?°, especially as they had previously mpara kai borara péxporépwev ceccSeioa. He then adds, that it was a prog- nostic of the events that were about to take place, which were so great that it was nothing surprising that Delos should suffer earthquake, though formerly unshaken. And he seems to think, that thus was fulfilled an oracle, namely, xivjow o& kai Aijdov, axivynréy wep totoav. Now, Wasse settles the matter by supposing, that Thucyd. forgot the former earthquake. ** A non laudabile crimen,” remarks Wesseling, “from which, at that rate, not even Herodotus will be exempt; for, how could he say that that had been the first and last up to his time, when it is clear, from 7, 137, 133, &c., that he lived some way into the Peloponnesian war.” Wessel. would reconcile the two authors by taking the é\iyw apdrepov in a somewhat lax sense, so as to understand it of the earthquake at Delos, mentioned by Herodotus. But it is truly remarked by Valckn., “ that that happened about seventy years before, and such a period could not be called a Jittle before. And how could an event, that took place so long before, be thought a prognostic of events so distant?” He (rightly, I think) takes the words, we Néyoust Ajpuor, to show that the earthquake rested on the authority of the Delians only, and was not felt by the other Greeks; and that, therefore, Thucydides gave no credence to it, though such appears from Pliny, 4, 12. Macrob. Saturn, 35, 6., and other antients, to have been a commonly re- ceived opinion. Here, it may be observed, as elsewhere more than once, our author tacitly marks his dissent from Herodotus. For no one can com- pare the two passages, and doubt for a moment that Thucydides had that passage of Herodotus before him. As for the credit of Herodotus, who, Wesseling thinks, might be convicted of forgetfulness, it is enough to reply, with Valckn., that the words péype éuev can only be meant of the period when he published his history, which was probably some years before this earthquake. I would add, that though the former earthquake seems to have been commonly believed to have happened, yet it may not have been universally; for I find Pindar (who lived long after it), in the frag- ments of an ode to Delus, p. 52. frag. 2, Ed. Heyne., calls Delus ySovde¢ eupsiac akivynroy Tépac; and describes it as founded on adamantine pillars of solid rock. Here one may remark on the wonderful phenomena respecting the island in question, which was at first a floating one, and afterwards most immoveable. ‘This I would refer as a problem for the consideration of natu- ralists. 9 Seemed to bes] Here our author shows his usual scepticism. He grants it seemed to be, but he will not say that it was a prognostic, as Herod. 7, 142, 1. nxwrepa yap rHév mportpwy Kai ny Kat donee. Unpuijvae is for onpeioy civa, to be a pretext, or omen. So 20jdwoe for dfAov Fy 2, 50., and so Appian, 2, 624 and 17. Arrian, E. A. 7, 24, 1., all, probably, imi- tated from this passage. So also Plutarch Coriol. 38., and Syll. 14. s. fi And so zpocnpaivey in Herod. 6, 27. Hence may be defended the com- mon reading in Xen. Hist. 5, 4, 17. cai oiwviZovto ruveg onpaiveay mpd THY pedd\OvTwr. _ 10 Inclined by far, §c.] Such seems clearly to be the sense, though the reading has been not a little controverted. All the editions up to Got- uU 4 296 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. given out that they meant to restore liberty to Greece. All, too, both individuals and states, felt excited’’ to cooperate with them to the utmost of their power, both by word and action. Every one, too, thought the business there flagged where he might not himself be present.’? ‘Such was the animosity which the generality entertained towards the Athe- nians; partly from a desire to be released from their domina- tion and partly through fear lest they should be subjected to it. Such, then, was the state of preparation, and such the dis- position to which they were animated. IX. Now the confederates which either party brought to tleber’s have ézoier, which that critic .altered.to ye, from many MSS. ; and in conformity to the opinion of Stephens, Abresch, Reiske, Bauer, and others. This was also adopted by Hack. But Bekker and Goeller haye recalled the old reading. As to MS. authority, there is nearly the same for both readings; and Abresch and Goeller allege four passages of Dio Cass., which favour ézoie: (namely, Plutarch Cees. 2) apd¢ éxeivoy evvoia réy modM@y éout. Appian, 2,14. 1, 41. 2,20. 2, 716. Arrian E. A. 2, 2, 5., all close imitations of the present passage). Under these circumstances, it is not easy to decide which is the true reading. Goeller, indeed, appeals to 4,12. éai word ydp éroiea ric OdEne, &c., and Lucian Dial, D.6. Butthe turn of those passages is. somewhat different. The sole point, therefore, that can strike the balance, is the comparative aptness of either. Now, that éaye may have the sense of bend, verge, incline to, is certain. What apt sense é7roie can have, it is not easy to see. Goeller explains it, effectum habere in aliquem. But though that signification is suitable enough to 4, 12. and the passage of Lucian, yet it is not soto the present. And it is in vain to urge that ézroie should be adopted as being the more difficult reading ; for even that critical canon has many exceptions. It certainly is not applicable in cases like the present, where two readings are strikingly similar, of which one is a common and'the-other an uncommon word. In that case the latter is, for an obvious reason, to be preferred. Now here, both propriety of language (for verbs of motion take an accusative with a preposition denoting end or tendency), and critical probability, are in favour of éaye. As to the authorities (otherwise strong) of Dio Cass. Arrian, and Plutarch, they are neutral, for it is equally a matter of uncer- tertainty what the true reading of those passages may be. 11 Hwxeited.| Or zealous. For, as the Schol. observes, the matter is not of strength, but zeal. 12 Every one thought, §c.| Here the commentators aptly compare a kin- dred passage at 4,14. I add the following imitations from the classical writers; — Dionys. Hal. 555, 39. cai ro wkd éxdorov rap’ éavTp povyp riSépevov., and 618, 16. kai rb vudy ob zap’ GAXov Twa} wap’ EavToY ExacTog rusépsvoc. Livy, |. 30, 9. in quo quisque cessasset, prodi ab se solutum omnium rebatur. Hence is illustrated an obscure passage of Arrian, E. A. 3, 9, 16. &y re TY KAS Eavroy Exacroy Kai TO Tay pEevioSar Evykwouvevoy TE apeoupévyn, Kat Ov éxpedeiac éxrrovouperyp EvyopSoipevoy. With respect to the feeling, it is perfectly natural. CHAP, IX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 297 the war were these.' Those of the Lacedzemonians were these — the whole of the Peloponnesians within the isthmus, except the Argives and Achzans, who were upon terms of amity with both. Of the Achzans, the Pellenians alone at first took part in the war; but afterwards all the rest. Out of Peloponnesus, there were the Megareans, the Phocians, the Locrians’, the Boeotians, the Ambraciots, the Leucadians, and the Anactorians. Of the above a naval quota was fur- nished by the Corinthians, Megareans, Sicyonians, Pellenians, Kleans, Ambraciots, and Leucadians ; a cavalry force by the Beeotians, the Phocians, and Locrians. The rest of the states furnished infantry. This, then, was the Lacedaemonian confederacy. That of the Athenians comprehended the Chians, Lesbians, Plataeans, the Messenians at Naupactus, the greater part of the Acarnanians, the Corcyreans, the Zacynthians ; also some other states which were tributary? in various* countries —as the maritime part of Caria, and Doris’, adjacent to it, Ionia, the Hellespont, the regions of Thrace®; the islands, such as were situated between Pelopon- nesus and Crete, towards the east, namely, all the Cyclades 1 Now the confederates, Sc.) For a much fuller account of the two confederacies, see the Dissertation on the state of Greece, civil and military, prefixed to this work. : 2 Locrians.) ‘This is certainly too general; and it must be limited and explained from Diodor. 1. 12, 42., who, in his list, assigns to the Lacede- monian alliance most of the Locrians who lived opposite to Eubcea (i. e. the Locri Opuntii and Epicnemidii, a// of whom, however, are assigned to the Lacedzemouians by Poppo), and of the others, the Locri Ozolz, the Amphisseans. 3 Also some other, &c.| So it is requisite to render the words, and not, as Hobbes and Smith, “and other states tributary ;”’ for thus the preceding states will be included among the tributary ones, contrary to fact. 4 Various.] Or numerous. Such seems to be the sense of rocoicde, which Hobbes renders those, and Kistem. “ those (following.)” » Doris.) This consisted of the islands of Rhodes and Cos, and the peninsula of Cnidus, or Triopium. 6 The regions of Thrace.] In the phrase ra ézi Opdene is to be supplied xwpia. So Acts, 8, 1. kara rac xwpac tij¢ Tovdaiac. And Aristoph. Pac. 282. ra éxi Opdence xwpua. ‘This was a short way of signifying the parts of maritime Thrace, which had been colonised by the Athenians. It is strange that Bekker should have put the ra in brackets, since it is necessary to the phrase. And thongh it is omitted in seven MSS., yet that is of little weight, the omission of a word in such circumstances being frequent. Besides, it can be proved to have been in the text at the time of Libanius, _who refers to this passage in his oration, p. 494. D, 298 ‘ THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ii. except Melus and Thera.’ Of these the Chians, Lesbians, and Corcyreans furnished a naval quota; the rest infantry and money. Such was the confederacy of either party, and such their respective state of preparation for the war. X. The Lacedeemonians, immediately after the affair at Plataea, sent round orders to the states } throughout Pelopon- nesus, and the confederacy beyond it, to get their forces in readiness, and to provide such necessaries” as would be likely to be wanted for a foreign expedition, with a view to an irruption into Attica. And when all things were ready on either side®, at the time appointed* two-thirds ° [of the men 7 Namely, all the, §c.] The words vijcot dcat— avicyovra involve some difficulty. Portus renders, “et insularum,” &c.; Hobbes and Smith, “and all the other Cyclades.” But that will leave little or no meaning to the preceding clause; for if we except these Cyclades, there is no island between Peloponnesus and Crete (for as to Cythera, it was a Lacede- monian one). ‘The Schol. would remove this difficulty by placing a comma after IleAXovovynoov, and then repeating the doa after Kphrnc. But that is doing violence to the construction, and will require évrd¢ to be taken in the unheard of sense attached to. In short, the translators and the Schol. are plainly in an error, which seems to have been occasioned by supplying an ef, or and, without authority. As there is no conjunction, it should seem that our author did not mean to add another article to the last, but rather to qualify and define the one preceding, which was somewhat vague. It is plain that the islands between Peloponnesus and Crete to the eastward, are the Cyclades, among which some of the Sporades seem included.* The dda before KurAddec is omitted in one MS.; but it is quite agreeable to the idiom of the Greek language, though it may be dispensed with in our own, and in the French; and thus it is passed over by Gail. 1 To the states.| The words raic¢ w6Xeo, which the translators omit, are to be taken, per trajectionem, with wepihyyeAdov; thus, wep. raic wédeot cara Len. 2 Necessaries.| Mueller (in a learned work on the Dorians), here cited by Goeller, is of opinion that each one’s proportion, whether of necessaries or money, had been before fixed, beyond which no one was bound to con- tribute. Thus it would not be necessary for their quota then to be defined. The quantum both of money, equipments, and necessaries to be brought by all had been before settled, so that the army might be collected together, perfectly equipped, at a short warning, namely at the time appointed (as it is here said). 3 By each.| ‘Exdorove is for bb éxdorwy, and wayra is understood. 4 Time appointed.| Namely by the Lacedzemonians, who had issued the orders for their assemblage. (Schol.) F 5 Two-thirds.| This, though it may seem large, was an usual proportion; * It is about twelve years since I formed the above view of this passage; and I feel satisfaction in seeing it supported by the opinion of Hack. CHAP. XI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 299 able to bear arms] from each state assembled together at the isthmus; and when the whole force had been collected toge- ther, Archidamus, the king of the Lacedzemonians, who com- manded in this expedition, having convened ° the commanders of all the auxiliary states, and officers who were highest in rank or estimation, addressed them to the following pur- port: — XI. “ Peloponnesians and allies, many are the expeditions, both in and out of Peloponnesus, which our forefathers made ; nor are the elder among us destitute of experience in war ’ | yet never have we taken the field with a larger force? than the present. However®, we are now proceeding, numerous and brave as our forces are, against a most puissant state. It is therefore incumbent on us to show ourselves not inferior to our ancestors, and not to fall short of that glory we have already acquired*: for by this very movement the expectation (see 5, 15. et alibi) and hence we may account for the exceedingly large armies sent forth by the Grecian states in proportion to their size. The ellipsis here is not unusual; and yet its force has often been mis- taken by editors, no one of whom has adduced the plena locutio. That is, indeed, very rare; but it occurs in Appian 2, 271, 12. ik rpwy ra Ovo pépn: The force from which these two-thirds were draughted (no doubt by /oé), was not from the whole of the adult males, but from those within the age for foreign service, which, I think, did not exceed 45. The whole number, as Plutarch tells us, amounted to 60,000. 6 Convened.| Literally, convened to be present. For zapeivac must not be taken with aéodoywrarove, as is done by almost all the trans- lators and commentators, but with guvexadeoay, as Gottleb., Hack, and Goeller have seen. The trajectio is common; and in vain does Bauer urge that it is pleonastic and frigid; for many trajectios are pleonastic, and seem frigid. Besides to join it with aod. would make bad Greek. Here it is worth while to notice the difference between the custom of the Athenians and the Lacedzemonians in delivering such speeches. The Lacedemonians, we see, as following the Aristocratical form of govern ment, delivered them only to a chosen few; the Athenians, as professing the democratical, to the army at large. See 6, 68. 7, 61 and 66. | Destitute of experience in war.] They had, about fifteen years before, partaken in the war with Athens, which preceded the thirty years’ treaty. 2 Larger force.| The translators wrongly render, “ so large a force.” 3 However.] Such is the sense of adda cai. 4 Fall short of, §c.] Literally, “ be inferior to ourselves in respect of the glory,” &c.; for dd&n¢ is governed of éveca understood, which signifies quod attinet ad. The translators all take the dd2n¢ to denote the opinion of the world. But the sense I have adopted seems more apposite, and is (I find) supported by Gail; though his version “ inférieurs 4 notre propre - gloire,” is too idiomatical and trammelled. fom “© each one of every state. 300 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. is raised, and the attention fixed upon us, of all Greece; which, by its enmity. to eeedemen, bearing good-will to us, wishes that we may accomplish what we design.’ Highly, therefore, does it behove us— though we may seem to ad- vance with a powerful and well-appointed force, and may feel very sure® that the enemy will never come to action with us —not on that account the less cautiously to pursue our march; but for every one, whether commander of a state quota’, or private soldier, to constantly expect, as far as regards himself ®, to encounter danger: for uncertain are the events of war, and often from some trivial circumstance’, and 5 Bearing good-will, §c.| The whole of this clause is by no means easy ; but the sense seems to be that which I have assigned. The difficulty centers in zpdfat pac, &c., how to connect which the interpreters are not agreed. Abresch and others connect those words with moosexes THY yvouny. But this savours too much of the harshness of Abresch’s constructions to be admitted. Gottleb. rightly unites them with edvoiay éyovoa, in which Hack says, “ latet voluntas et studium alicui salutare.”” The truth is that the phrase ebvoray ensued must be tacitly repeated per dilogiam, in a cognate sense, with the wpdéa, &c. I say cognate ; for, in the first instance, it will signify (to use our common idiom) well wishing ; in the second, simply wishing or desiring, which is implied in the other. : May feel very sure, §c.) At dopadeia wodd) eiva (in which the Greek and English exactly correspond, safe being familiarly used in the same sense), must be supplied dor from the preceding Socovmev. See Schneider on Xen. Hist. As to é\Séiv, which Goeller would have altered to éSé\ayv, without more JMS. authority scarcely any authority could justify the change; since it is so plainly an alteration devised for ease; though, in fact, it occasions more difficulty, for é\S At the same time, however, the Athenians applied themselves to the con- a na eee aa et ays. A. rd ceporeXeuTatoy THC TEPLOX IC (the passage). It may ua ecide CATT Slates (sometimes used in this very way, though only v mptim, vel familiariter), which I suspect to be a corruption or dialec- eoatyandton of the Ang. Sax. tag, whence tagel (tail); and so tag, the me ee §c.] Or, filled up with buildings, houses. The é« is intensive (answering to our up), which I have no where else observed in chine d. Soph. GEd. c. 27. has the kindred expression rézo¢ e€ouchoupoc. Tee aot word é€orxodouéw 1 have, however, noted a similar use. Arrian E. A. 5, 29, 5. 7,21, 11. Xen. Cicon. 20, te cri ene ate 10 It seems to me, §c.] The scope of this whole sees fpatiicgs imperfectly understood. To me it appears to be that o ee ve ioe y credit that might be claimed for ie ae i se e : a 5 P aan jOee— ol oduevoy are wrongly ren h le seca SED cannot signify Mee Hs but siipeiiet! Bidar MG: 7 ciov 1 r 7d onpawopevor) the giver oy le} ba ne ie chop s f rive entice against his claim to eres: by hinting that he might very well guess that a phe ie ac at already solemnly pronounced accursed to be inhabited, would neve inhabited for any good, but merely through dire se i eed it Made themselves huts in.] q.d._hutted ; for thei e was no a Ad Palmer and Wyttenb. to have conjectured PRC aby xplained it karackevac évrouoayro. is s¢ sa Paige 16, 4.3 see eae 4, 1B et Poppo takes it to mean unpack would require a , Ue a tad pation a urhitioned and hutted ont. Where these huts were placed we arenot told. The Schol. says upon the ee ae they aie rather seem to have been at the foot of the walls, by whic ; e ia mig more easily be partitioned out, and the huts would pata a Meas is The greater part of, $c.) Such is, I i dl on x ae ee “ most parts of the Piraeus,” as the trans'ators ren oy or hia} o vacant space in that crowded seat of commerce except a strip a ong the. wall. CHAP. XVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. S2T cerns of the war, both by drawing together their auxiliaries, and by equipping a fleet of one hundred sail for Peloponnesus. And in this state of preparation 1* were the Athenians. XVIII. But on the army of the Peloponnesians proceeding forwards, the first town of Attica that they came to’ was CEnoe!; at which point they had resolved to make the irruption; and having encamped before it, they prepared to make assaults upon the wall, both by machines, and in every other way. For (noe being on the borders of Attica and Beeotia, was walled, and the Athenians used it as a fortress on the occurrence of any war.” They therefore made preparations for storming it, and consumed some time on that 14 In this state, §c.| At év rovrwy wapacxevijc there is an ellipsis; though the philologists do not say of what word. Perhaps ywpiv. The clause is borrowed by Appian, 1, 557, 45. | The first town, &c.] Such is, I conceive, the true sense; though all the translators join ’Arriucij¢ with Oivony, by which it will mean Cinoe in Attica. But that would have been an unnecessary piece of information ; though there was (as we learn from Steph. Byz. and Pausan.) another inoe in Argos. Nay, there was also another in Attica; so that even that infor- mation would not have been sufficient. In fact, there is no difficulty in taking rij¢ Arructje with zpéroy. And as to transposition, nothing is more usual in Thucydides. First, then, they advanced upon Qinoe, resolving to commence their invasion there; and not without reason, since it would have been by no means prudent to have passed by, and left on their flank or rear so strong a fortress, from which they might have been annoyed by sorties. C4noe was doubtless a place of some strength by nature as well as art, otherwise it would not have baffled so powerful an army as that of the Peloponne- sians. On its exact situation there is a difference of opinion.. Poppo Proleg. 2, 257. quotes Stanhope and Barbie du Boccage, as maintaining that the present Castro is Eleutheria, and that Canoe is a castle about ten minutes’ ride from it, almost of a square form, and called Muopoli or Pyrgo. To this, however, Gell (Travels into Greece, p. 28. sqq.) objects. And he (as does also Poppo) supposes Cinoe further on, at Gi/to Castro, which im- pends over the entrance to Citheron. . To this last opinion I must accede, and would observe, that Cinoe is placed very erroneously in the map to Travels of Anacharsis ten miles from Citheron and the borders of Attica. and Beeotia, whereas Thucyd. places Ginoe on the very border. ) 2 Occurrence, &c.] It may be observed that caradapbavey.is used of what, overtakes or happens to us; and as things which overtake us usually. come before they are expected, or looked for, so the term is, I believe; always used of what befalls for evil. Of this there are numerous examples in Hero- dotus. So also Thucyd. 2, 54. and 4,20. Arrian Ind. 11,5. 15,12. Pau- san. pp. 282, 286 and 287. Of the use with wédeuog I know no other example but Diogen. Laert. 1, 53. Kai Hv 6 wodEwog ypac Karahaby, y' 4 328 ‘ THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. object to no purpose?; a delay from which Archidamus in- curred no little censure: also in the congress * held for the purpose of consulting respecting the war, he had been thought faint-hearted, and too much inclined to the Athenians, in not heartily declaring for war. Indeed, after the army was assembled together, the delay which occurred in the isthmus, and the tardiness in the rest of the march, exposed him to blame; but especially did this stay at CGinoe°; for during that time the Athenians had effected their removal into the city ; whereas, it was thought that, had the Peloponnesians advanced with speed, they would have found every thing ° yet without the city, and made it their booty, had not his tardiness frustrated the plan. Such were the angry feelings which the army entertained towards Archidamus at this stop- page.’ He, however, had delayed, expecting (it is said) that 3 To no purpose.| Hobbes and Smith render the ddd\we * other- wise, by that and other means.” But ddAd\gwe cannot have so much meaning. ‘There was surely no reason for them to have deserted their jidus Achates, Portus, who rightly renders it frustra (as does also Gail, en vain); a signification confirmed both by the context, and by an imitation in Dio Cass. 217, 8. warny ivddrpeva. Steph. causelessly suspected ypdvor, which is defended by an imitation in Dio Cass. p. 25,68. ypdvoy twa évoiarpupat. Here riva is left to be understood. 4 Congress.] Or war assembly. Such seems to be the sense, and not, as the translators render, “ in gathering the forces together.’ That use of modepmoc is unprecedented, and the sense would not be apt; for it does not appear how Archidamus could have much hand in retarding the assemblage of the troops. Besides, there would be a strange Hysteron proteron. The signification above assigned is confirmed by the Schol., and is very agree- able to what follows. And though this sense of cvvaywy? 1s not frequent in the earlier classical writers, yet it occurs in Polyb. 4, 7, 6. cvvaywy) Tov dxAwy. And Thucydides has elsewhere cuvdyew rijy éxxdynoiar. 5 Stay at Ginoe.| And yet this may be justified on sound military rea- sons. ‘Though probably Archidamus was not so much swayed by them, as by the profound policy (alluded to in his speech) of suspending the blow, and trying meanwhile the effects of terror in extorting concessions. Sxokadsrne and éioyeote are happily varied. Both terms are rare and Thucydidean. 6 Kvery thing.] Not all the people, as Hobbes renders (for they might have effected their escape), but all the moveable property. It is, however, not probable that, had the Peloponnesians advanced with speed, and left (noe on their flank or rear, they would have found all the property yet unremoved. The measures of the Athenians were under too able a direction to permit us to suppose this. The expression “it was thought,” should, perhaps, be confined to the Peloponnesians. They, it seems, thought so, warped by prejudice, and stung by disappointment. And this is much con- firmed by the words following. 7 Stoppage.| Wasse seems half inclined to take raSédoe in the sense CHAP. XIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 329 the Athenians, while their lands were yet unravaged *, would make some concession, as being loath? to suffer them to be devastated. XIX. However, after making various assaults upon CXinoe, and trying every other mode of siege- operations, they were not able to carry the place; and after the Athenians sent no message by herald — then at length, setting forward from the place, about the eightieth day after the event of the entry into Plateea by the Thebans, at the height of summer ', and when the corn was ripe, they made their irruption into Attica, under the command of Archidamus son of Zeuxida- mus, king of the Lacedzemonians; and, encamping themselves, they first laid waste Eleusis and the Thriasian plain %, and then engaged with and put to flight a detachment of the Athenian cavalry at a place called Rheiti® (the water-brooks, siege, of which he gives examples from Plutarch and Joseph., to which may be added Joseph. 194,20. aySéuevor 77 KaSédpa. But the other sense is required by the words following dveye, &c. Here éyv is used for ézi. 8 Unravaged.| On this signification, see Valck. on Herod. 4, 152. 9 Loath.| Karoxveiy is a very strong term, and though rare, is found in JKschyl. P. V. 67. where it is explained by Dr. Blomfield cunctando detrectare. This policy was not unfrequently used by Augustus Cesar. So Appian, 1,860, 61. 6 dé Kaioag, Ewe péy Amey adrodve agi~ecdat zpd¢ abroy, ovTE Tac KWpac obTE TOdC Aypoug Eupaivero, OdK ATaYTWYTWY Of, TavTa évEeripTpON. See also Xen. Hist. 4, 7, 13. | At the height of summer.] Goeller remarks, that our author uses such expressions as the present, to signify different times of the year; as 2, 78. Epi apnrovpov éiredac. 3, 15. év raprov Evyxoutoy. 4,1. wepi sirov éubodryy. See also 2, 6. 7,16. 8,350. And he endeavours to prove that cirov axpr every where denotes the time when corn is in flower, Getreide bliithe [the flower of the year]. He well compares the estatem adultam of Tacit. Annal. 2, 23. 2 Thriasian plain.| As wedioy is not found in two MSS., Duker thinks it should be cancelled. And this may be supported by Aristid. t.2. Plu- tarch Pelop. 8., and Arat. 33. But the word occurs, in the same phrase, at c. 20, and 21, 22; in Xenophon Agesil., and Herod. 9, 7.; also xpiocaioy aedioy in Soph. Electr. 724. 3 Rheiti.| On this place the commentators furnish little or no inform- ation, chiefly touching on the accentuation. From Pausan. 1, 38. and 2, 24. we find that it consisted of a couple of brooks, issuing from under eround, and of a brackish taste, insomuch that they were supposed to issue from the sea at Euripus; also, that they were accounted sacred to Ceres and Proserpine, and the fish from them permitted to be taken by the priests only, i.e. in the language of Polynesia, they were tabooed to the people. Hesych. and Etym. Mag. say, that they were in the Thriasian plain, and 330 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. or rivulets). They then moved forwards, having on their right mount Adgaleos*, through Cropéa®*, until they came to Acharne, a town the largest in Attica of what are called the Demi ® (or boroughs), and there taking post, they formed near Eleusis; and Pausanias tells us they formerly constituted the boundary between the district of Eleusis, and the rest of Attica. From Photius, in his Lex., we learn that they were mere brooks, springing from the same source. But he spells the word ‘Pera, which I suspect to be a corruption for ‘Petroi; and the mistake seems to have arisen from the neuter, vaparia, occurring just before. It may, therefore, be rendered water-brooks, as Psalm, 42, 1., or, water-courses, as Is. 44, 4. 4 Afgaleos.| Or Agaleon. I have, however, preferred the former, as being the orthography of Herodotus, and the more antient writers. The other is only found in the later ones, as Pliny. Our Schol., too, and the Schol. on Aschyl., are agreed that the masculine is the trueform. On the site, however, of this mountain, commentators and critics differ in opinion. See Wasse in loco, and Wessel. and Valckn. on Herod. 8, 90. It is not, indeed, easy to reconcile the words of Herodot. with those of Thucydides. Few will hesitate to unite with Dr. Blomfield, on Ausch. Pers. 473., in preferring, in such a point, the authority of Auschylus; but there is little doubt that both authors are correct, though it may not be easy, without a better knowledge of the face of the country, to reconcile them. ‘The most successful attempt is that of Dodwell, cited by Poppo Proleg. 2, 259., in the following words: —‘‘ The northern extremity of Corydallus begins almost in a straight line under Kasha, not far from the ruins of Acharnee, and is separated by a plain from Parnes. Nor does there seem any reason to doubt, but that Corydallus and A®galeos are one and the same mountain ; the western part of it, commencing from the sacred or mystic fauces, and running out into the Saronicus sinus with the pro- montory of Amphialus, near Salamis, separated the territories of the Athe- nians from the Thriasian plain.” According to the same writer, p. 513., the present name of ANgaleos is Scarmagga.* Of this mountain mention is made in Theocr. Idyll. 1, 147. az’ AtyQw isxada rpwyow., by which passage it seems to have been famous for figs. 5 Cropéa.] This reading I have adopted from the best MSS., and Bek- ker and Goeller’s editions. The common one, Cecropia, cannot be tole- rated; for, as I have before observed, Cecropia was the old town (pro- bably founded by Cecrops) on which arose Athens. Now, that being a comparatively well-known name, was easily substituted for the little-known one Cropéa. I say dittle-known, for it is also mentioned by Steph. Byz. in two places, one of which has been restored by Bredoy.; though Duker un- accountably puts out this little gleam of light, by supposing, that the Cropea there mentioned is not the place here meant. Hoc est sapere ! 6 Demi, or boroughs.| These Demi may be illustrated from Herod. 1,170,17. rag 0& dddag wédtag oikeopéivac pHdiy hoooy vopileoSar KaTamEp * Tn confirmation of this, I would observe, that the present name bears some affinity to the former; for galeos seems to have been given from some fancied resemblance of this mountain to the wild, rough, and horrid appearance of a goat ; q. d. Goat-mountain (thus a mountain in Scotland is called Goatfield) ; and in like manner Scarmagga (or rather Scarmaggia) signifies what is ruffled, “ all tattered and torn.” CHAP. XX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. rf a camp, and remained a considerable time ravaging the adja~ cent country. XX. Now the intent with which Archidamus remained about Acharnz, keeping his army in battle array, and did not descend into the plain at that irruption, was said to be tiiis — that he expected that the Athenians, then strong in numerous bands of young men, and better prepared for war than they had ever before been, would probably sally forth, and not suffer their land to be ravaged. When, how- ever, they met him not at Eleusis, nor at the-Thriasian plain, he made an attempt, by taking a position about Acharne, to see whether they would come forth to battle. The place, too, seemed to him commodious to encamp in!, and, moreover, it appeared not probable that the Acharnians (who formed a considerable portion of? the state, consisting of three thousand heavy-armed,) would suffer their possessions to be destroyed, but would incite ali their fellow-citizens to the contest. And if the Athenians should even not come forth at that irruption, they might afterwards more fearlessly both ravage the plain, and proceed to the city itself: for the Acharnanians being i Ojpor eiev. See also Pausan. 1, 29,2. and Herod. 3, 55,7. where Valck. has the following masterly illustrations : — “ The word odjpoc may be ren- dered oppidum, or curia. Not only among the Athenians, but also else- where, villages and small towns were called Ojpor; and yet the appellation was not given promiscuously to any whatsoever. When people from dif- ferent villages, or small towns, united together, either voluntarily or com- pulsorily, into one city, then these villages were called dijo, and the inhabitants of them all, having, as it were, their own senate, were styled curiales and dOnudra. All these towns had not only their own particular sacred rites, but also their magistrates, their Ojjoc, or popular form of go- vernment.” Asa proof that these djpoe were originally villages as well as small towns, Strabo enumerates 140 of them. A complete account of these Demi was lately read to the Royal Society of Literature by Colonel Leake, and will, I trust, be shortly given to the public. 1 Commodious to encamp in.] This is very similar to Herod. 9,7. Opid-= ciov rédvoy émirndeoraror éort tupayesSar, where see the examples adduced by Wessel. and Valckn., and especially Porson’s Adverts. at Eurip. Bacch, 508. évdvorvyijoat rotvopa ériryosioc. ’ 2 A considerable portion of.| Méya pépoc. A very similar phrase occurs in Herod. 1, 146. poipa rijg EXAA0¢ ob tXaxtorn ; and 1,104. and 7, 157., imitated by Pausan. 10, 29, 2. who often uses the idiom. And thus at 5, 22, 5. “EXevSepoAakwywy ovrot poipac joav. I conjecture poipa. Other critical matter I must reserve for my edition, only referring the reader to my note on Matth. 2, 6. 332 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. deprived of their own possessions, would not be equally zealous in meeting dangers for those of others ; but dissension would be infused into their counsels ° and plans. Such, then, was the design with which Archidamus continued about Acharne. X XI. Now the Athenians, as long as the army lay about Eleusis and the Thriasian plain, entertained some hope that they would not proceed further forward'; remembering that Plistionax son of Pausanias, king of Lacedeemon, after making an incursion with a Peloponnesian army into Attica, as far as Eleusis and towards Thria ®, fourteen years before this war, retreated back again, proceeding no further forward (on which account, indeed, he was sentenced to banishment from Sparta, as being thought to have been induced to make this retreat by bribery). But when they saw the army about Acharnze? only sixty stadia from the city, they thought it an ageression and insult no longer to be endured ; nay, it seemed to them (and not without reason) hard to behold their country ravaged in their very view; a sight the younger of them had never before witnessed, nor indeed the elder, except during” the Median war; and it was the general opinion, especially 3 Infused into their counsels.| Such seems to be the sense, which is but imperfectly understood by the interpreters, partly from their not discerning the true signification of yy#pn, though it is of frequent occurrence in Thu- cydides. And indeed Reiske would read 76. They also fail to perceive that évéceoSat is the future middle, with a passive sense, of évinu. Its sense here (which is noticed by Hesych. émévau' tu€ddXev) is elegant, and occurs in Polyb. 28, 4, 8. évivar dvabodae kara .twvoc. So iuedAray éxcsv- piay, provekiay, ordovy, and other terms. | Further forward.| Such is the force of ei¢ rd méov. This construc- tion after zpoe\Seiv, and the use of wdéor for eparépw, is very rare. 2 Towards Thria.| On the force of Z (which answers to our ward after the name of a place), see Abresch Diluc. 3 Acharne.| The singular ’“Ayapva is found in Steph. Byz., and ’Aydpyn in Hesych.; both probably corrupt, the former from the carelessness of the scribe, the latter from itacism. Ach. was a very large country town, famous (as we find from Hesych.) for its breed of asses, and partly for its charcoal, as we learn from Aristo- phanes. But so rude were its inhabitants that “Ayapveic came (as appears from Etym. Mag.) to denote what we call dumpkins. Of this we have an example in that exquisitely comic character Diczeopolis in Aristoph. Acharn. a drama then written, to bring the measures of Pericles (able and salutary as they were) into contempt, and work on the irritable feelings of the people, especially the Acharnians. See Meurs. Paralip. Attic. c. 2. ‘CHAP. XXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 333 of the youth, that they should sally forth, and not tamely look on and see themselves injured. Forming themselves, therefore, into separate bands (or knots‘), they were at no little variance °; one party urging that they should go forth®, the other protesting against the measure. The oracle-singers, too, uttered various prophecies, which each understood and interpreted according as inclination prompted or passion swayed him.’ ‘The Acharnians, moreover, considering them- selves as forming no contemptible part of the Athenians, when their district was ravaged, most of all urged the going forth. Indeed, in every way the city was thrown into violent commo- 4 Knots.| Hack renders, “ political clubs.’ But I prefer, with Levesque, tumultuous groups; as 3,27. This passage is imitated by Dionys. Hal. p- 558. ult. civodo. 4dn Kara ovorpoddc éyivovto; Dio Cass. 672, 29. kara svoTacec toracidcapev; Dionys. Hal. 428,39. xara re ovorpopdc Kai érat- piac; Appian 2,691. card ocvoracec, 881,59.; Joseph. 1204,9. Kara ov- oTpopae ot orpariirat OueXadovy; Artemid. 2,20, 174. med. car’ ayédac Kai ovotpopac; Malchus Rhetor ap. Corp. Hist. Byz. 1, 97. B. yateric edepor, kara Evordoec re ydpevor. There is a similar passage in Eurip. Andr. 1078. cic 6& Evordoec Kixdove 7 éywost Aadce; and Xen. Anab. 5, 7, 2. Kai EvAN6yot éyiyvovTo Kai KiKOL GUVioTAYTO. Hence is illustrated Eurip. He- racl. 416, kai viv, mikpdy by, cvardceac ay Eloidoic. TOV piv NEYOYTWY — THY dé x. 7..3 also Antiphanes ap. Athen. 342. E. kixdouc avayeipoyvrec. So the Latin writers use the words circulus, coitus, concursus, and concilium. 5 At no little variance.] And no wonder, for the Acharnians seem, from Aristoph., to have been very irascible and obstinate. So Ach. 180. he de- scribes them as orimroi yipovrec, mpivivor, ’Arepdpmovec, Mapaswropayat, opevoduriwvor. Compare also 332—335. and 665. 6 Urging that, §c.| There is a passage much to the present purpose in Avistid. t. 3,232. D. where for cupbaiey I conjecture cuppater. 7 Each understood, §c.] Of this passage there has been more doubt respecting the reading than the sense. The reading of the editions up to Gottleb. was 7ypodéro. Gottleb., from almost all the MSS., edited axpo- aoSa. And though Bauer battles hard for the old reading, which he thinks magis vigere, yet the new one is established on the most undoubted principles of criticism; for we can by no means account for so difficult a one unless on the supposition of its truth ; whereas the other would readily suggest itself to any sciolist who stumbled at the passage. Yet I cannot agree with the editors that duariSeiro is to be supplied. That is too irre- gular an ellipsis. I should rather supply odrw 7xpoaro from the preceding axpodro. And the reading ijcpoaro may have been from the margin, where it was placed for the purpose of supplying the ellipsis. Here I must notice two passages of the classical writers, which seem written with a view to the present. Joseph. Bell, 6, 5, 4. ot d& cai rév onpusioy & piv expwway rpde noov)y, & 0 ovSérviway; Herodian, 3, 7, 15. rd péy ovy moc THY ExaTEpwcEY avnpnpéevwv i) aXévTwy, we Exaoroc thovrySy T&Y ovyypavayTwY, LoropnoEV. 8 Underwent a, &c.] Or, “ was exceedingly irritated,” “in a state of great irritation.’ The ava has an intensive force; and the verb itself is rare, though it occurs in Xen. Anab. 6, 6,6. and Joseph. 158. avnpéSiaro 334 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. tion’, and was fired with indignation against Pericles. They remembered nought of his admonitions, but reviled him for not leading them forth, as a general should — and, in a word, regarded him as the author of all the evils they were suffering. XXII. He, however, seeing them exasperated at the pre- sent untoward position of affairs, and therefore biassed by false judgment’ — fully persuaded, too, that he had decided rightly in not leading them forth, convened no assembly, nor any meeting’, lest, being thus congregated, they should, under the influence of passion rather than reason, be hurried into some indiscretion *, but contented himself with guarding the city*, and preserving, to the utmost of his power, the public tranquillity. He, however, regularly sent forth de- tachments of horse, to prevent the enemy’s advanced parties from making incursions, and ravaging the farms” near the ro moc. The Schol. explains it here by. dveyeipero. But that is too general a sense, and is rather applicable to the use of the word in a dis- puted passage of Xen. Mem. 3, 5,7. xporpéirecSar abrove (scil, "ASnvaiovg) TAALY AVEPESLOTHVAL. THC apyalag apEeTHC. 1 Biassed by false judgment.] Literally, judging amiss, being ill-advised. So 6, 36. caxkwic gpovjoa. The versions of Smith and Gail are too loose and paraphrastic. 2 Nor any meeting.| By the way in which éx«Aynoiay and £d\Xoyor are introduced, there is a marked distinction between them, the nature of which, however, the commentators have omitted to point out. The former evidently denotes the public assembly of the people; the latter may signify a comparatively private meeting, or council, of the higher classes. The term is used of a council of the allies at 1.67. Though at 2, 59. it seems to be equivalent to éccAnoia. There must, however, have been some minute distinction between the two terms, with which we are unacquainted. See Pollux, 1. 9,142. 3 Be hurried, §c.] A rare and elegant sense of éapapravey, of which there is an example in Aristoph. Lys. 1277. eiAabopueSa TO Aowrdy abSee pur) tEapaprave ere, . 4 Contented himself, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the real, though not the literal, sense of this clause, the scope of which has been but imperfectly comprehended by most translators, who take it to denote “ keeping a strict guard over ;” thus regarding the words following as exegetical of the preceding. But it should rather seem that this and the next clause are meant to indicate the objects on which Pericles was especially intent, namely, to completely guard the city, and keep it in tranquillity. Al iavyxiac ciyev is wrongly explained by the Scholiast jctyaZe. It must be taken in an active sense, as in a kindred passage at 7,8. rad kara orpa- rémedov Out dvudaKijc Exwyv. See also 1,17. and note. 5 Farms.] i.e. preedia. Not jelds, as the translators render. On the above sense I have before treated. CHAP. XXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 235 city; whereupon there was a skirmish ° at Phrygia’ between a body® of horse of the Athenians, together with some Thessalians?, and the Boeotian horse; in which the Athenians and Thessalians had not the worst of it until, on the Boeotians being reinforced by some heavy-armed, they were put to the rout, and some few of the Athenians and Thessalians were slain. However, they fetched off the bodies the same day, without asking a treaty’°; and on the following day the 6 Skirmish.| Or, slight engagement. For Bpayvc here, as at 1, 78, and 141., signifies not short, but slight. Krueger, cited by Goeller, observes that it is sometimes put for dA‘yoc, the notions of length, magnitude, and multitude (and, I would add, the contrary) being not unfrequently inter- changed. On which see Valckn. on Eurip. Hippol. 1. 7 Phrygia.| Not Phrygii, as Hobbes and Smith (nay, even Goeller) write; for we learn from Steph. Byz. and Eustath. there cited by Berkley, that it was called Spiyia, neuter plural. Steph., too, describes it as a place between Attica and Beotia. But this site does not suit the present con- text, I therefore suspect that that passage is corrupt, and that some words are lost after peratd. The Geographer, I think, meant to notice that there was another Phrygia in Attica as well as in Beeotia. As to the situation of the place, it cannot be fixed. The name it bears was doubtless given from its dry site. So Hesych. ¢ptyue Enodc. Thus, by a subaudition of ywpra, it will signify the dry plains or tracts. So Dry-burgh in Scot- land. And we may compare Jerem. 51,43. “ her cities are a dry-land, and wilderness.” ' § Body.| Hobbes and Smith render, troop. But that conveys a notion of far too smalla number ; since, with us, the troop seldom exceeds fifty. I have adopted the indefinite term, dody, because it is, I conceive, im- possible to find any exactly parallel word, and very difficult to ascertain the extent of the Athenian rédoc, in the age of the Peloponnesian war. The Scholiast defines réke. by raéypar. But that clears up nothing. félian, indeed, in his Tactics, fixes the ré\oc at two thousand and forty- eight. But that number far exceeds the whole amount of the Athenian cavalry, which, we find from c. 13. supra, was twelve hundred. The word, rédoc, often occurs in Herodot.; but never, | think, so as to convey any notion of its amount; except that it appears to have been a large body, probably answering to the trzapyia of lian, which exactly corre- sponds to our regiment ; and this is, perhaps, what the Scholiast means by raypart. The imapxia, it may be observed, was the largest of the simple turme: ; all beyond, as the’égirzapyia, &c., were, like the Réman legions, brigades of two, or four, or eight regiments. 9 Thessalians.| These, we may observe, are not mentioned in the list of the Athenian confederates, supra, c.9. And, indeed, the connection was only that of amity and good-will arising from antient treaties. (See Pausan. 1, 29, 5. who mentions the monument erected to the memory of these very Thessalians in this engagement.) By this the Thessalians (though the democratical party alone was firmly attached to Athens) were induced occasionally to send assistance. 10 Fetched off, §c.| By so doing they refused to admit that they were conquered ; and, indeed, the being able to fetch away the bodies, without a treaty, implied that there had been no portion of equality lost by the battle. Hence, it is plain, that od woddoi was rightly edited by Steph. ; for 336 ' (HE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. Peloponnesians raised a trophy.’* This aid of the Thes- salians was now sent in consequence of antient alliance with the Athenians.!2 Those that came were the Laris- seeans, Pharsalians, Pirasians, Cranonians, Pyrasians, Gyr- tonians, and Phereans'?; of whom those from Larissa had the greater part been slain, such could not have been done. I mention this, because the o/d reading (found in six MSS.) is preferred by Kis- temaker. Here Goeller refers to Wessel. on Herod, 9, 27., and the commentators on lian, V. H. 9, 27., citing Livy, 23, 46. posteram diem induciis tacitis sepeliendo utrinque czesos in acie consumserunt, which illustrates what I, on a former occasion, remarked, on the truce being sometimes tacit. ’AvéXeoSat, in the above sense, signifies, properly, to take up; and, from the adjunct, to carry away, as Thucyd. just after adds. 11 And the Peloponnesians, §c.] The circumstance, “ the next day,” may, at first sight, appear trivial. But, in fact, it is not; for it shows that the Peloponnesians did not venture to do this on the day itself, when the Athenians went and fetched away their dead ; otherwise the same scene might have taken place as is recorded at I. 1,105. When the victory was very doubtful, both parties used to raise a trophy; and, by a sort of tacit agreement, did not, on either side, hinder the opposite one from raising their trophy. See 1, 54. 12 Antient alliance with the Athenians.] This alliance was also adverted to at |]. 1, 107., where it is said, that the Thessalians came to the assistance of the Athenians cara 7d cuppayixdy, as here. And, it is there added, that they went over, in the action, to the Lacedzemonians; from which, we may presume, that these Thessalians were of the aristocratical party; for, we find by what here follows, that there were two parties at present, as there seems to have been at the preceding time. 13 Pirasians, §c.] These names have occasioned no little difficulty. One thing is clear, that among these the old reading, Parasii, is indefensible, since there was no such a people in Thessaly as the Parasii. Gottleb. and Hack edit. Paralii ; from the Scholiast, as they say. He tells us (they ob- serve) that Parasii there were in Arcadia, but notin Thessaly, though there were Parali ; thus, evidently, suggesting that as the true reading. But, in fact, this [apdédv1, in the Schol., is from the alteration of Duker for Iapaow1; an emendation which he justifies by remarking, that the Paralii are mentioned by St. Byz. This, however, is but taking the thing for granted. Goeller cancels the word altogether, as being a var. lect. of Ivpdovor just after. But as none of the MSS. countenance this, his cri- ticism is stirely too bold. I so far, however, agree with him, that Iu pdaoun should be read (from the best MSS.) for Ieepdowe. For (as Goeller points out) Pyrasus is mentioned in Strabo, p. 435., and (it may be added) in such a manner as forbids all alteration of reading. Mecpaoua, however, seems also to have been a town of Thessaly, in the province of Magnesia, from what St. Byz. says. Though, as I find no mention of it in any other author, I should suspect that Steph. was deceived by an error in his copy; and that the town which he speaks of was the same with Pyrasus, but that he has also Pyrasus, which he places not in Magnesia, but in Pthiotis. And that it was there situated, is plain from Strabo. I have, therefore, no doubt, but that in the above passage of the Schol., for TMapdow: we should read, not Mapadvo., with Duker, but [eipaowr, with Heringa; and that it ought to be headed Hepdow; « and a being perpetually interchanged, Then he may be supposed to mean, that the true reading here is, not CHAP. XXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 337 were commanded by Polymedes and in question is not without the characteristics of Thueydidean style. Others, therefore, maintain, that the whole came from Thucydides, But this opi- nion (which the persons by whom it is embraced extend to all the orations in Thucydides) is, I conceive, destitute of foundation, indeed, more as re- spects this than any of the orations in the history. For it is hardly possible to doubt but that Thucydides (considering his intention at the beginning of the war, to write its history) was present at the delivery of this oration. And from his own recollection, and that of his friends (and possibly some assistance from Pericles) he would be fully enabled to give us the oration, in all substantial points, the same as it was delivered by Pericles. On the method pursued, and the principles acted upon by our Historian in the orations generally, see the observations on |. 1, 22. Wasse, indeed, argues that we cannot have the oration, in any degree, as it was delivered by Pericles, because Aristot. Rhet. 1, 7, 720. mentions Pericles as observing in his funeral oration, ry vedrnra te rhe méEwe aynpijoya, women Td tap ee Tov éviavTod ei EEawpedein. But we find, on the authority of Stesimbrotus, who can be proved to have been a contemporary of Pericles (see Vossius de Grecis Hist. p. 370.), that Pericles delivered another ; and therefore there is no reason to doubt but that the passage in question was in that other oration. Certainly this passage is very worthy of Pericles. As to what Gottleb. and, from him, Goeller say, that Aristotle represents Pericles as commencing his oration with these words, it is quite false. A piece of negligence, in those com- mentators, very blameable. As to the story current among the antients, that the oration delivered by Pericles was written by Aspasia(and indeed Synes. 37 D. calls it the oration of Aspasia and Pericles; nay at 58 D. considers it as hers), it seems entitled to little attention; though, if the intellectual powers and exquisite taste of that extraordinary, and perhaps unjustly treated woman, were so great as we have reason to suppose, there would be little cause to doubt, but that 1t received some of its polish at least from her hands. With respect to the comparative merits of this and the only other antient funeral oration that can bear any comparison with it, namely that of Plato, I would adopt the pithy remark of Synes. p. 37. D. éxarepoc Sarepou TapaToNd KadXdiwy éort, Tote oikeiowe Kavdot Kowopevoc. In facet, they differ from each other in much the same way, and therefore as little bear comparison, as the cathedrals of York and Lincoln. This may, perhaps, be the best place for me to notice an anecdote, which is given by Mr. Butler, in his Reminiscences p. 166, where he says he has it on the authority of Mr. Pitt, that the translation of this oration in Smith’s work was executed by Lord Chatham. Without meaning to question the veracity of so truly respectable and excellent a person as Mr. Butler, I cannot but suspect that his memory has, in this instance, deceived him. Had Lord Chatham really translated it, it would surely have been in a very different manner. Perfect accuracy would certainly not have been attained ; but there would have been numerous characteristics of the style of that distinguished orator, which I am ready to admit bore some resemblance to that of Pericles; both, in some degree, meriting the epithet that has been applied to the former, Olympian. Had Mr. Butler affirmed this of the third oration of Pericles, there might have been more of proba- bility in the assertion. Jor, on a certain clause of that oration, p. 175., Smith remarks, “ that his first attempts at it were very faint and imperfect ; of which he was soon convinced by the greatest genius of the age, who did him the honour to read over this speech in manuscript, and who, as think- CHAP. XXXV, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. . S86!I the legislator? who superadded to the other observances en- joined by law on this occasion, the oration’, as honourable to be pronounced over those who are brought hither from the field of battle for interment.* To myself, however, it would, have seemed sufficient that men, who by deeds have evinced their valour, should by deeds (such as you now behold in this publicly solemnized sepulture) have their honour illustrated’, and not that the virtues of many should be endangered by® ing and speaking like Pericles, could not endure that any of his words should be depreciated.”? But it does not appear that even that clause was translated by Lord Chatham ; nay, Smith’s words imply that he retranslated it himself. And as there is not the least reason to doubt the worthy dean’s veracity, or call in question his integrity, so all that I can account probable is that Lord Chatham (whom I had a/ways supposed to have been meant by Smith) read over this funeral oration, and marked such passages as he thought were incorrect, or fell beneath the dignity of so noble a com- position. 2 The legislator.| Who is here meant, has not been determined; whe- ther, as the Scholiast tells us, Solon, or some person who lived at the time of the Persian war. For we learn from Diod. 11, 33. that the law for the establishment of this oration was passed soon after the battle of Plataa. And Dionys. Hal. says, it was of date addition. Gottleb., indeed, thinks, that even Solon was only the restorer of it, since it may be traced to Cecrops. And he refers to Petit Leg. Att. p.603. ‘The second opinion, that it was of a late period, may seem strongly confirmed by the funeral orations of Lysias and Demosthenes. But there is every reason to think the latter a forgery ; and the former is but of dubious credit; not to say that the very mention there of the founder of this law is suspicious. The truth seems to be, that Solon first promulgated the law, though something similar to it had prevailed in the age of Cecrops (by whom, I imagine, is to be un- derstood Cecrops the second), and, indeed, may be found in the Trojan war. After its establishment, however, it had probably been suffered to grow into disuse by the time of the Persian war, when it was thought necessary to re-establish and perpetuate it. 3 Superadded to, §c.} The phrase, zpooSivra ry vom roy Aéyoy, is somewhat extraordinary; but it is, nevertheless, defended by the passage of Dionys. Hal., cited by Hudson. I would add, that it seems to be imi- tated from Herod. 2, 136. zpooreSijvat O& rt TOUTW TY VOUM TOVOE, 4 Brought hither from, §c.] Oamropévowe is a vor pregnans, including both the being brought from the field of battle, and the being interred. So Dionys. Hal, 1, 291. who has this passage in view: ’ASnvatoe piv éxi roi¢ Kara roy TodEMov Samropévowe KaTaoThoacSat Tove EmiTadiove ayopEvecdae Adyove. Smith, Hobbes, and Gail, here hardly offer a paraphrase. 5 It would have seemed, &c.| So Aristid. 5,296. B. speaking of Themis- tocles and his actions: & yap ov« éoruy évdsizacsat TH AOYHY, THE ay TIC éK TOUTWY éKkEivoy JEewpycEte. 6 Endangered by.| Such is the sense of kuduveteoSa év, where the év (signifying at, by) is omitted in some MSS., but is defended not only by the passage of Lucian cited by Goeller, but by Lueian 2, 246,76. ra nperepa ty Ever Gvdpe kivOvvevomerva ; Phalar. Epist. 105. apec€irny oixreipsc id’ tvi xuvovyebovra aii, which is imitated from Joseph. p. 75,29. and 744, 38. 362 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. being entrusted’ to an éndividual, who may acquit himself well or ill.8) Whereas, to hold the middle course, and speak even tolerably well °, were perilous, on a subject where even manifest truth !° is hard to be established. For the auditor, Menander ap. Corp. Hist. Byz. 1,147. C. tv dotdw xevduvebecSat Kpicéte Finally, (to omit much erttical matter which I reserve for my edition) Eurip. Cycl. 650. év rp Kapi KLVOUPEDOMEVALC. 7 Being entrusted.| UsorevSijvac is by some regarded as dependent on wore understood ; by others, as put for pu) zecrevS7; by others, again, as put for the genitive, or the accusative of ziortc. The first method is too feeble and precarious, the others far too violent. Notwithstanding what Goeller says, misrevSivar is dependent upon kiwvdvvebecSa, though not by means of écre. This use of the infinitive after the active {cwwduvebw) is not unfrequent, as 3,74. 8,91. In the passive it is rare. The harshness and difficulty here found chiefly results from the sentence being monocolus with two verbs ; whereas perspicuity would require it to be dimemébris. 8 Acquit himself, Sc.] Goeller here deserts the common opinion, that re — cai are for 7) —7, and maintains that they ought to be taken, not with miorevohvat, but with cuvdvvevecSar. But nothing more violent can be imagined. The truth is, r>— «ai belong to eiaxéy7t, which is to be taken twice. There the participle is for a relative pronoun and a verb. The re kai may be taken for 7—7, but if they be not, the sense will be the same. Indeed, in our own language, if the constructio bimembris be completed, the copulative will be preferable; if not, the disjunctive must be em- ployed. 9 Whereas to hold, §c.| Such seems to be the sense of the difficult words yateroy yao—eireiy, with which the translators and commentators are not a little perplexed. Smith renders the perpiwe “ judiciously.” And so Goeller. Hobbes, “ keep a due medium.” But these significations are precarious, and here unsuitable. For thus the rd perpiwe eixeitv would be considered the same as the 76 ev simcity; whereas that they are different is plain from the yap, which denotes whereas; a signification on which I have before treated, and which here being unperceived by the comment- ators caused them to mistake the sense of perpiwe sizsiv, where the whole difficulty centers. Now that is meant to represent the middle point between the ed eizeiy and the yeipoy eiveiv.. The orator intends to meet a tacit ob- jection, that “the danger is not so great, since it cannot be difficult to find a person who may speak in a middling manner, tolerably well.” To which the answer is, that “the folerably well is really difficult on a subject where even the best oratory, and the plainest evidence of truth, will hardly bear any one out.” The above sense of perpiwg is confirmed by the Scholiast, and was per- ceived by Bauer. 10 Manifest truth.| The phrase » dd«note rite adnSeiac (on which I shall fully treat in my edition) is a somewhat anomalous one. It is not, how- ever, as some think, a periphrasis for 1 dAnSeia, but the genitive rijc¢ dAnYetac is put for the cognate adjective (an idiom frequent in the New Testament, and which is usually accounted a Hebraism), and then, by an hypallage, the noun and the adjective are interchanged. With the sentiment Goeller (after Wasse) compares Sallust Catal. c. 5., also Cic. Ep. ad Fam. 6,7., and Dio Cass. p.497. The first and third of these passages are imitations. I would subjoin a most pithy remark of Isocr. Panath. §15. p. 400. ra péy pupa rv rpaypdrwy pdduy roig Nyorg CHAP, XXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 363 who has had personal experience of the transactions, and is well affected, may perhaps think some circumstance '' treated short of what he would wish, and what he knows to be the truth 12; while he who is unacquainted therewith, will, if he hears any thing beyond the reach of his own nature, through envy, regard it as an exaggeration. For thus far only are the praises bestowed on others endurable, as long as each may judge himself able to perform something of what he hears '°; whereas whatever surpasses their own powers excites their envy, and then their disbelief:'4 Since, however, the observance of this branch of the solemnity has been judged proper by the wisdom of our ancestors, it becomes my duty (while I thus conform to law and custom) to endeavour, as far as possible, to satisfy the wishes and meet the approbation of every one present. avetjoat, Toig 0& UTEepbaXovot THY tpywr, Kai TY pEyéser Kal TH Karr YCrETOY tEcc@oat Tovc évaivouc. 11 Some circumstance.] Not every thing, as Smith inaccurately, and even absurdly, renders. 12 Short of what, §c.] Literally, “ short of what he would have had expressed, and what he knows to be.” 13 For thus far, §c.] This passage is imitated by Lucian, 2, 485, 15. pexpl yap roves ot Exauvot avEKToi Elow sic dooyv dv O ératydupEevog yrwpity &xkaoToy TOY Eyopivwy mpocoy éavtp; Aristid. 3,672. B. Kai we Exasroe (axpoarnc) exe duoiwe i) Ouvapewe obrwe éawet. And Cicero: “ Nunc enim tantum quisque laudat, quantum sperat se posse imitari.” 14 But whatever surpasses, &c.| There is some diversity of reading in this passage, occasioned, it should seem, by the difficulty of the words. Duker remarks that Dionys. Hal. read iép6addov. And, it may be added, that such also was the reading of Agathias, who at p. 67. imitates this passage. But I see no reason to desert the common reading depbddXovTt, especially as it is confirmed by the following close imitation in Dio Cass. p. 698. & yap abroc txacréc Téy axovdyTur ob« dy Reysee Too, TABT ove érépou Aeyovroc meorevey BotdrAErau. Kai paw ore mac wayti TY UTEPEXOVTL oLovar, trodrepoy axsrst; also Procop. de Aidif. 2,18. rq iaepbadXovre THe ApEeTIC Arista yéyover. As to the var. lect. airdy, though it be found in almost all the best MSS. and preferred by Abresch, yet I see not how it is tenable. Nay, I cannot put suspect that it is a mere blunder for airov, which may seem more suit- ‘able to #jcovce, and to be countenanced by the above imitation in Sallust ; but the airéy is required by the ¢Sovoivrec axorovow. Aréy cannot, however, refer to ézatywy,as the Schol., Gottleb., and Hack suppose; but with Kistemmacher and Goeller, must be taken for what they themselves can do. Hence may, perhaps, be illustrated the somewhat obscure words of Tacit. Agric. c.1. Quotiens magna aliqua ac nobilis virtus vicit ac super- gressa est vitium, parvis magnisque civitatibus commune, ignorantiam recti et invidiam. So also Eurip. Belleroph. Frag. 10. gSovotaw, abroi yetpoveg mepuncrec. Ele ra muonpa 0 6 gIdvog wHddy pire, 364: ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. XXXVI. “TI shall commence’ with the previous com- memoration of our ancestors; for both justice and decorum, as regards them, alike demand that in an address such as the present, this honourable mention ? should be assigned them. For surely by having uninterruptedly °, and always the same race *, inhabited this country; by having, through successive generations down to the present time, delivered it to us free through their valour, they are worthy of praise. And yet more so are our immediate forefathers. For acquiring, not without toil, in addition to what they inherited, the empire which we pos- sess, they bequeathed it to us of the present age; though farther enlargements have been made by ourselves (especially such of | us as are in the maturity of our age °), which have thereby fur- 1 I shall commence, &c.] There may appear a sort of pleonasm in apZopae mpHrov; but it may rather be considered emphatic; as in EKurip. Med. 473. ix 0& réyv Tpwrwyv mpOToy dpsouar eye. There is an imitation of the passage in Dio Cass. 408, 51. 2 This honourable mention.| Literally, this very honour of mention; by which is meant the honour of being first mentioned; for Smith wrongly takes it of being mentioned only. It had been needless to say that their ancestors ought to be mentioned in an oration like this; but that they should have the honour of a first mention, was not so obvious; this, how- ever, the orator says, justice and decorum alike demand. 3 Uninterruptedly.| Such is here the sense of dei. 4 Always the same race.] Or, they being always the same race, the country always being inhabited by the same race, and not having those frequent changes of inhabitants spoken of in 1, 2., and which is there said to have pre- vailed in all the best portions of Greece. It is not meant that there was no foreign admixture ; for it is plain from 1, 2. that Attica was especially the seat of colonisation; but that, to use the kindred expression at 1, 2. ryjv ‘ATTY aVSpeTrot wWKouy ot abroi det. Now this was ever the especial boast of the Athenians ; nay, they pretended to be airéySovec. So Aristoph. Vesp. 1076. “Eopév npsic—’Arrixoi, pdvows Katwg ebyeveic abréySovec, “AvdptKw- TaTov yévoc, Kai, &c. 5 Maturity of our age.| Goeller explains this etatem stantem, scil. mi- litarem; thus regarding »Accia as standing for youth. And he musters a formidable array of critics in support of this signification. But, admitting it to be well founded, it can have no place here; since Pericles was no youth, any more than was Archidamus, who uses a not dissimilar expression at 1,80. In short, there is no reason to abandon the interpretation of the Scholiast and the earlier commentators. ‘H\xia here, as often, simply denotes age, time of life. And xaSeornevia determines the sense; and having a passive signification, denotes settled, stayed, which latter term, though it now has only the figurative sense sedate, yet formerly was referred to age. So Butler says of Hudibras, “ he was well stayed.” And Spenser (cited by Johnson in his Dictionary) speaks of riper years and stronger stay. So that the Scholiast Ang. rightly explains it middle age, what Florus (cited by Gottleb.) calls the robusta maturitas. CHAP. XXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 365 nished the city with resources for its independent® well-being, in every exigency, whether of war or peace. On the warlike achievements, however, by which each acquisition has been made, or on the valour with which we ourselves, or our forefa- thers, have repelled impending invasion’, Barbarian or Greek, your own intimate knowledge of the events renders it unneces- sary that I should dilate *°, and, therefore, I shall altogether pass them by. But dy what institutions we have risen to empire — by what form of civil polity — what dispositions and habits of life, we have attained our greatness, I shall first point out, and then proceed to the celebration of these our departed worthies. Such are, I conceive, topics whose discussion is neither unsuitable to the present solemnity, nor unprofitable to be heard by the numerous assemblage of bystanders, both citizens and strangers.° 6 Independent.| Literally, self-sufficient. 'The passage is imitated by Agathias, 77. s.f. roic maou é¢ Tov woAEMOY Kai é¢ eiphyny abrapKEsTarny. And it is illustrated by Aristoph. Tewyp. frag. 8. © wéXt pin Kéxporrog, abro- pune ATTiKH. 7 Invasion.| Literally, war coming upon us. The phrase zéXeuor éxiovra hpuvapesa is one of almost lyric boldness, and the peculiarity of the expression is increased by the Bap€apoy and “EXAnva occurring as adjectives. Some critics, therefore, conjecture zodéguoy. And, indeed, the words zéXe- proc and vrodéuuoe are not unfrequently confounded. But thus the phrase would become flat and spiritless. Other conjectures are also put forth by German critics, but are too harsh to deserve any attention. Goeller, indeed, prudently retains the common reading, referring to the expressions éxubyra wodEpor €. bAESpov, éxioy Kaxoy, cited by Abresch from Appian and Pausanias. And I have myself collected many other examples of those phrases. But all such are little to the purpose, since the term in which alone the difficulty centers (namely, apdyvecSac) is omitted. The following passages will, however, be found apposite; Liban. Or. 724. Dionys. Hal. 510, 44. roXepor Hovra Tpocdéxecar; and 497, 9. ériovra pdbov aroorpiWat; Plutarch Camill. 25. wédepwor ad\AdgvAOY arwbcacSa. Hence may be emended Cinnamus, 264. C. éiov broorhoecSat roy wodgmeoyv, Where read ézovS’ and wodepov. Other critical matter I must reserve for my edition; from all which it will appear that the only harshness here consists in what is usually ascribed to a person, being applied to a thing ; though indeed the thing is put for the person. § Unnecessary, §c.| Literally, “ not wishing to enlarge on such matters among you who are acquainted with them.” For ipiy is to be understood. Makpnyopety éy eiddcw is, as Goeller remarks, a noted formula of those who would pass any thing in silence. The dpiy is supplied in Herodian, 5, 1, 5. iy siddce piv ipiv—ripirroy vopitw paxpnyopety. See also Auschyl. P. V. 450. Procop. 506, 33. and Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. Ag. 1375. 9 Citizens and strangers.] On the meaning of Zévwy (strangers) the com- ‘mentators are divided in opinion. Heilman and Kistemm. think that in 366 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. XXXVII. “ We enjoy, then, a form of government not framed on an imitation of the institutions of neighbouring states, but are ourselves rather a model to, than imitative of, others !; and which, from the governnent being administered, not for the few, but for the many, is denominated a demo- the aoroi are comprehended the pérouo. Others, as Gottleb., maintain that by the Zévorg are denoted the piroucor. Yet they surely cannot mean. to exclude foreigners sojourning at Athens. Of these two opinions the former seems preferable ; and it is strongly supported by a kindred passage of Acts, 17,21. "ASnvaicr dé wavrec, Kai ot ériOnpodyrec Lévot., where all the best commentators, from Kypke downwards, take ASny. to be used in an extended sense, so as to include the péroccor, who must have had certain civil rights, though not the jus civitatis; otherwise, they would not have been called upon to bear arms with the citizens. .Though even there the older commentators took the oi éwinpotryrec Eévoe to denote the péroucot (See my note on that passage.) And it is possible that St. Luke, who can- not be supposed to have been acquainted with the nicer proprieties of Attic Greek, might use gévoc in that extended sense. Of Zévor for péroucor I know no example in any antient writer. — 1 But are ourselves, §c.] So Aristid. 2,76. C. pnd ra waddeora roy épywr éTipwdey div mpoonce hapbave* aN abrode paddov siva wapaderypa roic ddXorc. Lycurg. 158, 17. 2 From the government, &c.| There are few passages that have more divided the opinions of critics than the present, which is rendered still more perplexed by the variety of reading and interpretation. The reading of the old editions, and the far greater part of the MSS., is é¢ mhéovac oixety. The rest have #«ev, which was introduced into the text by Gottleb., but has since been thrown out by Hack, Bekker, and Goeller. Now, as to MS. testimony, this is one of those questions which cannot be decided by it; for the two words are perpetually confounded, both from similarity of form, and almost identity of pronunciation. But we will grant that, ceteris paribus, oicety may be preferred; let us see whether such a sense can be assigned to oixety, as is inherent in the word, and agree- able to the context. The above commentators unite in explaining ofkety by dvtceioSa, administrari ; and they assign to the é¢ following the sense “ for the benefit of.” But, as to the sense, administrari, it is destitute of proof; for the passage of Demosth., adduced by Hack, is not decisive ; since oixety may there have an active sense. And of the above signification of ic no example is brought forward; for as to the passage of Thucyd. 8, 55., cited by Hack, there it signifies accommodate ad, with a view to. Hack, indeed, adds, that oicety may be taken in an active sense, i. e. ad- ministrare, with the subaudition of Oynpoxpariay. But the subaudition he proposes, is inadmissible. The best would be zodiretay. Then we must take ofcety for 76 cixsiv, and also understand eivat, to which the du 76 will refer, Perhaps, however, oixety may be taken for rd oiceiy, in an absolute sense, and without any subaudition. And this seems preferable. Which- ever, indeed, of these modes be adopted, the passage at 8, 53. will favour it. With respect to sjKeiv, it seems to offer an easier sense, and is supported by Onpoxpariay. ‘The construction will thus be, ded rd (viv woduretav) pur) CHAP. XXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 367 eracy.’ According to its laws, all participate in an equality of rights * as to the determination of private suits °, and every one is preferred to public offices with a regard to the repu- tation he holds ®, and according as each is in estimation? for any thing; not so much for being of a particular class *, as for his personal merit: Nor is any person who can, in what- ée—ijcey. And the sense: “since the constitution or form of govern- ment is not confined to the few, but is extended to the multitude.” 3 Is denominated a democracy.) ‘This might be a good definition of the Athenian form of government, as far as it was supposed to be; for Thucyd. 2,65. plainly says, that it was, during the administration of Pericles, a democracy only in name; but, in reality, an aristocracy under a principal person. In fact, that modification of aristocracy called elective monarchy. And, according to the definition of democracy given by Alcibiades, at c.89., may 7d évavTitipevoy T@ OvvacrsdbovTe Oijpmoc wvépacrat, it Was any thing but a democracy. + According to its laws all, §c.| 1. e. each has an equal share in the rights belonging to all. Méreorw, from the force of the pera, implies partici- pation. On this idiom see Matth. Gr. Gr. § 559. Yet, as he adduces no other example but the present, the following may be acceptable. Aristoph. Conc. 175. Emoiy’ tcoy piv rij¢ xwpac pera “Ooov wep div. In either passage we must subaud pépoc. An example of the complete phrase is given by Brunck on Aristoph. Conc. 582. : 5 Determination of private suits.] 1. e. as the Scholiast explains, suits respecting private persons, between man and man. So Portus explains it controversies. Here may be compared Dio Cass. 311, 351. ra dwadopa Ovakpivwy, 6 The reputation he holds.| Literally, “his reputation ;” for the article is here put for the pronoun possessive. 7 Inestimation for, §c.| Such is the literal sense of the words ty r@ sddoxyist. In fact, the clause we eaocrog — evdoxet is exegetical of the preceding. 8 Particular class.) i. e. a privileged class. This, like most of the pas- sages in which the orator adverts to the political advantages of Athens, is (as the Scholiast observes) introduced by way of contrast with the state of things at Lacedzemon, where, in the succession to the kingdom, the pri- vileges of a part, in the Heraclides, gave a title to sovereignty, and not personal merit ; the monarchy being hereditary, not elective. Yet there seems also areference to those orders in Lacedzemon, who were held in- ferior to the Spartans, and seldom or never preferred to any office. [ mean the Lacedzmonians at large, or the provincial ones, as distinguished from those of Sparta and its district. On which subject, and the various orders of society in Sparta, I shall treat in the preliminary matter to this work. As to the ratio significationis in the phrase, ad pépouc, it may, I think, be regarded as put for some adverb correspondent to our partially. The amd seems to have been employed for better adaptation to the antithetical ard aperfie; and povoy is to be understood. Here I would compare -Dionys. Hal. t. 1, 148, 7. (of Rome) dpyee rap’ judy ode 6 roa yphpara KEKTNPEVOC,— CAN Doric dy y TobTwWY TOY THLOY GELOE. 368 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. ever way, render service to the state, kept back on account of poverty or obscurity of station.” « Thus liberally are our public affairs administered ; thus liberally, too, do we conduct ourselves as to mutual suspi- cions!° in our private and every-day intercourse; not bearing animosity’! towards our neighbour for following his own 9 Nor is any person, §c.| ‘The passage may also be rendered thus : — * Nor is any one who, though he be poor, can render service to the state, kept back on account of the obscurity of his station. Thus, Goeller re- marks, that for cara weviay it should have been zévye pév wv. But the only irregularity is in the 6g Upon the whole, there is an anacoluthia. On the sentiment the commentators refer to Eurip. Suppl. 407. Plato Menex. p. 285. I add Aschin. C. Tim. § 27. p. 4. 6 vopoSérne dvappydny aré- deter oc yor) OnpNnyopEy, Kal odc ov Cet every tv TY OHup—Kat obk aredabveEr ard Tov Biparog ei TIC W) TeOydvwY éoTi THY EoTPAaTNHYNKOTWY VldC, OVE yE Et rixyyny Tiva toyalsrat, ixicovpOr TY avayKkaia Tp0¢y. adda TodbTove Kal pa- Aura donaZera. See also Alcei Frag. 4. ap. Mus. Crit. 1, 142. 10 Mutual suspicions, §c.| Here again, as the Scholiast remarks, there is a censure aimed at the opposite vice of the Lacedzmonians, a habit of judging for the worst, or carping censoriousness, which makes no allowance for the frailties of human nature, but wishes to sit in self-erected judgment over others; in fact, a spirit which was to be found elsewhere as well as Sparta, and against which the commissioned teachers of the wisdom that came from on high every where directed their severest censures. 11 Not bearing animosity, Sc.) These, and the words following, are in some measure exegetical of the preceding. The Scholiast has here a curious illustration of that morosity of the Spartans which is here touched on. His words are these: “ On once seeing Alcamenes swinging in the outskirts of the city, they beat him severely. For the Lacedgemonians are sour-faced, always affect gravity, and punish the effeminate; for they account gaiety of life a hinderance to necessary business.” Such is, I con- ceive, the sense of that passage, which has been thought obscure. Abresch, indeed, takes prewpiZovra to denote leaping. But the Spartans would hardly have been so severe on such an action. As to the sense of our author, it is, I conceive, such as is above assigned. And that is supported by the laborious philological discussions of Abresch. Yet there have not been wanting those who take the passage differ- ently. Gramm, Heilman, Kistemmacher, and Goeller, join de with Aurnpac. But that is truly pronounced by Gottleb. nimis argutum. The ée will thus have a very frigid sense, and the force of the whole sentence wili be lowered. As to there being (what tho:ze critics fancy) any allusion to the whipping of boys at Lacedzmon, it is so absurd that a boy would deserve, at least, to suffer the verbera dingue, who should bring forward such a notion. Finally, to take zpooriSeoSa in a forensic sense, is very farfetched ; since the subject of these words is not the ra cowa, but the ra tou, The method I have adopted, is far more agreeable to the true construction of the passage, and is strongly supported by ay. being in the plural, of which there is scarcely another example, and which seems to have a reference to the eyes and looks. As to Avrnpec being taken in an absolute sense irksome, troublesome (not to mention that it is according to Sturz. Lex. Xen, a stronger term than yaderdc) that cannot be thought irregular ; as will appear from the following examples. Aristoph. Ach. 456. CHAP. XXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 369 humour, nor darkening our countenance with the scowl of censure, which pains, though it cannot punish. While, too, we thus mix together in private intercourse without irascibility or moroseness '’, we are, in our public and political capacity, cautiously studious not to offend }3; yielding a prompt obe- dience to the authorities for the time being!, and to the established laws; especially those which are enacted for the be- nefit *° of the injured, and such as, though unwritten", reflect a confessed disgrace on the transgressors.’” AuTnpoc toY wy, edroxwonooy Odpuwy, “ know that you are a troublesome fellow, and get you gone from the house!” Plutarch Symp. 1.7. t.2. 704. D. totAero piv 6 A. eimety re zpde rode véiove dppododyTe 0 bpd pr) Alay andne yévnra Kai AuTnodc. Kurip. Suppl. 893. Avrnpde ode Hv, 060" érripsovoc wéet. whence may be illustrated an obscure expression of Horace Carm. 3. 19, 22. audiat invidus (éxi¢Sovoc) Dementem Strepitum Lycus, et vicina seni non habilis Lyco. Auschyl. Eum. 174. kapot re Au7pdc. Hence also may be confirmed the reading of Schutz and Butler on schyl. Choeph. 820. zporpdcowy yaptrac bpyae NuTpiic. 12 Mix together, Sc.| Upoooprrovrrec, which Hobbes and Smith render conversing together, must extend to the demeanour in general, and the whole of what Gail here calls /a commerce de la vie. The passage is imi- tated by Joseph. 815, 21. de&tdrnrt rot dpireiv dveraySj¢ ov. On the sentiment 1 would adduce a kindred passage of A¢schyl. Eum. 910. Schutz. Lripyw 7d THY Oucaiwy THD aréivSnrov yévoe (of the Athenians). For amévSnroc has there the same sense as dyveraySic, and must be taken in an active sense. The words may be rendered: “ I like these good and light- hearted race of people.” 18 Cautiously, &c.] Literally, “ we especially stand in awe of offending.” For such seems to be the sense of dud dé0¢ paduora ob Tapavopodvper, where mapavopéw is to be taken in its primitive sense, to denote a transgression of the aw. From the prominent manner in which this fear is introduced, we see that the high influence of the law was acknowledged at Athens as well as Lacedeamon. See !.1, 84. We may compare that fine passage of the Psalmist 4,4. “ Stand in awe, and sin not.” 14 Authorities for, Sc.) Literally, “ those in office, and who bear rank.” This I should hardly have thought it necessary to notice, had not the Latin translator joined the dei with dkpdace. *Azi here denotes what happens in a regular series, one thing succeeding another. “Axpédacrg in the sense obedience, is rare. 15 Benefit. 1. e. aid and protection. . 16 Such as, though unwritten.| The Scholiast rightly explains these unwritten laws by #3n, customs. As the commentators make no remark on this interesting expression, the following illustration may be acceptable. Demosth. de Cor. gavijcera roivuy ravra ravra obrwg od pdbvov év Toig vomowc, AAG Kai » PvoLg avTH TotC aypapo.e vopipotc Kat Toc cvSpwrivow H&eor dwpuev. On the force of these én, see Spanheim on Julian p. 35. Pithy and true is the dict of Eurip. Pirith. frag. 7. rpdmoc tor’ xpnorog aoparecrEepoe Vomov. 17 Reflect a, &c.] Or, as Gail paraphrases, “ hurl on the head of trans- gressors the vengeance of public opinion.” VOL. I. BB 370 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II- XX XVIII. “ We, moreover, provide the greatest variety of recreation! for the public mind, by the exhibition of games and sacrifices throughout the whole year, and by the use of those private and handsomely-furnished entertainments and ° spec- 1 Recreation.| Namely, from labour. It is rare that the word ayva- aavia (on which I shall treat at large in my edition) has any adjunct. The following are the only examples I have noted. Artemid. 1,33. var. TOY Kakoy. et alibi. Soph. Trach. 1157. zatAa cacy. Aristid. 1, 407. dvarabouc téy xovwy, A similar expression occurs in Eurip. Ion. 1604. dvaduyiig révwv. Suppl. candy avabvyac. With respect to the sentiment, we may appositely adduce the dict of Pindar fragm. Epinic. 3. pnd dpavpod rip tv Bip. orb rou déptioroy avopi reprvoc aiwy. which may bring to mind the words of one of Mozart’s finest melodies. That we may not misunderstand the intent of the bard, we have only to revert to the beautiful commencement to his fourth Nemean: *Apioric ehppoctva Udrwy xexpyssvwy tatpdc, &c. See also a lively com- parison of the life of men in the earlier ages, with that of after-times, in a fragment of Theophrastus de voluptate, preserved by Athen. p. 511. D. 2 Throughout the whole year.| This was almost literally true; for we find by the Scholiast (who doubtless derived his information from some antient writer), that there were sacrifices at Athens every day of the year, except one. And so Herodian 2, 7, 15. describes the inhabitants of Antioch as oyedov rapa wavra roy iviavToy éopragovrec. A striking illustration of the present passage may be derived from the following graphic sketch of Diceearch. Stat. Graze. p. 9. éoprai wavrodarai, buyiie atdvra kai dvarratoec. grocdgwy mavrodanwy cyodai 7oAdai* Seai ouvexsic. So, also, in a kindred passage of Aristoph. Nub. 299—310. (which the orator may even have had in mind), "EASwpey Auapay ySdva TaddrAddoe, evavdpoy yav Kéxporrog dPopmevar Toduhparoy, Ob cébac appijtwy tepdy, tva Mvoroddcoc ddpog “Ey rederaig ayiac avadeixvurat, Oipaviow re Seoic dwonpata, Naot Y dlnpsdeic, rai ayddpara, Kai rpdcodot paxdpwy teporarat, Hioridavot re Sev Ovoiar, Jadiat 7&, Havrodaraic ty pac. where the Scholiast remarks: dmvexéc, wavri Kay Ou ro SpnoKeve Tavrac Oeove, Kai Tavnyupiley cei. Obovot OvaTravTog Kat Ouvecdc. See also another passage much to the present purpose in Aristoph. Hore ap. Athen. 572. C. This Plutarch Peric. c. 11. ascribes to the profound policy of Pericles. His words are these: rq Onpm Tac nviacg aveic 6 Tepixdije, éroderevero mpd Xap, asi piv Ta Sav Tavynyupucyy, i) EGTiaoLY, i) TOMTY ElvaL MHXAVOMEVOS év GoTEe, Kai CLravavaywyGv obK cyotaote nOovaic THY 7wék\u. Yet the same writer in his Cimon 13. ascribes the introduction of these éAevSépuoe Kai yAapupai Cvarpibai (as he there calls them) to Cimon. Though from a fragment of Theopompus ap. Athen. 532. I find they may be traced to Pisistratus, Hippolitus, and Hippias. Neither Cimon nor Pericles were thought to govern zpdc yap; yet they both, like Napoleon Buonaparte, though sufficiently tenacious of rule, at the same time studiously indulged the people in whatever might amuse and employ the public mind. § Private and, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of the somewhat per- plexing words, idiae 52 karacKevaic. The difficulty centers in the xara- oxevaic, which, from the great extent of its meaning, is not easy to be fixed. Smith prudently omits it. Hobbes takes the eizpéaeow to refer to aywot kai Svoiac¢ in the preceding clause, thus assigning the sense ‘* hand- somely furnished forth at the public expense.” And the same view of the passage I myself formerly adopted; but I abandoned it, partly because I CHAP. XXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 371 tacles, the daily delight* of which dispels* all weariness. Such, too, is the greatness of our city, that to it are wafted the various productions of every region®; whence it is our saw that this mode of taking the words does violence to the construction ; the particles jv and 6: showing that the two clauses are respectively anti- thetical, and therefore that the latter cannot qualify the former; and partly because it is contrary to fact; for all the sacrifices, at least, were at the public expense, and that exceedingly heavy ; insomuch that Theopom- sia Athen, 552. D. says, more was expended on these kowai éoridoetc Kai kpeavopuiae than upon the public administration of government. This, therefore, cannot be the sense. Gottleb. and Gail understand the words of the edifices and the other decorations of the city ; so 1, 10. rij¢ KaracKkevic ra idan. And I must confess that this opinion is not a little confirmed by a passage of Aristid. 1, 406. B. in which that writer seems to have a view to this of Thucydides; as also in the whole of that oration on Smyrna he decks out his favourite residence in the colours of the city of Minerva. His words are these: dei 62 worEp sic TouTHY émabowy KEKOoUNMEVN, Tac Te Wiac Kai Taic Snpociae KaracKkevaic wpatZerar. Such, then, seems to have been the mode in which Aristides took the words. But thus there is no aptness or force in the antithesis. Besides, we cannot suppose the view of buildings would long amuse weariness. I am inclined to think that our best mode of ascertaining the sense is to seek it by close attention to the antithetical words ; and thus understand, private entertainment and specta- cles. And so (I find) Gail renders “ fétes particuliéres et décorations pom- peuses.” But the eszpéeow, it must be observed, signifies not pompous, but decent, handsome. 4 Delight.| The Scholiast explains répdic by 4) Zwypagia, a term which has been thought not a little perplexing; insomuch that the critics are in- clined to read ») dvyaywyia. But that is surely too bold. Unless under Zwypagia there had been some more suitable word, I should rather seek the error in 1, and for that read 3, wt. The Scholiast, it seems, means to say that these perpetual scenes of pomp and gaiety amused the public mind like a moving picture. 5 Dispels.| Or expels. Exz)yoco. is a very forcible term. This passage, it may be observed, has been a frequent object of imitation, as I shall show in my edition. 6 To it are wafted, §c.| To this effect it is said by Isocr. p. 63. fin. 77) xopav ob« abrdpkn cKexrnpivoy éxdorwy, ada Ta piv edXdsizovoay, Ta Ce TrEiw TOY tKavey Pépovcay, kai woe aropiac obone, Ta pév brrov x1) Ora- SioSa, ra Ot bdSev sioayayioSar’ Kai rabrare Taic cuppopaic trhuuver. Euro- piv yap éyv péow ric “EAAAOoe Toy Media karecrioaro, rocabrny vrEepbodyy éyov, Wore & Tapa THY Guy ty Tap’ Exdorwy xarerdy tore habely, radT’ dmavra rap’ abric pddwy eivar ropicacSa. Upon this whole chapter the following passage of Aristid. 1, 168. C. will be found very apposite: roy pév asi kaTrardovuy Tov ipropwy, Kai Ka ioropiay, 7) xpsiay sioapucvoupéevwr, peY bone Tijc pacrarne Kai Wuyaywytag yiveTat, Kai TpOdte, ov pdouy sizeiv, THY Eic Sov abrove Tic ETyLapTUpairo. I have here adopted the term wafted, because the productions in ques- tion were almost all brought by sea. Attention is due to the use of treoéoxyeoSar in the place of a passive verb; of which another example occurs in Procop. p.85. And so Plutarch Lycurg. 1,44. E. odd eioéaAee pdproc suroporxdc sic Todg Aysévac. See note, supra, 1, 137. ‘There is some- what of hyperbole in the wdone yic, of which there is another example in BB 2 31a THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. happy lot to have ano less familiar enjoyment of the luxuries of other countries than the commodities of our own. XX XIX. ! “In our exercise, too, of military affairs, we differ from our adversaries in these respects; that we throw open our city as a common resort, and do not, by the ex- pulsion of strangers®, exclude any from seeing or learning that which, as it is never concealed®, any one, even an enemy, may behold and be benefited. Nor do we rely so much on a kindred passage of Joseph. 1205,8. And Galen de Antid. 1.1. has a similar passage (of Rome): ic rijy ‘Pony ra ravraydSev iow kaha Oud ndvrac trove. See also Procop. p. 85,17. Theocr. Idyll. 17,96. How strikingly applicable this is to our own metropolis I need not say. 1 Having contrasted the state of things in political affairs, the orator turns to military ones. 2 Expulsion of strangers.| That was a peculiarity of the Lacedeemonian government which formed one of its most distinguishing features. _Wasse and Gottleb. refer to Plutarch Lycurg. c.27. Aristot. Polit. 2,9. Xen. de Rep. Lacon. c.14. Plutarch says that this %evydacia was not to prevent foreigners from learning any of their military practices, but rather that they might not introduce foreign habits and customs. On the present subject there is an interesting passage in Plutarch Ag. c. 10. where for cvvavaxpwr- vupévot Du Soul conjectured cvvavaywy. I prefer cvvavacepayyvpévor, a term used by Lucian ap. Steph. Thes. See also some important remarks in Philostr. Vit. Apoll. 6,20. Adlian, too, in his Var. Hist. 1. 15,16. touches on this subject; where Perizon. has the following remarks: “ De more ilo eleganter Theophilus Greecus Instit. Juris Interpres, de Jure Nat. G. et Civ. pag. 11. 1) rév Aaxedamoviwy rode tkéypnro Zevnracia, AvKotpyou TovTO vohosernoavroc, iva py Oia The TeV Eivwy erittiac CLapSeipotro Kai yEtpov yévotro TO THY Aaxsdamoviwy S0c. Vide quos ibi notavit Fabrotus. Vide Thucydidem, 1. 1. init. et Aristotelem in Politicis passim, et maxime, 5,3. Dionys. Halic. 2, 2. Tac. Ann. 11,24.” The two causes for the custom above mentioned may very well be united; and the best view of the rea- sons for its introduction is found in Aristotle. It seems, however, to have been not so much borrowed from the Cretans (according to Aristotle’s opinion), as rather derived from their oriental colonists ; for in the East it has ever been practised, and is prevalent to the present day, especially in China, Japan, India beyond the Ganges, &c. The most remarkable exam- ple of it in antient times is found in the Jews, from whom, indeed, the Spartans affirmed that they were descended. And Joseph. p. 1123 and 1124. treats at large on this very subject, with reference both to the Jews and the Lacedzmonians. It would appear from Aristoph. Av. 1013. that such foreigners as were found within the limits of Lacedemonia were beaten thence with stripes. See the words of that passage, or the Schol. in loco. 3 Concealed.| On this concealment and mystery, which were ever prac- tised by the Lacedzemonians, see Aristid. Pan. 1, 289. c. 2, 287. D. Philostr. VeAc SahGe CHAP, XXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 373 preconcerted stratagems*, as on what is our own and self- derived —courage in action. With respect to our modes of education; ¢hey, from their earliest youth, are trained up to the acquirement of manly courage by severe discipline and laborious exercises*; we, notwithstanding our unrestricted ° and easy mode of life, are not the less ready to encounter equal perils.’ For example, the Lacedzemonians invade our country, not by themselves only *, but with a combination of force 9; while we, when attacking by ourselves alone the territories of our neighbours, usually find little difficulty, though in an enemy’s country, in defeating those who are fighting in defence of their own possessions. As to our united forces, no enemy hath ever encountered them!°; part of us being occu- pied in naval service, and part engaged in distant expeditions. But if any where they engage with a detachment of our troops, and come off victorious, they beast of having’ defeated our 4 Preconcerted stratagems.| In raic rapackevaic cai araraic there is a sort of Hendiadys. Ilapack. signifies the fraudes belli praeparatas; as 1, 8.95., and Polyb. 4, 9, 2. ijyyyeXay ripe vuKropaytac Ty TapacKevhy. 5 Trained up, §c.] On this it may suffice to refer the reader to Xenoph. de Repub. Lacon. and Aristot. Pol. passim, and, of the modern writers, to Cragius or Potter, and the Travels of Anacharsis. 6 Unrestricted.] i.e. not restricted, like that of the Lacedzemonians, by rigid institutions. The word dvepivwe implies duzury. And on the luxury of the Athenians see Heracl. Pont. ap. Athen. 512. C. 7 Encounter equal perils.| “lcoraXéic is explained by Hesych. (from this passage) icovc. But it is a stronger term, signifying of equal match. So Polyzen. 3,11, 11. av ioowadsic kara roy kivdvvoy wor; also Theocr. Idyll. 5, 50. “Qordoc (heedus) isoradye. From this passage of Thucydides may be emended one imitated from it in Cyrill. in Quat. Proph. p. 751. Ed. Ingold. where for isozdAktc kevdvvoue read isoraXeic. Goeller thinks that this pas- sage was had in view by Cicero ad Muren. c. 35. “ Neque tamen Lacede- monii, auctores istius vite atque orationis, qui quotidianis epulis in robore accumbunt, neque vero Cretes, quorum nemo gustavit unquam cubans, melius quam Romani homines, qui tempora voluptatis laborisque dispertiunt, respublicas suas retinuerunt.” 8 Not by themselves only.| That such is the sense, is clear from the con- text. And yet Poppo and Goeller have shown that that would require, not KaY’ éxdorovc, but caS’ Eavrotc. See their notes. Hither, therefore, we may suppose this a slip of the author, or an error of the scribes. The former, however, is the more probable, since it would be difficult to ima- gine how such an error could have crept into all the copies. 9 With a combination, &c.] 1.e. with the forces of the allies added to their own. I am surprised that no editor should have seen that in the original ought to be read, from at least four good MSS. azdavrac. 1° No enemy hath, §c.] So Aristid. 1,285. B. aSpéac O& rij¢ Suvapéwe ij Tic jpobdsic tretpayy. BB 3 374 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ii. whole force"; if they be worsted, they were vanquished (for- sooth) by our combined strength. And what though", amidst relaxation!? rather than exercise in labour, if with a courage, not so much of institution as of disposition and manners, we be ready to meet dangers, we have ¢hzs point of supertority, that we groan not over future troubles by antici- pation 14; and when they overtake us, we approve ourselves not less courageous than those who are ever toiling. 11 Boast of having, &c.] It is not clear whether aze@oSa should be taken in the active, or in the passive sense. Most modern interpreters take it in the /atter ; but the Scholiast in the former. And this seems confirmed by Hesych. dxiwora, drwSeiro. dryvyvaro. mapyrhoaro. So Voss. there read; but in the common text the two first words form a separate gloss. It is, however, improbable that a verb in the preterite should be explained by other verbs in two different tenses. And yet it is difficult to see why dréworat should be explained by dazwSeiro. I therefore suspect that azéwora has lost its explanation, as many glosses in Hesych. have. Of anwSeioSa in the present and imperfect, there are many examples; but I cannot find one in the preterite. And therefore I prefer the passive sense. That, indeed, is rare, but is found in Aristoph. Ach. 450, 12 And what though, §c.|_ The sense of this passage has been but imper- fectly understood, chiefly from inattention to its scope and purport. ‘The Scholiast truly observes that it is recapitulatory. But that is not all. ‘The purpose is first to admit a sort of superiority on the part of the Laceda- monians; and then, as a set-off, to claim some ground of advantage over them. The former part of this purpose is attained in the sentence kairos — xwovvevey ; and the latter in the remaining words of the sentence, where the difficulty centers in zeptyiyvera, which has been quite misun- derstood by the commentators. There is an ellipsis in rovro for card Tovro ; and zrepey. has an impersonal sense. The sense “to be superior to,” is one frequently found in Thucyd. and the best writers. 13 Relaxation.] The paSvpia here, and the dvepévwc dtarropevor a little before, are to be taken, by a common figure, for what the Lacedgemonians ealled such, rather than what really existed. 14 Groan not, §e.]| Our language is too ill provided with compound verbs to admit of its expressing the close brevity of zpocapreay, though the point of the sentence, which depends upon it, is thereby injured. There is great address and taste shown in the use of the term dAyewvotc ; for toils and perils are thus admitted to be grievous by the Athenians, though the stoical pride of the Spartans would not allow them to be accounted such. It is strange that the commentators should not have noticed any one of the many imitations of this passage, to be found in the classical writers. The following are only part of what have occurred to me in my own reading. Heliodor. 2, 70, 12. we dy roic pédrovow adyetvoic pi) TPOKap= voire, Liban. Orat. 16. D. rév peddOvTwy adryewvey parreia. Dio. Cass. 521, 46. Tr péhdovTe zpokapydyrec. Arrian, 5, 26. TpoKkdpvew Taig yywpac. Aalian, V. H. 14, 6. gives the following dict of Aristippus, pre rote wap- ehSovow éimixapvey, pire Tov imidvtwy mpoxdpvey. Plutareh Mar. 57. m. dedpevoc pi) TpoaToKkduvey rijc Tedkevtaiag éAwidoc. Dexippus ap. Corp. Hist. Byz. p. 11. D. cai rpoxapoy ty rp dei poxSeiv arohporepoy tora. Hence we may perceive the true nature and sense of a much. controyerted CHAP. XL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 375 XL. “In these respects, then, is our city worthy of admira- tion’, and in others also. For we study elegance combined. with frugality, and cultivate philosophy without effeminacy.? passage of Aischyl. Kum. 78.“Ouwc dé gedye, unde padrSande yévy, Kat pr) mpdxapve TOvde Bov‘odobpevoc movoy. where the sense of Boucodotpevoe van alone be seen by using the gloss of Hesych. Boucodyooper. pepiuvnooper. And, indeed, this whole passage may bring to mind the maxim of heavenly wisdom at St. Matth. 6, 34. pu) pepyervqoare sic rv adbptov. It is possible that Pericles (or Thucyd.) had in mind a fine passage in ASschyl. Agam. 245. 70 éddoy 0 Exsi od yévorr’ dy dior (effugium) zpoyawpito. ioov O& T~ mpoorévery, Gail here cites from Racine: Tant de prudence entraine trop de soin: Je ne sais pas prévoir les malheurs de si loin. 1 Worthy of admiration.] There is no city which has been the theme of such universal admiration, by the most distinguished writers of every age, as Athens. The passage of Cicero, in his Orat. de Flacco, is too well known to need being here adduced. I will only observe, that it seems to have been founded upon Lucretius: “ Primze frugiferos foetos mortalibus zegris dediderunt quondam preeclaro nomine Athenee. Et recreaverunt vitam, legesque rogarunt. Et prime dediderunt solatia dulcia vite.’’? There are many passages to the same effect in the tragedians ; but the one of most finished elegance is that of Sophocles, Aid. Col. 668—719.; though, per- haps, it yields in simple grandeur of expression to that of the seventh Pythian ode of Pindar, commencing with cé\Xoroy ai peyadror dre “ASavat mpooimuov. How strong and general was this feeling of admiration, may be inferred from the witty turn of Lysippus ap. Diczearch. p. 10. Ei pu) TeSiaca Tac “ASHvac oréeyog él, Hi O& reSéaoat, poy TESTHpEvoa OF, dvoc? Eé & ebapscriy arorpéyetc, eavShuov. Nor was this confined to words; for it appears from Isocr. Panegyr. 59 and 60. that very many cities used to send annually to Athens the first fruits of their harvest, in remembrance of the obligation which they were under to their ancestors, the intro- ducers of agriculture. 2 We study elegance, Sc.| The orator here preoccupies and refutes a common opinion respecting the Athenians, that they were given up to luxury and sloth, dignified by the name of literary leisure. (For, as we find from the Scholiast, they used to object : 77) g\ocaXig 76 dowroy éxeTa, TH df procogia 7d paraxdy Kai avemévov.) He grants that they are fond of the elegant, but it is when combined with frugality. And the same of phi- losophy. By philosophy Ernesti, Morus, and Ruhnken., referred to by Gottleb., understand the humaniores litere, what we call the belles-lettres. But, surely, philosophical studies, properly so called, cannot be excluded. In- deed, as Aocadotpey precedes, we may suppose that procogodper has re- ference to the more ‘substantial branches of human knowledge, as natural philosophy, ethics, mathematics, eloquence, &c. cultivated by Athenagoras, Socrates, and Pindar; in ¢cAocahovper, the lighter and more elegant, as poetry, painting, statuary, and music ; though it may also extend to whatever constitutes elegance in general. As highly illustrative of this, Goeller refers to two passages of Demosth. Olynth. 2. p.35., and Isocr. p. 265. Lang. I would add, that hence may be understood Eurip. Med. 815. (of Athens) TH copia TapiOpove TépTE EpwTac, mravToiac dperge Evvipyouc. The present passage is also imitated by Aristid. Paneg. Smyrn. 1, 407. A., whose words BB 4 376 ‘ THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II, Riches we employ at opportunities for action’, rather than as a subject of wordy boast.* To confess poverty with us brings I shall cite in order to emend: pia 67) méduc abrn petpwwrdrn boo Ta éxi pacrwrne roy Biov Cravicat TposthoyTo, Kai boot grocogsiy adnrAwe aELovoL. For aéjdwe I would read eddnrwe. 3 Riches we employ, &c.] We are here encountered with some difh- culty, arising out of variety of reading; and, as dependent thereon, diversity of interpretation. Without entering into the minutiz of verbal criticism, it may be sufficient for me to observe, that the reading, edited by Bekker and Goeller, is the very same which I had myself, after long and laborious investigation, many years ago determined to be the true one. The reading, zAovrw, 1s supported alike by the weight of MS. testimony, and by the apodosis re — cai; as also is Zoyou cao, by a kindred phrase infra, to which may be added, imitations of the passage in Liban. Epist. 165., and Philostr. Epist. 159. copiay émi caipod rév ~oywy éxovoa. Liban. Orat. p. 75. rot kapov TH toywy Kovroc. This is sufficient to defend the construction both against Gottleb. and Bened., who join zdotrw épyov, and against Hack, who construes: ypwueSa zrobitw éy Kasop padroy Epyov 7) \é6you Kopww. which does great violence to the sentence. With the épyov kato 1 would also compare Adschyl. Choeph. 813. Blomf. od 62 Sapoiy brav iy Mépoc épywy. where, did the metre permit, one might conjecture caiooc. But, indeed, the present term is appropriate in an- other point of view. As to the construction adopted by some who, as Goeller remarks, join zdotrw geyov, comparing Plato Euth. 13. cogiag adovroyv. to which Euseb. opposes zeviay. and azopiay codiacg, and St. Paul zdotroy ripe xpnorérynroc: those are phrases of quite another nature (see my note on Rom. 2, 4.); and the connection in the above imitations sufficiently establishes the construction and explanation which I have adopted, in conformity to the opinion both of the Schol., and of the best recent commentators, among whom Bauer has the credit of being the first who took a right view of this passage, and saw that céuaw dOyou is for etc Aéyou kéuroyv ; though Hobbes was not far from perceiving the truth. It is justly observed, by Goeller, that with zAotrw a new subject is intro- duced. With respect to the version of Smith, and others, “ our riches,” &c., awhotry does not signify owr riches, but riches ix general; for the orator is not considering the use and abuse of riches; and, therefore, the idea of beneficence has no place here. Neither is it easy to see how riches can be used “in the vanity of discourse.’ The truth is, yowpeSa is emphatical ; q. d. we use them, as opportunity serves; we do not let them rust in our chests, nor do we make them the subject of boasting, namely, that we can despise their use.’ So the Apostle, at 1 Cor. 7, 31., vai of xy pwpevore rp Kéopp Tobrw, wo py Karaypwousvot. The orator and the Apostle equally permit, nay enjoin, the use of riches; and equally object to the abuse, though they differ in principle. In ethics the catpde épyov, which forbids excess, circumscribes the use; but in Christian theology that abuse is ex- tended to the excessive trusting in them, and giving up our hearts to them, as means for happiness independent on the great Giver of all good things. 4 Wordy boast.} Or, boast of words. But the genitive of the sub- stantive may here, as often, be taken for an adjective; an idiom which has been rashly numbered among Hebraisms. With the phrase of the original I would compare Plutarch Mar. 9. s.f. Adywr képrp perpdy asi dpoviparog péyeSoc. Menand. ap. Corp. Hist. Byz. 173. pnparwy kourp yphoacSa. Herod. 7, 103,15. pa pu) parny képuroe 6 Abyoc otrog. So Eurip. Suppl. CHAP. XL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 377 no disgrace® ; not to endeavour to escape it by exertion, were disgrace indeed.6 There exists, moreover, in the same per- sons an attention both to their domestic concerns, and to public affairs’; and even among such others as are engaged 126. Kouroc parny. Soph. Antig. yrdoonc xéurove. Pind. Nem. 9, 16. éméwy Kkavxac, boasts of words, i. e. boastful words. Hence also may be emended a corrupt passage of Dio Cass. 838, 41., imitated from the pre- sent, and where the words need not the violent alterations proposed by Leunclave and Oddey. For céy70v —dbywr read there kup Adyou. 5 To confess poverty, §c.] This is imitated by Lucian, 1, 53, 41. dre dé OUK aisybvovTat TEviay dpfodoyourTEC. ® Disgrace, indeed.| Such is the true sense of aisywov, which has no comparative force, nor even a high degree of the positive, but is (as Hack observes) for .a@dXov aicypdy. The point here rests on the goy, dy action, i. e. by active exertion. Which will bring to mind the words of Horace Hpist. 1, 1, 45. Impiger extremos curris mercator ad Indos, Per mare pau- periem fugiens, per saxa, per ignes. 7 There exists, §c.] ‘This is, I conceive, as before, said by way of con- trast with the Lacedemonians, who attended, indeed, a few of them to political as well as to military affairs, but to the neglect of private and ordinary business ; for the most part letting their g/ebes to the lower orders of the commonwealth, or cultivating them by bailiffs and slaves. The attention equally to great and to small things, which characterised the Athenians, arose from their active genius and quick versatility. And here I cannot but cite the apposite words of Lysias: od udvoy rév idiwy, addr kai Toy Kody eovXETO érripEdsiogat One thing, however, is strange, that the Schol. explains the rote adroic (the same persons) as denoting “ the artizans, agricultural labourers, hunts- men, and other handicraftsmen.” But in what sense, however remote, such persons could be said to attend to public affairs, I cannot discern. The persons here meant seem not properly speaking private persons (and certainly not handicraftsmen or labourers), but public ones; i.e. those whose situation in life enabled them to take part in public affairs in the éxcAyota, if not to occupy a place in the senate, or an office in the state. I suspect that the words in question are meant to be opposed to the ex- resslon érépote mpdc tpya TETpappévorc just after. And thus we not only oes a most correct explanation of those words, but are enabled to see the force of érépouc, which has perplexed the interpreters more than they will confess. Hence it is generally omitted; and the learned Mr. E. H. Barker thinks it so inexplicable that he proposes ére rotc. But the conjec- ° ture, however ingenious, is unauthorised and unnecessary, since the éréporc is only intended to point out that the persons in question were of another class. Of rerp. the sense is “ intent upon.” With respect to the épya, that term properly, indeed, and generally, denotes agricultural labour ; yet Heins. in his Introduction to Hesiod, shows that it may also apply to navigation. And that it may be applied to handicraft labour is asserted by Hesych. in épya. It is worthy of notice that the orator ascribes to these last, not an aéten- tion to state affairs, but a competent knowledge of politics, and what con- cerns the good of their country ; competent, of course he means, for their situations and their purposes. (So that Gail has utterly misrepresented the sense by rendering, C’est ici qu’on voit — le citoyen laborieux juger des intéréts publics, avec autant de sagacité qu’il exécute avec adresse les tra 378 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ife in agricultural occupations or handicraft labour, there is found a tolerable portion of political knowledge. We are the only people who account him that takes no share® in politics, not as an intermeddler in nothing, but one who is good for nothing.? vaux nécessaires & sa subsistance.) Any thing more than that could not be expected. Though there is reason to think that those who misrepresented the Athenian democracy, made it out to be an oclocrasy, or mob govern- ment. So Eurip. Sup. 417—422. puts into the mouth of a Theban herald (and, of course, an aristocrat) some animadversions which are exceedingly illustrative of the present passage; “A\Awe Te, THE dy i) OlopYEedwy oyouce, "OpSac Obvar dv Ofpog ebSivey woduy; ‘O yap xpdvog pasnow aytt Tod Taxoue Kpsioow Oldwot' ynrdvocg 0 arp mévyc, El Kat Tévotro, Ktpadne toywy dio, Ov« dy Ovvaito mode Ta Koi” Amobéwey. Where the words e& Kai wév- otro signify “ should he chance to be poor.’ But the above passage plainly refers to taking part in the government, which such classes would, from the causes here suggested. Otherwise, as was before hinted at c. 38., poverty alone would not be sufficient ground of rejection, since in such respects all were treated upon an equality. So Eurip. Suppl. after advert- ing to the holding office annually and’ in turn, says, v. 407. obxi rq AOdTW dwWod¢e Td wrEicroyv, GAA yw Tévnc Exwy ioov. As to the speaking in the assembly of the people, that was permitted even to mechanics. So Plato Protag. p.115. w¢ piv eikdrwe arodéyovrat ol coi rodirat Kai yadkéwe Kat oKuTorémov ovpbovdrsvoyvTog Ta TodwTuKa, —a7odédeKTai oot. Plato him- self, however, seems not to have approved of this, since at ‘T. 3, 190, he says that in fis Republic there is no double employment; a shoe- maker is a shoemaker, and not a patriot besides, &c. &c. Aristoph. takes great delight in ridiculing this occasional jumble of discordant cha- racters; and also represents the agriculturists as totally absorbed in the lowest occupations of husbandry ; ex. gr. Lysist. 1174. Eq. 295. Vesp. 265. where see the Schol. There is little doubt but that the ultra-aristocrats used to speak of the people at large in much the same contemptuous man- ner as that used by the Pharisees, John 7, 49. adXX’ 6 byXoe odroe 6 jy) ywwokwy Toy vomor, ixixataparot eiot. of which the sense is: “ This mob — are a parcel of low wretches!” 8 Takes no share.) i. e. a share or part, according to his condition in life ; whether that part were the éziedeia, or attention to and management of state affairs, or the forming an opinion as to the interests of his country. 9 Not as an intermeddler, §c.| I here endeavoured to represent the witty turn of the original; though in such cases all translation must be inadequate, not only because an exact correspondence of terms is neces- sary, but because it is essential to the point that the two antithetical words be expressed in two others. The azpay. denotes a good easy man who, like the knife-grinder of the Antijacobin, *‘ never loves to meddle with politics.” The oy — adXa sig~ nify non tam— quam. There is a similar turn in Eurip. Med. 500. Pors. Teawiot piv yap Kowa rpoaPipwv copa, Adéz&eue aypEioe Kod codde wepuKévar. also in Lycurg. C. Leoc. p. 148, 11. roy drip rév Kowey areySavopevoy ob or6rorAW, AAAA dito odypova Ooxéiy iva The aypeioy Gottleb. compares with the Germ. der Tangenichts. And so our good-for-nothing. It was absurd in Abresch to explain it inhabilem militig. Still less can I agree with some commentators in explaining it perniciosus. ‘The Scotch have the similar expressions, a neer da weel, a neer da good. ’Axpeioc has the same sense here as at Hesiod, Opp. 295, CHAP. XL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 379 We are, too, persons who’? examine aright, or, at least, fully revolve in mind our measures: not thinking that words are any hindrance to deeds, but that the hindrance rather consists in the not being informed by words previously to setting about in deed! what is to be done. For we possess this point of superiority over others, that we exercise a bold promptitude in the execution of what we undertake, and yet a cautious prudence in taking forethought '?: whereas with others, it is ignorance!’ alone that makes them daring, while reflection '0 We are persons who, &c.] Such seems to be the sense intended; and this may be found in the reading of five good MSS, ot atrot. We may compare the Latin idem in Lidemque, &c. An idiom which seems to have been resorted to, to avoid an unpleasant repetition of the pronoun. In this very sense oi adroi occurs a little further on. The editors and com- mentators, however, seem agreed that the true reading is adroi, and the sense nos inst; q.d. “we use our own judgment.” And in this view the Schol. Cassel appeals to Hesiod. Opp. 293. And Goeller renders the whole sentence thus; “ aut ipsi judicamus, aut post aliorum judicia rectam de rebus sententiam concipimus.” But this is manifestly torturing the sen- tence; for it is impossible that évSvpotpseSa can denote to entertain an opinion at, the suggestion of others. Kpivoper and éyvSupotpeSa must have their usual sense. But if so, the signification ascribed to adroi will most offensively overload the sentence. Upon the whole, I see nothing doubt- ful, nor indeed difficult, about the words. Oi avroi has the sense iidemque, and is used by way of modesty. To the same cause I would refer the use of évSupotpea after cpivopev, which term is to be taken in its primitive sense to siff, examine (from cpiw, whence xpiov, a sieve). Thus it is a far stronger one than éySvpeioSa, which only signifies to pass through the mind, revolve in mind. ‘Thus the sense is: “ We sift, examine, and weigh well (or, at least, properly revolve in mind) what we undertake.” On the sentiment the commentators refer to Sallust Cat. 1. and Herod. 7, 49. Other passages may be found in Gruter’s Fax. Crit. t.1. p. 419. 11 In deed.] i.e. heartily, in good earnest. iz We exercise,§c.] Goeller compares Sallust Jug. 7. “ Et preelio stre- nuus erat, et bonus consilio, quorum*alterum ex providentia timorem, alte- rum ex audacid temeritatem adferre plerumque solet.” 13 Ignorance.| Namely, of their danger. The 6 is well rendered by Hobbes whereas ; by which all the difficulty raised by the commentators vanishes. Of this little known signification I subjoin the following exam= ples. Thucyd.5, 12. 6 re rote dAdo, &c. which is a kindred passage. Plutarch Sert.11. Others I shall adduce in my edition. I will only here observe, that the passage is imitated by Procop. 256, 38, tu7ewpia yap Aoytspoy Héipovoa, Spacbvecdat ijxiora siwsev. and 556,29. avavdpia yap Ka~ rappovnseioa, ixi wappynoiay tEdyerae psilw’ iwei TH Tpotsvat TH Spaooc, docvoy; Dionys. Hal. 275,355. Dio Cass. p. 22,31. rp piv dxvoy rei O& Sdp= coc gurrorety ; Liban. Orat. p. 157. A. col, WoAughpoc, Noytopdc Oxvov ob« ExEr3 Theoph. Sim. 48. C. Hence may be understood the pithy remark of Aschyl. Suppl. 514. gbrda&at, pur) Spdcoc reey od6ov. The passage of Pro- cop., I find, has been preoccupied by Hemsterh. on Lucian, t. 1,26. seqq. (where there is reference to Thucyd.) 674 1) adpaSia piv Ypacsic, dkynpode é 7) Nedoytopévoy camepyaZerce Other imitations are collected by Goeller 380 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. makes them dastardly. Now surely those may justly be accounted the most high-minded who, being intimately con- versant both with pleasures and dangers, are not, from love of the one, deterred from'* facing the other. In acts of bene- ficence!, too, we differ widely ’° from most other nations; for we gain our friends not by receiving benefits, but by con- ferring obligations.’7 Now he who does the favour, is the steadier and surer friend, and that in order that he may pre- from Synes. Epist.79 and 153. Plin. Epist. 4, 7,3. Gail here appositely cites the verse of Pope, “Too rash for thought; for action too refined.” 14 Deterred from.) This exactly answers to the dzorperépever éx of the original. ‘The syntax is rare. 15 Beneficence.| Notwithstanding what Steph. says, such is the true sense of aperyv. No example is adduced by the commentators; there- fore the following will be acceptable : — Thucyd. 251. and 4, 81. Eurip. Suppl. 1065. And 225. where the Schol. explains the term by ¢Aav- Spwria. Liban. Or. 827. yeipw yuvaucde sic aperiv. Max. Tyr. Diss. 39, 5. Joseph. 825,12. Plato Menone, p. 545. xpucioy O& kai apybpwv ropi- Zeadae apeTy tory, we pice Mévwr. 16 Differ widely, jvarvrupeSa.] Such, at least, is the reading of all the copies; though (as the commentators remark) Hesych. read »v7wyeda, whose words are: Oovkvdidne O& HyvTipseta ivi trp évavTipeSa. whence Reisig thinks that Thucydides wrote dy nyvriwpeSa, and even denies the correctness of 7vavTupeSa. But that seems an erroneous view of the subject. There is no just reason even to question the grammatical cor- rectness of yvavTwpyeSa (see Buttman and Matth. Gr. Gr.); and in the use of the perfect, in the above sense, there is nothing to stumble at. Yet it is possible that we have not the true reading. Hesych. plainly read Hytwpesa. And Iam inclined to think that so wrote Thucydides. The verb avrwioSat for évavtwicSa is very frequently used by Herodotus, many of whose words Thucyd. adopts; the Ionic and the old Attic being nearly allied. So ayr7wSycav, 8, 110., and dyvrwSjva, 4,126. Indeed, the use of ayrwicSa is not confined to Ionic writers. Thus, it occurs in Aschyl. Suppl. 401. Schutz. ric dv rotcS advrwSyva Sékea. It is also used by Apoll. Rhod., Aratus, and others. Goeller, indeed, would read dvrwyeSa, which would thus be a present tense from ayridopat, a word used by Homer and Ap. Rhod., but never, I think, by any Attic writer. And as for this reading, there would be not even the authority of Hesych ; it must surely be rejected. '7 Gain our friends, §c.| Ei wdéoxyay and ed zoity (or dp@y, as here, and often, in Kurip. and other o/d Attic writers) are frequently used, and sometimes antithetically, by the best authors. The present passage is had in view by Liban. Epist. 350. (though Wolf there declares that he could not find the passage.) As an apt illustration of what our orator says, that it was the practice of the Athenians rd é¢ dperijy dvtwicSat Toc woddoic, I would observe, that Aristot. Eth. p. 406. says, ed mdaoyewy ot odXoi Bodbdor- Tal, TO OF EV TrOLELY HEvyoVOL, We advotredéc. And he adds, that the latter is the distinguishing mark of virtue, rij¢ dperqc. Aristid., too, Panath. 1, 252, says, of the Athenians: ed zouiy ode eb wdoxyew mepuKdrac. CHAP. XL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 881 serve the returns of obligation due from him on whom he bestowed the kindness.'!® Whereas he who owes the obli- gation, is more sluggish’? in his feelings of friendship ; know- ing that whatever kindness he returns will not be esteemed a With the crapeSa robe ditove I would compare Soph. Antig. 190. rode doug TowtpeSa, In either passage the article may be said to be equiva- lent to the pronoun possessive ; or, we may render, “the friends whom we gain, we gain,” &c. 8 Now he who does the favour, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the true sense of the passage, which has been strangely misunderstood by some commen- tators. Wakefield, Bekker, and Hack, take the Bebadrepoc to signify, “more sure of good-will.’ But that sense is at variance both with the words and the context. Smith totally wanders from the sense by ren- dering, “has the advantage over.” The signification I have assigned, is that in which the word is constantly used. And its force has been seen by Gottleb. and Goeller, who have aptly adverted to Aristot. Eth. 9, 7. It is more than fifteen years ago since I first discerned the true sense of ourauthor, and made use of the passage of Aristotle, cited by Gottleb., or rather the whole chapter, out of which Gottleb, has not adduced the most apposite illustrations. The philosopher is there enquiring how it comes to pass that the «d owmoarrec are better inclined (i. e. steadier friends) towards the rove ei waSdyrac than they are to them. And he proposes the following as the reason commonly assigned: Ore of piv dpeihovot, roic dé ddeiierat. KaSazrep ovv imi rév daveiwy, ot piv ddeihovreg Bobdovrat py eivat oic dete Aovow, ot dé OaveioarTec Kai EryséhovTat TIC THY dpELdéVTwY CwTnplac’ * o}TW Kai rove evepyernoarvrag BotdEcSat eivar Tove TadyTac, WC KOMLOUpEVOVE Tae YapL- rac, Toic © obK ives éryedéc TO dvrarodovva. Hence is illustrated Plutarch T. Flam. c.1.s.f.roic evepynrnSeiot Orarravroc, borep evepyéraic edyovc, Kai Tp6- Supoc, wc eauoTa THY KTHMaTwWY TObc Eb TETOYSéTAaE UT abrov TEpiiTELY Kal awZev. Very profound, as well as apposite to the present purpose, is the following observation of Herodian, 2, 3,15. peyatwy ydp sbepyeoy rpov- TaApyovowy, TO todTyLoy OvoepeKToY. AAN év raic apobatc Kal pupa piv Nabovou avrwovvar peiZoyv ody oiirwco ebpapic, we ebydpioroy OoKEl. Ornvixa 0 ay 6 Tp@Toe Te Opdoag ayadov, avuméepbAyTov Karadnrat xaow, TO pr) Kar aviay avtioSiy oby otTw dvordpioroyv, we avalosnroy dpa Kat ayap.oroy Ovomacerat. To advert to one or two points of phraseology, at dgeNopévny we must repeat xdpw, but in the sense avriyapyw (the return of obligation.) So Thucyd. 1, 32. ydpiv e€ovor Bibaov. Soph. Aj. 522. yapuc yapw yap éorw 9) rixrovo det. Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 332. Athen. p. 240. A. The complete phrase occurs in Isocr. Nicocl., and Schol. on Pind. Ol. 7, 1. ’Azoddowy is for we aodwset. } AT as, ; 19 Sluggish.] Or, dull, languid, flat. Not insipid, as Smith renders. The Schol. explains doSevicrepoc. But I prefer dcvnpdrepoc, with Hesych. This figurative sense of aw6\t¢ is somewhat rare; but I have found it in Plutarch Cat. Min. c. 54. rij¢ mpoSupiac a. and C. Gracch. 8. apérdv eivoig. Liban. Epist. 706. gpacric ape. * This may be exemplified by a curious anecdote found in Plutarch Eum., who tells us that the lives of two persons, in danger of being put to death by Eumenes, were saved by the contrivance of their friends, who made them debtors to Eumenes. ‘Thus he spared them for his own sake. 382 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. favour, but regarded as a debt.*° We, I repeat, alone fear- lessly venture”! to benefit others, not from the narrow calcu- lations of interest, but in the confidence of. liberality.*? XLI. “ In short’, I may affirm, that’ the city at large is the instructress” of Greece, and that individually, each same person among us seems to possess the most ready versatility? 20 Will not be, §c.] This passage is imitated by Herodian, I. 2, 11, 14. xapw obk yoscav, Oprnpa yap abrov dmorivey, d\N od Owpsay Cuaveperr, édoyilovro. 21 Fearlessly venture, Sc.) There is a similar elegance in the Virgilian * Aude, hospes, contemnere opes.” 22 Not from the, §c.] So Appian, t. 2. 312, 48. Kai rd dixavoy 7) mpérrov H Kadoy ov« éSeor padrov 7 peyaroPbyow oytopoic dpicoa. See a fine passage, much to the present purpose, in Eurip. Erecth. frag. 1. init. Tw muorp does not signify the credit, as Smith renders ; but must be taken in the same sense as zrioric at 1, 68. | In short.} Or, in a word. Such is the force of Zvvehéy, which is ay out by Smith into, “I shall sum up what remains by only adding.” Mi. Gail endeavours to improve on the original by the following truly Gallic turn : — “ Achevons par un dernier coup de pinceau.” 2 Instructress.| Some, as Hobbes, Smith, and Gail, render, school. So also Goeller, di/dungs-schul. And, indeed, Diod. Sic. calls Athens rayvrwy dySporwy Kowdy radeurnpioyv. And Menedemus ap. Plut. t.2, 81. D. says, that the bulk of the world go to school to Athens. But, as the abstract is here for the concrete (on which see Matth. Gr. 429.), and waidevjue is often so used in the tragedians (as also Oséy yéveow for Oey yevvqropa at Hom. Il. £. 201.), so I prefer the former rendering. Kustath. on Hom. Il. 6. p. 284. (cited by Gottleb.) says, one writer calls Athens the ’E\\d0oc proucetoy ; Pindar, the EAA ddoc 699adpoc ; and Thucydi- des, the ’EXAddog ’EAAAOa. But no such expression as’E\Adoe EAA Aa Occurs in Thucyd., nay, itis not in his style. I am surprised Gottleb. did not see that Eustath. must have written, not Oovxvdidnc, but PwxvdAidne, a writer (i. e. the Pseudo-Phocylides) in whom such argutie are not unfrequent. Other similar ones occur chiefly in writers of a later age, and less pure taste. So Theopompus ap. Athen. 254. B. calls Athens the Ifporaveioy ’E\Xddoc. Demosth., in a somewhat better taste, calls it the sawn, mind, and soul of Greece ; an expression plundered by Philo Jud. p.886. B., who compares it to the mind’s eye, the reason. It is also, he says, to it as the apple of an eye; for which thought he was, perhaps, indebted to a fine expression of the Old Testament (Ps. 17, 8., &c., but where it is introduced with perfect propriety and exquisite beauty); or, also to Aischyl. Eumen. 1024. Oppa yao waone ySovdc Onoeidog. Other such like expressions may be seen in Aristid. 1, 545. Diczearch. p.10. Isocr. de Big. § 10. Athen. 20. B., where Rome is called an “ epitome of the world.” 3 And that individually, each, §c.] Such seems to be the complete and real sense of this doubtful and difficult passage. The ¢idy is a very general term, signifying sorts or kinds of things; and, therefore, its sense must be determined from the context. There is some difficulty in ézi, which we may remove by supposing some verb of motion is left to be understood after QUT. Tap. CHAP. XLI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 883 in adapting himself, and that not ungracefully*, to the greatest variety of circumstances and situations that diversify human life. ‘That all this is not a mere boast of words, for a present purpose, but rather the actual truth®, this very power of the state, unto which, by these habits and dispositions, we have attained, clearly attests; for ours is the only one of the states now existing which, on trial, approves itself® greater than re- port’; it alone occasions neither to an invading enemy ground for chagrin at being worsted by such®, nor to a subject state The eirparédwe (which the commentators pass over), is a most expressive term. But it does not signify venustate, as Portus renders. It is well explained by the Scholiast edeevqrwe. And so Liban. Orat. 717. Aristot., too, Eth. |. 4, 8. explains esrpazédouc by strpdrove (I conjecture ediarpdpove. So Suid. edrpdzedoy. eborpodoy.) and edxuwhrove.. It may be Englished ** versatile, easy to be turned,” supple; which implies, as Gail explains, “* aptitude a se revétir de toutes les formes,” a graceful suppleness of cha- racter. So Lex Reg. 6 eyepiece Kai eieddwc TpETpEVoE KaTa Tov Bioy, Kai maonc suppopac érropévwy. AXlian. H. A. 5, 26. otrwe dpa » dbowe TowKidoy TE kal evrparedov tort. Aristoph. Vesp. 469. otre ru’ éxov rpddacw, Odre Adyor evtpamehov. Etym. Mag. 682, 42. who explains it by ézi wodAd rpérovra THY dvavoiay. It is strange that Gail has not noticed the strong points of resemblance between the Athenians, as here described by Pericles, and the modern French. Even Diodorus saw the similarity between the Greeks and Gauls; Juvenal, too, in his sketch, (not indeed en beau) of the Greeks, at Sat. 5, 75. seqq. places foremost the ingenium velox, which is prepared for any and every character: “ Quemvis hominem, secum adtulit ad nos: Grammaticus, rhetor, geometres, pictor, aliptes, Augur, schcenobates, medicus, magus: omnia novit. Greeculus esuriens in ccelum, jusseris, ibit.” These various traits of the Greeks, Johnson, dexterously and complacently, (for he bore no good wiil to them) transfers to the French, * 4 Not ungracefully.| Gottleb. well illustrates this from the Horatian * Omnis Aristippum decuit color, et status et res.” Perhaps Horace had this very passage in mind. 5 Actual truth.] Literally, a truth of facts. The genitive substantive is for an adjective. 6 On trial, approves itself, §c.] Turns out on trial. Literally, comes to the proof. So 7.21. tévai ic weipaev. See Abresch. 7 Greater than report.| i. e. than report had represented it; or, in the words of Gail, “ supérieure 4 sa renommé.”’ 8 Being worsted by such, §c.] i. e. by persons unworthy of victory; or, when he reflects by whom, &c. Otog signifies qualis, quantus ; and this * It is strange the critics have not noticed the miserable failure in the verses ; « All sciences a fasting Monsieur knows ; And bid him go to hell, to hell he goes!” To go to hell can here have no meaning ; whereas the original, “ in coelum, jus- seris, ibit,’” has much; ccelumire being, I apprehend, like the ‘* ccelum petere ” of Hor. Carm. 1, 3, 38., a proverbial phrase to express attempting an impossi- bility. There was nothing, it seems, the Greeks would not undertake, It E a ” might be rendered, “ And bid him mount the clouds, the clouds he tries, 884: "THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. aught of self-reproach, as being under the dominion of those unworthy of empire. A power do we display not unwitnessed %, but attested by signs illustrious, which will make us the theme of admiration both to the present and to future ages; nor need we either a Homer, or any such panegyrist, who might, indeed, for the present delight by his verses, but any idea of our actions thence formed, the actual truth of them might destroy’°: nay, every sea and every land have we compelled emphat’c sense may imply both praise (as in Xenophon and Thucyd. 5, 9.), and sometimes (as here), censure or disparagement. See Viger. p. 124. and Matth. Gr. § 480. 3. “Eyeu is for wapéyer, as 1,6. See the learned note of Goeller, Dr. Blomfield in Argum. ad Aéschyl. Agam. There is much beauty in this use of raxoraSeiv, by which it is taken for granted that an invading enemy will be worsted. Nor must I omit to observe that here may be recognised a feeling deeply seated in the breast of every one. The chagrin of defeat, and, indeed, injury of every kind, is much enhanced by the inflictor being unworthy. So Herod. 5, 35, 18. im’ aétoypip Kai aroSaveiy npioea ouppoopn. Soph. Phil. 336. adn ebyevijc piv 6 kravoy re yp Savor. And so our Johnson: ; “‘ Fate never wounds more deep the generous heart, Than when a dlockheaa’s insult points the dart.” 9 Not unwitnessed.| ‘There is an elegance in the meiosis ot« apaprupor, on which Gail remarks that in Hebrew a thing is often expressed in two ways, first by an affirmation, then by a negative of the contrary. Of the meiosis in question, there are examples in Philostr. V. A. 7, 14. and Icon. p. 870. Plutarch 2, 975. A. This whole passage is imitated by Dexippus — ap. Corp. Byz. 1. p.10. D. pera cadectarwy recpnpiwy, kal ode apaprupa AsEopevwr. 10 Any idea of our actions, §c.] On the construction, and, as depending thereon, the sense of these words, the commentators are not agreed. Toy épywy is by the older interpreters construed with ryv dzovoiay; but by most recent ones with » d\nSeia. They explain izovoia “ a false opinion, founded on poetic imagery ;” regarding it as synonymous with kéu7w a little before. And they appeal to Timezeus’ Lex. ov« éy irovoia. odk év aivtyp@, ov« éy addnyopia. and cite a similar use in Dionys. Hal. But that sense, I conceive, has place only in adverbial phrases, as éy izovouw or ca’ vrovoiay, not in the general use of the word. Besides, nothing can be more uncritical than thus to ascribe to a word an extent of signification which requires the addition of two separate and not synonymous terms ; without mentioning that thus a synchysis will be unnecessarily introduced. I therefore do not hesitate to preter the construction adopted by the older commentators. In fact, however, the words ray goywy may, and I think must be, taken both with rijy iovoiay and with 7) ad\jSeaa. There is no need to refine on the sense of jzovoia, which signifies an idea, opinion, conception. It literally denotes those rough outlines (i7d) which the mind strikes out for itself in forming its ideas. Thus it is often opposed to complete information or knowledge, and denotes what is mere fancy, or, it may be, illusion, as here. In adnSeia rv tpyHyv it is implied that the facts are brought to light, and narrated as they really happened. CHAP, XLII. ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 385 to become accessible to our adventurous courage’; and every where have we planted eternal monuments both of good and of evil..? For such a state, then, these our departed heroes (unwilling to be deprived of it) magnanimously fought and fell; and in such a cause, it is right that every one of us, the survivors, should readily encounter toils and dangers. XLII. “It is for this reason that I have enlarged on the circumstances of our country; namely, that I might teach you that the contest is not for equal stakes between us and those persons who enjoy not, in a similar degree, such advantages '; and withal, that I might establish by clear evidence the praises of those on whom I am delivering this address, the Here I long since had adduced in illustration the apt words of Pindar Nem. 7, 30. which I find also cited by Goeller: éya 5: wdéor’ Edrropar Adyov "Odvocéoc, ) TAYE, Cid TOY advEeTTH yevioS "Opnpoy ’Erei PEevdéEecoiv ot, woTavE PNXaVG, cEevov ExeoTi TU codia O& KAéTTE Tapayovoa piJoic. TUPrdY O ~exEL TOP Opto avdpdy 6 wretoroe. 11 Every sea and, §c.| ‘This is closely imitated by Liban. Orat. p. 478. A. raoay piv yijv maicay 0& Saddaccay ipbarny ry TOApy yévecda Karavay- Kacac. 12 Monuments both of, &c.] i. e. for weal and for woe, memorials of the evils we have brought on our enemies, and the good we have done our friends. By the memorials of evil are meant trophies erected, cities de- stroyed, and states subjugated; by those of good are meant (as is suggested by carotcicayrec) the colonies which were planted in most parts of what the Greeks called the world, and by which the blessings of religion, laws, civilization, and acquaintance with the arts and sciences, were carried into barbarous regions. This passage was frequently imitated by succeeding writers; though not one of the imitations has been brought forward by the commentators. I select the following out of many more which I have noted. Philo. Jud. 529. A. pynpeia cadrongyaSiac ot rarépec NUGY TavTAaxod Tijc oiKovpévne améduTOY. and 876, E. kara 7éXetc pynpeta THC abroy acebiac Kai picavSpwriag aréirov. Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 403, 6. prnpdovvoy aiwviov KkataXimorrec éxSpac. See also p. 655,12. Xen. Agis. 6, 2. aSavara ripe apErijg pyynpéia Katradizwr. Livy, |. 57, 6. in omnibus (gentibus) se majore clementize benignitatisque quam virtutis bellicze monumenta reliquisse. 1 Enjoy not in a similar degree, §c.] ‘Opoiwc is an important term, though omitted by most translators. Here mnst be understood not wealth and power only (as Gottleb. supposes), for of power the Lacedemonians had full as much as the Athenians; but especially the advantage of free insti- tutions favourable to the welfare both of the community and of individuals. With the po) zepi ioov sivac rov ayéva I would compare a kindred hrase of Xenophon, Hist. 7, 1, 2. 0d zepi rév iowy 6 xivdvyog. There is, in either case, an ellipsis of zpayua. The Athenians, it is meant, had more at stake ; they were contending for existence. VOL. I. CC 386 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ile greater part of their panegyric has already been pronounced ; for what but the virtues of these,-and such as these, is it that has adorned the city with all that makes it the theme of my encomiums?? Few, indeed, are there of the Grecians, whose fame‘ (as in the case of these) would be balanced’ by their deeds. The present catastrophe of our departed worthies plainly evinces their manly courage, whether first displaying, or finally confirming it.© For even as to those who may, in other respects, be less deserving of praise, it is surely just to 2 The greater part of, &c.] i.e. the greater part of what has been said having tended to that end. 3 Makes it the theme, &c.] The & rijv rod bpvnoa may literally be rendered, “ the things for which I have celebrated the city.” There must be understood cara and zpaypara. The term dpreiy is chiefly used of poetic celebration; but is also applied to exalted panegyric, and especially when delivered in the oratorical style; as Herod. 1,13, 17. Philo Jud. 726. D. 739. C. Isocr. p. 153. So that the editors of Julian Ces. 67. had no reason to change tpynSivrwy into prynoSivrwy. The same may be said of Musgrave on Eurip. Iph. T. 185 , who changes ipyvei into aivet. 4 Whose fame.] ‘O déyog literally signifies “ what is said of them.” So in a similar antithesis at 1, 69. ey dpa 6 Aéyoe Tow Epyou Exparet. 5 Balanced.) i. e. on a balance with. On the ratio metaphore see Leisner on Herodian, t. 3. p. 480., and on the term see Dr. Blomfield on f&schyl. Pers. 352. The construction with the genitive is rare. The only example known to me is Herod. 5, 91. isépporoy rp EwuTGy yévog. Of the present passage Smith has totally mistaken the sense. 6 The present catastrophe, Sc.| Such seems to be the sense of this difficult passage, which is very inefficiently treated by the interpreters. “Avépocg aperv is not well rendered by Portus and others, even Goeller, * the valour of each individual.” That would require rivoc ; and then the sentiment would be objectionable; for the death of the whole would not prove the courage of each. It signifies “ the valour of a man;” i. e. manly valour. The very same phrase occurs in Isocr. Areop. § 4. and Evagor. § 2., also in Max. Tyr. Diss. 28, 7. and especially in an imitation of the present passage in Procop. p. 183, 2. avdpdc aperny od« apxopevar Snhovow at mpakec, adda TedevTGoat pyviovot The words zpwrn re pnviovea, cai reXevraia Bebaodvoa are rendered by Smith “ an evidence begun in their lives, and completed in their deaths.’” But such cannot be the true sense, since the subject of the assertion is the karasrpopi) of the persons in question. Goeller has, I think, well seized the sense by rendering kai redevraia Bebaotca, “ confirming it with the last seal,” with which I would compare 2 Cor. 1,21. where the two terms confirm and seal are conjoined as synonymous: 6 0é Bsbatwy nude ody ipiv — 0 Kai o¢paytodmevog iyac. See also Joh. 3,33. 6,27. Rom. 15,28. Eph. 1,13. 7,30. and my notes there. I must observe that caraorpod) here denotes not so much death properly speaking, as vite exitus, that crisis of the human frame which tends to a speedy dissolution. So Procop. 209, 25, Tov Biov Karaorpo¢yn. And so Steph. Thes. remarks that caraorpod), “ est quum res ad exituin vergit ;” which will, I think, throw some light on the sense here. CHAP. XLII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 387 place ina prominent view’ their bravery exerted forthe defence of their country; since by good they have effaced evil®; the benefit which they have rendered towards the public more than compensating for any injury they may have done in their private capacity. Yet of these there was not one who, either by preference for the longer enjoyment of wealth®, was softened into pusillanimity; or by the hope of even yet exchanging poverty for riches'® was induced to decline the danger. But esteeming vengeance on the foe more desirable than those 7 For as to those who, &c.] It is not easy to determine the sense of this passage, since zpori3ecSat, on which the difficulty turns, is susceptible of more than one suitable sense. The Scholiast and most of the old com- mentators, as also Hack, explain it by zporiaeSa. And so Hobbes ren- ders, “ preferred before the rest.” But the orator could hardly intend to assert this; besides, zporiSeoSai has rarely a passive sense. Another inter- pretation is proposed by Steph. Thes. p. 9437. which is, however, incon- sistent with the words following, and with the use of the article. Far more probable is the interpretation of Bauer and Gail, who take zporiSec- Sat in an active sense, and explain it pretendere. So Galen in his Lex. Hippocr. says that Hippocrates used zporiSeoSa: for zporeive. And this yields a good sense; yet it is liable to an objection on the score of construc- tion; for sxporifeoSa in the sense of zporeivay must take the syntax of mporeivey, Which is an accusative and genitive, and not a dative only. Neither is it necessary to resort to so precarious an interpretation, since another, and a well founded one, will answer the purpose equally as well, namely, publicé proponere. So in a physical sense the word occurs in Thu- -cyd. 2,34. ra dort mporiva. Other examples may be seen in Steph. Thes. The sense, then, is “ to place in a prominent point of view;” and indeed this may, in some measure, include the preceding one. 8 By good they have, §c.] Namely, the good or benefit of laying down their lives for their country. The passage is imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. P- 291,55. ée pute rig wept roy Savarov aperijc, kav pavocg yévynrat tte, dLerdZew oidpevor Oeiv rode ayaSobc. So also Eunapius: i rour@ ye toyp Sdac ra mpoyeyevnpeva THY apaprnuarwy. See also Diod. Sic. 1,232. At idtwy subaud pépwy or mpayparwv. 9 By a preference for, §c.] Such is clearly the sense; for the wdoiry (for zAovrov) is required by the antithetical weviag édridt. The words ére andravoy mpoTmhoac are exegetical of zAodrw, and adrod is to be supplied. So also at weviac éd7idc (which signifies a hope respecting his poverty, with the subaudition of zepi) the words following are exegetical. The former clause is well illustrated by the following passage of the Schol. on Eurip. Pheen. 600. ot wrovour Oetdot slot Tpde Savaroy, we peyadwy ayaSay orEpov- pevor’ ot & évnrec peborivdvvol eiow, drrodoyiZopevor we uorredet Kivduved- cayrac Krinoacsa cai (1 conjecture 7 Kai) azoSaveiy, paiddoy 7) rrwxodc bvrac Zjv. where the latter case will bring to mind the story in Horace of the soldier. With the deroi mpdc Savaroy in that passage, we may com- pare a similar expression of the Apostle to the Hebrews, 2, 15. door ¢d€w Savarov out ravrbc rod Lav Evoxor ijoay Covdglac. With the otre mporiuhoag of the present passage I would compare the 0d zporiué of A’schyl. Agam. 1388. where see Dr. Blomfield on the terin. 10 Exchanging poverty for riches.| Literally, that he might escape po- verty, and become rich. Cices 388 “THE HISTORY _OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK. It> objects!!, and withal accounting this the most glorious of dangers, they were willing by it’? to be avenged on the former, and to aim at acquiring the latter. Committing, in- deed, the uncertainty of success to hope’, but as to what was present to their view, they nobly confided in themselves,: and their own exertions in action; preferring resistance, though accompanied with death, to safety purchased by submission.’* Thus fleeing any disgraceful imputation, with their bodies they bore the brunt of battle’, and after a short and quickly 11 Those objects.| Namely, the longer enjoyment of wealth, and the chance of becoming rich; not wealth simply, as Poppo and Hack think. 12 By it.] Namely, the danger; for per’ adrod refers to the preceding row detvod; which I am surprised the commentators should not have seen; for want of which Poppo causelessly hazards conjectures. Indeed, the Scholiast supplies rod xvdtvov. But that is an anomalous ellipsis. 13 Committing, indeed, the, §c.] A formula of expressing reliance on any | person or thing, thereby trusting our good fortune, and hoping for the best. ‘With such, in the darkness of heathen ignorance, men were fain to be con- tent; not blessed, like us Christians, with the encouraging invitation to commit our ways, and our works, nay, and our spirit, to that gracious Being who careth for us, and will make all things work together for good in the end to those who serve him. | The passage has been thus imitated by Joseph. p. 272. a\X’ adiry ry peddAbyre wapaddyrac abrove, K. T.d. 14 Preferring resistance, though, §c.| Literally, chusing to resist, and suffer the consequences, rather than to give way, and be saved. Such seems to be the sense of this difficult passage, on which I agree with the Scholiast and those commentators who take gpy in the sense pugnd, which is required by the context; and though there be no article, yet none is here required, since no particular battle is had in view, but only battle or action generally. Besides, at év airq@ we must supply épy@, and that in the sense pugna. ilaSeiy signifies to suffer what might happen. “Evddyrec is for évOovva. Here I read, with the best MSS., ro zaSety and 76 evoovrec. On the sentiment the commentators compare Hor. Carm.5, 5,37. He- liodor. p. 49. rovré rot Kai abri) rd Tapby éxwoiac brrepeSépny, radvra. Ladd an imitation of Dio Cass. p. 571, 74-77. rijv duyiy Tie payne paddov poby- Sévrec, wai éy piv rabry Kai (even) xparnoew ayredrioaytec, ty O& éxeivy Tac- avdt arododae TpocdoKHCaYTEC, avTEsdpunoay, Kai ovppitavrec tvavpaxynoar. A similar use of waSeiy is found in Dionys. Hal. Ant. p.547. (a passage imitated from the present) olc &eorw ebruynoace piv apddrepa, oOoa, Kai vikdy acbardc* si 0& Kai pera Tov Opaoai TL, Kai waSeiy yevyaioy, where for coat I read owésoSa. Also Herodian, 4, 4, 5. brs —émSupiac sAavvopevoe Oveyvw, Opdoa Ti, i) Tasety, yevvaioy. Sol point. The plena locutio in waSeiy occurs in Kurip. Pheen, 490. candy re dpdoat, nai wadeiy & ylyverat. 15 Thus fleeing any disgraceful, §c.] It is seldom possible, in a version, to represent the points of antithesis in rod Adyov and 7d gpyoy. Here, however, it is so frigid as to degenerate into a puerile play upon words, There is infinite spirit in the words, “ with their bodies they bore the brunt of the battle.” Yet @ passage, for dignity as well as vigour, superior CHAP. XLII]. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 389 decided crisis of their fate’, at the height of glory, not of fear, they yielded up their lives! ; XLII. Such, then, Athenians, were these persons, and thus worthily have they approved themselves to their country. As for you who survive them, a safer career! you may pray for, but a less courageous spirit in encountering your foes you need not desire. Yours it will be to keep in view the beneficial tendency of such a spirit ?; not so far only as words extend (for any one might enlarge thereon, telling you, what you would. know as well as he, the benefits which are contained in resisting our foes), but rather approving it in deeds, by keeping in your daily contemplation? the increase of its power, and becoming attached to, and, as it were, enamoured of it.’ When, too, its to this, occurs in Daniel, 3,28. “ and yielded their bodies, that they might not serve nor worship any God, except their own God.” 6 And after a short, §c.] Such is, | conceive,the true sense of the words of the original, which have not been well understood. The capod denotes not tempus, but tempus opportunum, crisis, articulus temporis. So Soph. cayooyv xpdvov. The riyne signifies (as often in Thucydides) the fortune of battle. The é\axiorov long ago suggested to me (as I see it has done to. Goeller) the words of Horace: “ hore momento cita mors venit aut vic- toria lata.” With dkyy rie Od&ne 1 could compare many passages, which I shall. reserve for my edition; only citing Appian, 7, 16, 12. év axuy rijg O6En¢ — adan\d\axSat This expression, I would observe, seems formed on Herod. 6, 5. tv axuy Od&ne kai wdéove. There may seem somewhat of harshness, arising from the antithesis, in the dcuq rod dzove. Yet the expression occurs in Dio Cass. p. 246, 57. év dkuy rod déove wy, IN suMMO mMetu constitutus. So Alian V.H. 12,1. wévSovg dpi. At dza\\dynoar subaud Biov, (which is supplied in Kurip. Hippol. 526.) or rov Zpy, as in Polyb. 11, 30,3. With the whole passage may be compared a similar one in Lycurg. C. L. p. 154, 14. ’ 1A safer career.| Or, literally, a safer temper of mind and disposition. So Philipp. 1, 5. “ let the same mind be in you that was in Christ Jesus.” With the whole sentence we may compare Soph. Aj. 550. @ zat, yévowo za- Tpo¢ EevTuxéaTEpoc, TA O GAN Gpowoe. 2 The utility of, §c.| This sense of riv ¢é\eay (indicated by the article) has not been discerned by the commentators. . 3 Keeping in your daily contemplation.] 1. e. keeping in your daily view, making it the object of your continual thought, 4 Enamoured of it.] i.e. as. much attached to it as lovers to their mis- tresses. This may seem somewhat hyperbolical; but so Dionys, Hal. toaor. rie wodureiac, lovers of the state. Our queen Elizabeth was very sensible how much the public service. gained by this sort of high-minded devotion ; and on this very principle, probably, permitted that sort of half amorous intercourse with her ministers and courtiers, for which she has. - been much censured. cc $ 890 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK. Ile greatness strikes you, consider that it has been acquired by adventurous > men, who both knew what ought to be done®, and, in action, were keenly alive to shame’; who, when even failing in their attempts, were yet unwilling that their country should thereby lose the advantage of their valour, but con- tributed to it the noblest offering *— for they bestowed ° their persons and their lives upon the public; and therefore, as their private recompense, they receive a deathless renown and the noblest of sepulchres ‘°, —not so much that wherein their 5 Adventurous.} The orator seems to have chiefly in view Miltiades and Themistocles ; though, indeed, the Athenian spirit was universally such. Thus, they are said at 1, 70. to be apa divapy rodpnrai, kai Tapa yvouny kevouvevrat. 6 Knew what ought to be done.| The translators and commentators ex- plain it, “knew their duty.’ But the sense which I have assigned (and which is a not uncommon one, see Lex. Xen.) is far more suitable. 7 Were keenly alive to shame.] i. e. had a delicate sense of honour. The best commentary on this will be found in the words of Archidamus, at 1, 84., where see note. 8 Contributed to it the noblest offering.] Namely, as it is added, their lives. ”“Epavoy is explained by the Scholiast cvvecopopay, and is equivalent to our picnic, the antiquity of which is apparent from Hom. Od. a. 226. siharw’ H€ yapoc; tei od« Epavog rad éoriv. The metaphor is extremely elegant, and was often imitated by the best writers. Gottleb. cites Dionys. Hal. in rexvp, p. 236. I add, Aristid. Panath. 1, 232. rooavrny siopopay eiceviyKovrec TH Korvy ypeia. ‘To omit numerous other passages, I must con- tent myself with observing, that the same figure, and even further evolved, is found in some writers who cannot be supposed to have imitated this pas- sage. Thus Xen. Cyr. 7,1, 12., where Cyrus addresses his soldiers as fol- lows: "Q dydpec, sic riva ror’ dy Kaddtova épavoy dddAnrove Tapacadtoatmer, } sic Tévde; Nov ydp teorw ayaSoicg avdpdor yevopévorg moXda nodyadSe arkdnroee etoeveycsiy, Eurip. Suppl. 363. cddAtorov toavoy dovc. So also ix a very beautiful passage of the Phoen. 1029. si yap Aabwy exkacrog 6, TE ObvatTo rig Xpnoroy, deed Tovro, Keig Kowdy Piper Harpide, eaxwy av ai wb- Aetc EXaoodvwy Tepmpevat, 7d oerdy evtvyoiey dv. where the Scholiast ex- plains gépe: by eicepepe, and where for pera should be read xard. 9 Bestowed.] Literally, laid down, i. e. profuderunt, as in Cicero: “ vitam profundere pro patria.” And Virg. Ain. 6, 436. projecére animas. Xenoph. Anab. 1, 9, 7. ra éavréyv odpara mpoepévor. In the sense to which there is here an allusion (namely, of laying down great sums, by pouring the coins from a vessel), the word oecurs in Herod. 1, 24. yojpara apoievra oft. Polyb. 5, 91. 6, 32. 14, 11. wp. rédavra. Liban. Or. p. 362. See also my note on Luke, 22,19. The present passage is imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 348, 26. ot ra cwpara yapecduevor ry Tmarpide. Aris- tid. 3,261. rd cwpara sionveycey. Liban. Or. 866. rd cépara inip ric warpidog etapipwy. The whole passage is closely imitated by Isocrat. ~ Sil. 5 10 Noblest of sepulchres.| Such as was the Ceramicus. So Xenophon Hist. 2, 4, 17. says, that no one was so rich as to be able to procure such a sepulchre. CHAP. XLIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, 391 bones are entombed, as in which their glory is preserved, to be had in everlasting remembrance on all occasions, whether of speech or fbGonds: For to the illustrious, the whole. earth is a sepulchre'’; nor do monumental inscriptions 1? in their own country alone point it out, but an unwritten and mental memorial even in foreign lands, which, more durable than any monument, is deeply seated 4 in the breast of every one. Imitating, then, these illustrious models —accounting that happiness is liberty, and that liberty is valour!°—be not back- ward to encounter the perils of war; for the unfortunate and hopeless are not those who have most reason to be lavish of 11 On all occasions, whether, §c.] So Aristid. 1, 476. rij¢ wrapapv3iac dpa Epyw Kai NOyw yryvouervne. 12 To the illustrious the, &c.| This sentiment, Bauer remarks, is illus- trated by Bentley on Hor. Epod. 9, 25. Neque “Afri icanum, cui super Car~ thaginem Virtus sepulchrum condidit. I add, that the present passage is imitated by Dio Cass. p. 688, 16. Wore oot TE a conjecture ye) dyaSp dvre TATA pev yuo TEMEVEO [LCE éorat, Philo Jud. 530. xpd¢ Zévrac ai warpidec, arosavévruy dt masa yi} rapoc. It is almost transcribed by Philostr. V. ‘Soph. 23, 5. Very similar is the expression in an epigram on Eurip. in the Anthologia, p. 236., and ascribed to Thucydides: Mvapa péy"ENac dmao’ Evpsridov. The whole passage is had in view by Simonid. frag. 16, - 064. a 13, Monumental inscriptions.| On these were engraven together the names of those that fell on any occasion. See Suid. t. 2. p. 804. A. One of these inscriptions may be seen in Montfaucon’s Paleographia, p.135., and another in Mazzochi’s Monumenta Peloponnesiaca. 14 Seated.| Perhaps Hesych. has a view to this passage, when he ex- plains évdvarrarae by obvecre, darpibe. Of this elegance Gail cites exam- ples from Lucan Pharsalia, 8, 795. seqq, and the lines of Gay’s epitaph— “ But that the worthy and the good shall say, Striking their pensive bosoms — here lies Gay.” * On the “ unwritten memorial” I would compare J&schin. P. 80, 45, of yao povTo Osiv ty roic Ypappecae TyLaosat, GN tv TH Byhpa Toy tv TETOVS Sérwv, i an’ éxeivou rou xpdvouv péixpe THadE THe Hpipac aSdvarog ovca dvapéver. 15 Happiness is liberty, and, §c.] i. e. as the Scholiast explains, that liberty is the result of valour, and that happiness is the result of free- dom. * Where he remarks : — “ Méme des Anglois, se trompant sur le sens de ces derniers mots, Pexpliquent de cette autre maniére: c’est ici (en jettant les yeux sur la tombe) c’est ici (c’est-a-dire dans cette tombe) que git Gay. Traduisons avec M*. «¢ $’érigeant dans son coeur un monument plus vrai, L’homme honnéte dira: c’est ici que git Gay.”’ Few, I believe, of the readers of this work will be inclined to agree with the Greek Professor, in preferring that sense by which the simple pathos of these lines is conyerted into a far-fetched and unnatural concetto. cc 4 392 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. their liyes!®, but rather such as, while they live, have to hazard a change to the opposite’’, and who have most at stake; since great would be the reverse should they fall into. adversity. For to the high-minded, at least, more. grievous Is misfortune overwhelming them amidst the blandishments of prosperity 1’, than the stroke of death overtaking them in the 16 For the most unfortunate, §c.] The Scholiast pronounces this to be a paradox; and appeals to the dict of Theognis: yp») weviny pevyorra rai ig peyaxntea TovToy pirreiv, Kal mwerpoy, Kipve, kar’ Hubarwy. But, in fact, this is one of those things which admit of two handles ; and, if I mis- take not, most of the commentators have seized the wrong one. See Smith and Gail. I agree with the Scholiast, that in the duadrepov, which (as he says) implies comparison, there is an allusion to some common dict, whether that of Theognis, or some other similar to it. It should seem the orator here means to pre-occupy an argument on the part of the rich; namely, that they, having the means for enjoyment, ought not to hazard themselves in war, hut leave it to the poor, who have not sueh. To which the answer is, that they are not certain of their possessions, but have to fear a reverse, which they ought to provide against. See also Gail. 17 Have to hazard a change to the opposite.| Such is the sense of évavric peraborn. On this passage see Steph. Thes. t.2. p. 212. C. It 1s imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 381, 7. r@ wéXse 0é obdéy Erepoy On Tov Kevdvveverat, Hy psrabodn x.7+d. Plutarch Cat. Min. 59. s.f. aw’ éyew dddowaroy roy Tohémioy, adeoovvra ripg Wuyxijcg. Procop. p. 146,35. pndsic tpoy brio ric idevSepiac drakwtTw Syjokey, yo avopia Te Kai Ty GAH ApETH TeTVyHKaTE Ob yap obrw svdy, TO Toig KaKoig ovyynpdoKoyTa reevT oat Toy Bioy, we mEeTa THY duckddwy éEevSEepiav, avsic ig abra eTraviKey. 1s More grievous is misfortune, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of this passage, on which Duker remarks: “ Non mihi liquet que sit sen- tentia, Sed totus locus est dvovohroc.” We may compare the words of Eurip. Herc. Fur. 1202. recrnpivy gwri pacapipy ori ai perabodai Nurnpdy. or of Young, “more beggar’d by the riches once possessed.” But to ad- vert to the difficulty of the passage, complained of by Duker, not a little of that has been occasioned by variety of reading, and, perhaps, corruption of the text. The common reading, 7 éy rq pera rod par., admits of no defence. It is not merely pleonastic, but, evidently, a jumble of two- readings, év 7p, and pera rod; insomuch that translators have taken, some one, and some the*other; but none both. Goeller and Bekker (from Abresch) edit 7, at which Goeller subauds gpyw or rpéypati, or wreic- part. But this ellipsis is too anomalous to be admitted, ante would give a very forced and.yet feeble sense. It is surely better to cancel one or the other; and the variation of situation in several MSS. will permit it. Tusan, Schneider, and Hack would expunge pera rot. But I prefer, with Goeller, to omit ty 7q@, since that has, at least, the authority of Stobzeus ; and possesses this ground of preference, that the other might be, and no doubt is, a gloss of it, but not vice versa. ‘The sense, however, of pera is not, I conceive (as most render it), after, but amidst, examples of which signification are abundant. Besides, pera rod better corresponds to the an- tithetical neva papne. Here Goeller compares Sallust. Cat. 20. Nonne emori per virtutem prestat, quam vitam miseram atque inhonestam, ubi alienz suberbia ludibrio fueris, per dedecus amittere? I must not omit to observe, that CHAP. XLIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 393 full pulse of vigour and common hope!’, and, moreover, almost unfelt.?° | XLIV. “ Wherefore, I will not so much condole with the parents of the departed, as offer them comfort. Well they know that they were! born and trained to diversified calamities”, and scarcely need be told that fortunate are those who, like our lamented heroes, are fated tothe noblest death (or, like them, to the noblest sorrow*), and to whom life has been the words, ddyewortpa avdpt ye ¢odvnua, are imitated by Joseph. p. 845, 5. Te yap Or) Kai yévotro advdpr ppdynpa éxovrt. Liban. Epist. 1046. peicov — avope ye vovy éxovte. 19 Common hope.| Portus and Smith render “ public hope.” But how that sense can be suitable I see not. There appears no reason to deviate from the usual signification common, which may be well illustrated by what was said by Pericles in his former oration, 1, 441. TO piv meordy éxovrec ix TéY KWwobvwY TepryéveoSa. Each man fancies he shall escape; and this, therefore, is a common hope. 20 Almost unfelt.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this bold expression, Kal dpa ytyvopuevoe avaioSynroc, which, it must be observed, ought to be taken parenthetically. Hobbes, influenced, it should seem, by his sceptical notions, renders, avai. “ which is without sense.” But that version is at variance with the dua «ai. The signification I have assigned is con- firmed by two passages of Dio Cass. formed upon the present, which ad- mirably illustrate the phraseology and subject matter. ‘They are p. 400, 22. é&v Te dywvi toomadéi, Kal tv EX7WEL TOU KAY TEPLYEVETSAaL Kal KPaTHoal, Eraov avaioSnrwc. and 522, 4. cai otre Tév Tpavparwy aicSnow eiyor (7rd yap ihynoov 6 Savaroc wpothapbaver), ovTE TOU OAESpOU OPHY OoPuppoy ézroLovYTO. TO yap NUT Ijooy ovK Eukvodyro. GXoc Tic azoKTEivag Td, 0b0 aToSdvecSat Tia ard Tic abrua Tepiyapsiag HAE, Kai 6 adel Tinrwy tc Td dvaioSnrov kaSioravro. See also Appian 2, 693, 76. 1 Well they know, §c.} Such seems to be the sense of this passage, which will not bear the interpretation of Hobbes and Smith, “ for you know that while they lived, they were obnoxious to calamities.” The ratio of the idiom compels us to render, “ for they know that they were,’ &c. The question, however, is, what is the subject ? the parents, or the children ? Assuredly the parents ; as appears from the rod¢ roxedc just before. And such, I find, is the mode of interpretation adopted by Goeller. 2 Born and bred to, §c.] Of the numerous classical passages I have noted, as illustrative of the present, the following may suffice. Joseph. p- 2, 18. év rbyaic rodurpdzroe. and p. 1515. 8. év moduTpdToLe aiktaig aToSa- vovrec. Timocl. ap. Athen. p. 223. B.”AvSpwrog tore CHov éxirovoy dice, Kai zrodXa Au’ 6 Blog év EavT@ spe, which reminds one of the yet more tersely expressed saying of our burial service, “ Man that is born of a woman hath but a short time to live, and is full of misery ;” which seems formed from Genes. 47, 9. Job 5,7. See also Eccles, 8, 7. Goeller thinks that the whole amounts to the saying of Solon, that no one can be pronounced happy before his death. 3 Fortunate are those who, Sc.] This is a passage of no little difficulty, and which, therefore, bears very hard on translators. Hobbes’ version, “whereas while you are in grief, they only are happy,” is any thing but 394 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. measured out both to be fortunate in, and to die iw! Yet diffi- cult, I know, it is to impart to you motives of comfort re- specting those of whom you will often have memorials in that good fortune of others in which you also yourselves once rejoiced.4 For sorrow rises not so much for the loss of a good of which we are bereft untried, as for what may be snatched from us after experiencing its value.” Those of you, however, whose time of life affords hope of further issue, may sustain your sorrows® by the prospect of other offspring.’ For thus, in a private view, the children subsequently born will to some prove the means of oblivion as respects the de- parted ; and, in a public view, the thing will benefit the state, and that doubly, by preventing its depopulation, and con- tributing to its security.® Nay, it is not possible that any the sense. It is, indeed, only another attempt to palm a philosophical sentiment upon us. Goeller observes, that the difficulty has been occasioned by a mixture of two forms of speech; for we may say 70 0’ evruxéc, day Tic Adyy, Or evTuyxEic Oé Eioty ot Adv Adxwouv. And he refers to 4, 18. 6, 14. 7, 68. 2,62. Perhaps, however, it may be more simple to suppose an ellipsis of éxeivoig tort. Be that as it may, I shall adduce numerous examples of similar constructions in my edition. | With respect to the rest of the passage, évreAeurijcae is quite correct; nor do we need Reisk’s évevred., even supposing that that were not destitute of authority, and contrary to analogy. Of the classical passages I have collected, as bearing upon this clause, I offer the following. Soph. Aid. Col. 790. ySovicg AaxEiv rocotror, évSaveiy pdvoyv. Eurip. Hip. 1099. @ méidoy Tpoisnrior, Qe tyxadnbdy 7OAX exec ebOaipova. Zuveweronsn cannot have the sense passed, spent, assigned by Goeller. Zupperpeiy signifies to measure or deal out in just proportion; for such is the force of the ovy, as in Zéipperpoc. It is strange the commentators should not have seen that évevdarporvijoat cannot be supposed to refer to the whole life of the departed, but to the closing scene, in which alone all could be said etdaovijoa. 4 Yet difficult, I know, it is, &c.] There is a similar elegance and pathos in Isocr. Plat. § 19. p. 530. éy roic rév wéidac ayaSoic Tac teTépag adToy cuppopac KaSopHrrec. ip’ aic npsic obdepiay npépay AdaxpuTi diayopey, kK. T. r. A similar use of jz6uynpa occurs in Liban. Orat. p.375. A. 5 For sorrow rises, §c.} See Xen. Cyr. cited by Abresch. I add Isidor, Ep. 5, 144. rat ody otrw AuTEt 7d pr) KTNSIY, WE H THY bTap~dyTwY oTépyoLE. Liban. Orat. 829. C. AumEt yap ob 7d pr) yeboacSae THY yonoToY we % pETa THY TEipay OTEOHOLC, 6 Sustain your sorrows.} Literally, “ bear up under.” Here must be understood ézi, which is supplied in Isoer. Arch. caprepsiv éxi roic wapovat, 7 Prospect of other offspring.| So Soph. Antigq, 900. wécte piv ay por, karSavévroc, dddoc Hy, Kai Taic am’ Gov, Gwroe, Et TOBE tuTrAAK. 8 For thus, in a private view, &c.] There is no little difficulty in the words of the original, partly arising from harshness of construction, and partly from variation of reading. The editions up to Hack’s had Evvoicew. CHAP. XLIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 395 should offer just or impartial counsel, who hold not, by hazarding children, an equal stake in the common welfare.?° As for such of you as are past the vigour of life'’, account the greater and the happier part of your existence as so much clear gain’?; and supposing that the remainder of it will be but brief, lighten your sorrow with the glory of ¢hese}®; for the And this I long thought might be retained; but it involves a greater, and perhaps inextricable, difficulty. Therefore as almost all the MSS. have Evvoice, and as Evvoicsy might very well arise from éonuotoSa, but not vice versa, I do not hesitate to adopt, with Hack, Bekker, and Goeller, Evvoice. ‘Though even thus some harshness will remain in this ill-con- structed sentence; namely, that at Zvvoicee we have to supply, not the nearer nominative, ot érvyryydpevor, but the more remote one, 70 Téxvwow moviodat ; and that there is a harsh change of construction in ik rod pu) éonpmovosa Kai aopadeia, where we must supply éy or ézi, by. In the é« row éonuotcSa there seems an especial reference to the male, and in dopaXeig to the female offspring. The above passage is imitated by Joseph. p. 769, 16., and had in view by Liban. Orat. 507. D. i raic¢ ty pot reSvewc, hy dv ix rév ra abra werov- Sorwy 1) wapapvsia Kai Taig érrytyvopévate Téppeow bTEXwWpovy ay at hiTrat. where for imtyryvopévae ought, I think, to be read émcyryvopévwr. 9 Nay.| The ydp has here only a faint causal force, and may be ren- dered by enim, scilicet. Thus, in our own language, a subordinate reason, introduced last, is expressed by nay. 10 It is not possible, §c.] Much to the present purpose are the words of Onosander, p. 16., where Schwebel adduces a law mentioned by Dinarchus C. Demosth., that all public orators and military commanders should pro- create lawful children, and hold the property of lands within the borders ; evidently that they might thus have a sufficient stake in the country; and not, as Schwebel fancies, that those might be as hostages for their fidelity. This passage was had in view by Dio Cass. 804. pera yuvatkdy Kai pera Taodv—rayra Te tx TOV Opotov TapabadrdpeEvot. With respect to the terms icsoy and duawy, Wetstein on Coloss. 4, 1. cites this among other passages where tooc and ducaidc are conjoined. But in all those the icoc has a different sense to what it here bears. See my note im loco. 11 Past the vigour of life.) Not, as Hobbes renders, “ past having children.” This sense of zapabaivw occurs in Aschyl. Ag. 957. where Dr. Blomfield cites Herod. 3, 53. 12 Account the greater, §c.| Such appears to be the sense; for I read, from several MSS., with Gottleb., Bekker, and Goeller, 6v. A reading, I would add, which is confirmed by the following imitation of the present passage in Liban. Epist. 1401. xépdoc, by amedXavcac, ypdvov, ryyov. The phrase répdoc iyyeioSa is equivalent to the Latin Jucro apponere (to think clear gain, and therefore to be content with), on which | shall copiously treat in my edition. With the sentiment I would compare one in Philostr. Epist. 93. ob Spynvyrioy oiwy Pilwy éorepnSnusy, GAA pynpovevTéiov OTe peTa THY dirwy rijv kadXiorny Bioryy twrevoaper. As far as regards the roy wAsiova, and the révde Boaydy éoeoSa, I would adduce Aristot. Rhet. p.129. Céoe TH pvipy padNdov 7H éAzridt. Tod yap Ciov rd piv Nowrdy dAtyor" 7d dé TapE- AnrvSo¢ odd. 5 13 Lighten your sorrow, §c.] Or, console yourselves. So Aristoph. 896 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. love of honour never grows old}4; and in the imbecile in- utility of advanced years, it is not so much (as some say) gain!> that gladdens, as honour and respect. XLV. “ To you (let me add), the sons and brothers of the — deceased, I foresee a wide field laid open for contest’? and emulation; since to departed merit no one refuses the tribute of admiration; but you, even with deserts surpassing theirs, will with difficulty be thought, not equal, but somewhat in- ferior to them.? For the envy of competition ceases only with the death of its object?; whereas the merit which ob- structs no one is honoured with a zeal unmixed with jealous rivalry.* If, too, with reference to the widowed among KoudiZovrat yap ot NuTobpevoe cuvadryovyrwy ray giriwv. Here I would refer. to Eurip. Meleag. frag. 15. 14 The love of honour, §c.] Smith ill renders greatness of soul. Onthe sentiment I would compare Philostr. Soph. 1,3. rij¢ avSpwreiag pioewg TO purorysoy -ayhpwy ryyoupévyncs Diog. Laert. 1,97. s.f. at piv ydovai pSaprat? ai 0& Tysal ASavaro.. ‘5 Gain.] Not wealth, as Smith renders; for the old are often gra- tified with amassing gain, though the gains be petty, and wealth never attained, This is well expressed by the 76 cepdatvery, for rd Képdoc, as in the pithy dict of Soph. frag. Aith. 1. dicav’ éaive, rod d& kepdaivey eyou (stick to). So also the 7d rydoSa following, for rin, which occurs in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 388, 462,631. Plato unites both, 734. E. re yonpati~ orikdc Tpde TO KENdaivELY THY TOV TiacTaL HOdYHY ObdEVdE AEiaY HHoE Eivat. In the words “ as some say”’ there is perhaps a tacit reference to Simo- _ nides, of whom Plutarch, 2,781. thus writes: Syuwvridnc ereye mpde Tove éykadovytacg ait prapyupiay, OT. THY ANNGY aTEcTEOHpEVoc Ota 7d yipac nO00VOY, UTO peace ETL ynpobooKsiral, THE amd Tow KEepdaivery. Aristotle, too, says of the old, zpdc 76 chppopoy Zéow, addN ob Tpd¢ Kaddv. 1 I foresee a wide field, &c.] ‘Op& péyay roy ayéva. As the commen- tators have adduced no examples of this pithy phrase, the following may be acceptable: Aristoph. Pac. 275. Eurip. Hel. 1090. Eurip. Iph. Aul. 1003 and 1244. Eurip. Phoen.874. Eurip. Hipp. 498. Soph. Gad. Col. 587. Plato, 757.C. to omit many others. 2 You, even with deserts, §c.]| This whole passage was plainly had in view in the Pseudo Phal. Epist. 103. 0d yap opucpde ipiv dywy, jo) odd Karadeeorépouc éxeivou dpac yevecsat.. | know not whether Bentley brought forward the above passage in his immortal Dissertation. It might of tself decide the question as to the genuineness of the Epistles; though I have myself adduced several others in the course of this work. 8 For the envy of competition, §c.] This passage is imitated by Liban. Declam. ap. Villois Anecd. Graec. 2,13. waot, roi¢g copoic, Céot piv 6 rapa Tov rAysioy dIovog Tpochberar’ aToSavevrwy 6: KaSapw¢e * addbzov rife. aiodnoewg 1) copia kptverce. See also a poet ap. Schol. in Aschyl. Suppl. 498. mpdc Toy eb ?xovra 6 bSdvoc toe. Philostr. V. Ap. 1,355. Pind. Olymp. 6,124. Pyth.7, 118. Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 470, 10. * Whereas the merit which, §c.] _ I would compare Plutarch Num. c. 22. miou pév ody trerat roic Sucaiate kai dyaSoic avdpdor peifwy 6 pera rerevTnv CHAP. XLVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 397 you, I may be expected to advert to the subject of female virtue, | would express the whole in one brief admonition — It will be your greatest glory not to be found deficient in the virtue of your sex°, and to let your behaviour be as little as possible the theme of conversation among the other sex, whe- ther for good or for evil.® XLVI. “ And now I have, conformably to legal pre- scription, spoken what I judged most suitable to the occasion ; -and by deeds also have the interred been thus honoured. For the rest, their children will henceforward be maintained, and educated to manhood by the state'; thereby holding out a reward for eminent valour, neither unprofitable, nor without its effect, both on them and their posterity; for where the rewards” of virtue are the most liberal, there will ever be found Erravoc, TOU dSdvov TordY YPdvoY ovK éiiZ@vTOC, tviwy Kai TECATOSYHOKOYTOC. Horat.Virtutem incolumem odimus, Sublatum ex oculis querimus, invidi. Vell. Pater. Praesentia invidia, preeterita veneratione prosequimur; et his nos obrui, illis instrui credimus. Sallust, 170. Nam vivos interdum for- tuna, szepe invidia fatigat ; ubi anima naturee cessit, demptis obtrectationi- bus, ipsa se virtus magis magisque extollit. I must not omit to observe, that the rd jx) éuzocwy (which is very wrongly rendered by Hobbes “ to stand ont of the way’’) is an expression of great elegance, found in Pausan. 2,9,1. Theoph. Sim. p.25. Plutarch Comp. Sert. & Eum. c. 2. Antiph. ap. Etym. Mag. p. 355,38. Menander ap. Corp. Byz. 1,117.B. The passage is imitated by Cinnamus, p. 138. A. Pericles seems to have had in view the dict of Mimnermus: Agwoi yap avopi ravrec iopiv everest LovTe PSovijcaL, KaTIavovra 0 aivicat, > The virtue of your sex.| This is plainly the same with the yuvaueiac dperijc, neither of which, however, denotes magnanimity, as commentators explain. Thus Bauer and Hack: ut ne sint abjecto prorsus, sed zequo et patienti animo; nam lamentari huic sexui imbecilliori conceditur. The Scholiast, Smith, and Gottleber alone saw the true sense. dove in the sense sex is of perpetual occurrence. See my note on 1 Cor. 11,14. The above interpretation, I must observe, is confirmed by Plutarch, t. 2, 220. Owe TEPL yuValKEiacg puTiwe Tapa TOIG EEwW OyoY EivaL ovdeva OE€t. 6 As little as possible, §c.] So Plutarch Cat. 25. apyyoria— pyre Loyou pyre éxaivy. Soph. Acris. 4. aig xdcpog 1) oryy Te Kai ra Tavp’ ern. 1 Their children the state will, §c.| On this Gottleb. refers to Plato Menex. c. 22. rove O& waidac cuvextpider abi) TpoSupovpévyn. 'To which I add the following apposite passages: Lesbonax Protrept. p. 173. /éschin. p. 75, 28. Diog. Laert. Sol. 1,55. from all which it appears the law was, that they should be supported and educated up to manhood, at the public expense, and then be presented with a suit of armour, and occupy the first seats at the theatre. 2 For where the rewards, §c.] So Lesbonax Protrept. 175, 8. cai dperiy mrEioroy av eipye avriyy sxWwodoay Orov pEyisTnY Kai TYnY Exy Kat GSNowe kai éraivowe. Liy.1.4,55. Nihil non agegressuros homines, 81 magnis conati- bus magna preemia proponuntur. 398 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. the best citizens. And now let each of you, having thus in- dulged his sorrow for his relatives, depart.” XLVII. Such, then, was the funeral solemnity which took place this winter, with the expiration of which the first year of the war was brought to a close. Immediately on the com- mencement of the spring, the Peloponnesians and their allies, as before, with two-thirds of their forces, made an irruption into Attica, under the command of Archidamus, son of Zeu- -xidamus, king of the Lacedzemonians; -and after encamping, laid waste the country. And when they had not been many days in Attica, the pestilence which afterwards so much afflicted the Athenians, made its appearance, and which was said to have previously spread its ravages! in other parts; as at Lemnos and elsewhere. Be that as it may?, so great a pes- tilence* and so sweeping a mortality of the human race had 3 And now let each, §c] I cannot approve of the version of Smith; for I apprehend that the mourning ceremonial had terminated with the ora- tion. As to the admire (of which dzoywpeire is, perhaps, a gloss), it may be compared with the Roman formula “ discedite, Quirites.’ So Joseph. 68,18. yaipoyrec ob — mire: and 231,8. Arrian E. A. 7, 10, 16. ratra — dzwre. See also Arrian, 1,428. Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 591,45. Philostr. V. Ap. 5,43. and Plato Menex. p. 526. 1 Spread its ravages.| The original éycarackipla is a very forcible term; but can scarcely be represented by any English word. It is pro perly used of what comes upon us with sudden and irresistible violence, as lightning, storms, and tempests. In this word and its compounds, with that signification, there is always implied the notion of a dart. Thus Apollo in Hom. Il. init. is described as sending the pestilence by launch- ing forth his darts, Bé\oc éxerevxic édetc. And in Soph. Cid. Tyr. 27. that is represented as a fiery dart: iv 0 6 rupddpoc Sede UkHyPac Eabvet, oyrde éyStoroc, wéAtv. Moreover in the metaphorical language of the Old Tes- tament the judgments of the Almighty, as executed in lightning, tempest, pestilence, and famine, are represented under the same image. Though the commentators adduce no example of éycar., but only of tvoxnmrecsat, it occurs in Auschyl. Pers. 520. & (kana) Mépoae éykaréonn wey Gsdc. Soph. Tr. 1089. éycaréoxnbey Bédoc. Liban. Orat. p.509. See also Soph. Cid. Tyr. init. and Hom. Il.1.init. Both are used of pestilential disorders. 2 Be that as it may.] Or, however. Such is here the sense of pévrot. 3 Pestilence.| Now follows that highly interesting portion of the his- tory which treats of the pestilence at Athens, which has ever been recorded as a masterpiece; in which Gail observes our author shows himself at once a philosopher, physician*, historian, and poet. “He has (continues * There, however, I cannot agree with him. Thucydides makes no pre- tensions to that character; merely giving us the general symptoms of the dis- orders, as any one might do who was not a physician. CHAP. XLVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 399 never elsewhere been known in the memory of man. For at first not even the physicians, through ignorance of the dis- a6 Etech ’ Gail) divided his description into three parts. In the first (from c. 47. to rd péy eroc of c.49.) he traces the origin and causes of the pestilence. In the second (from c. 50. to rd pév ody voonua at c. 51.) he describes the nature, symptoms, and ravages of the pestilence. In the third, he speaks like an historian and observer of the results, moral or physical, of the most dreadful of plagues.’”? The remarks of Smith also may be consulted. Among other things he observes, “ Whether Thucydides’ account of this plague at Athens be duly succinct, not too minute, serious, affecting ; and whether he hath well managed the opportunity it gave him to moralize like a man of virtue and good sense, every reader will judge for himself.” On which I would remark, that no reader of judgment can think the account too minute. It is certainly affecting in the highest degree ; and as to seriousness, even Smith mentions its “’solemn air” as a prime distinction. As to “ managing the opportunity to moralize like a man of virtue and good sense,” we are to bear in mind the difference of sentiment and practice in this respect between the antients and moderns. They (and especially Thucydides) did not think a history the proper place for offering moralizing reflections on the events there recorded. These, it should seem, ought to be left to the reader, or they may be supplied in separate tracts by ethical -or theological writers. This description has been imitated, or had in view, by many of the an- tient writers, as Dio Cass. 1. 53, 29. Dionys. Hal. Ant. |. 9,42. 10, 53. Pro- cop. B. P. 2, 20. lian V. H. 14,20. Agathias, |. 11. Niceph. Hist. 41. Lucret. 6, 1136-1285. Virg. Georg. 5,478. Ovid Metam. 8,523-586. Plu- tarch Pericl., Statius, Sil. Ital., Manilius, Liv. 3, 6, and elsewhere, and Josephus, in his mention of a Jewish pestilence, p. 322.; also by some modern ones, especially Boccaccio Decam. procem.* and Fontaine Fab. 7, 1. Upon the whole may be consulted Hippocr. Ep. 1.3. Fabii Paulini Com- mentaria, Venet. 1603. 4to., Barthelemy’s Travels of Anacharsis, Gibbon’s Decline and Fall, vol. 6,5, &c., Mitford in loco, Dr. Mead on the Plague at Athens, De Foe on the Plague at London, Pepys’ Memoirs, and Russel on the plague in general. The causes which led to the pestilence are stated by Diod. Sic. 1. 1258. tom. 5, 120., of which the following is a version. “ Heavy rains having fallen in the winter, the earth was overcharged with moisture, and many of the hollows receivmg much water became lakes or pools of standing water like marshes. These, in the summer, heating and putrifying, sent forth thick and fcetid exhalations, which evaporating, corrupted the neighbour- ing air, as is the case with marshes of a noxious nature. Badness, too, of food contributed to breed the disorder; for the fruits of the earth were that season exceedingly watery and corrupted in their nature.t ‘The third * On which it is well observed by Sismondi, in his Illustrations of Literature, vol. 2. p.6&7. ‘* The perfect truth of colouring, the exquisite choice of cir- cumstances, calculated to produce the deepest impression, and which place before our eyes the most repulsive scenes, without exciting disgust, and the emotion of the writer, which insensibly pervades every part, give to this picture that true eloquence of history which in Thucydides animates the relation of the plague.” + This second cause, however, seems negatived by Thucyd, 2, 54., from which passage it is plain, at least, that there was no want of food; nor could that be supposed to exist while the Athenians had the command of the sea; and their own stores could not yet be exhausted. 4.00 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. order, were able to devise any effectual remedy* for it (nay, they themselves, from their nearer approach to the sick, died the fastest); nor did any other human art aught avail.° And as to supplications at the temple, or consultations of oracles’, and other religious rites, all were alike vain and useless; inso- cause was, that the Etesian winds, by which the summer heats are much tempered, did not blow. The heat therefore, being intense, and the air, as it were, on fire, the bodies of men, not being able to find any means of refrigeration, were sure to contract disorders, and all those disorders to be prevalent which arise from heat.” That the above causes contributed to the disorder, there is no doubt; but if it proceeded from infection introduced from the East, they could not be the primary causes. Among these secondary causes may also be reckoned the population (much of it rustic, and used to free space and pure air) being crowded up (as Thucydides afterwards says) in stifling huts in the heats of summer. So Livy, 1.3, 6. speaking of a similar pestilence which afflicted Rome, says: “ Auxere vim morbi, terrore populationis pecoribus agrestibusque in urbem acceptis. Ea colluvio mixtorum omnis generis animantium et odore insolito urbanos, et agrestem, consertum in arta tecta, zstu ac vigiliis angebat.” That it should have stopped at Athens (as the antients tell us) is, indeed, remarkable; since the plague has since visited almost every part of Europe. 4 Were able to, §c.] ijpxovy Separredvovrec, participle for infinitive. “Apréw is a vox solennis de hac re. So in a similar passage of Eurip. Ion. 952. "Amro\rwy ovdév Hoxecey. and Herc. Fur. 500. 5 They themselves—died the fastest.] This circumstance is introduced by Ovid Met. 7, 561. (cited by Goeller), Nec moderator adest: inque ipsos seeva medentes erumpit clades: obsuntque auctoribus artes. 6 Nor did any other,&c.] This is imitated by Liv. 7,-2. (cited by Goeller), uum vis morbi nec humanis consiliis nec spe divina levaretur. By the other may be meant such means as persons not physicians could devise, from the use of herbs, or dietetic rules. The Scholiast explains it of the payrecy and éaw0d) just after. 7 Consultations of oracles.| I read, with Bekker and Goeller, pavreiace, from six MSS. The common reading, payreiac, appears to have arisen from a misapprehension of the construction, which is this: (kaS’) ca ixéTEvoayv poe tEepoic, H éxphoavro payreiac cai r. 7. It is true that Am- monius says, Mavre«) 9 Téxvn — Mayreia Ot ypnopoc. by which he plainly disapproves of the signification vaticinatio. But the grammarian is not warranted in his censure; for that is found in Eurip. Hipp. 236. Hel. 760. Also in Plato, Arrian, Lucian, Philo Jud., and especially Isocr., who has this very phrase pavreia ypijoaoSat. By the “such like” may be meant ézodai, incantations, or, perhaps, sacrifices; though it would seem not very reverential, to thus barely glance at what was thought the most effectual of these divine means, But, indeed, the manner in which all such are usually mentioned by our author, shows how little weight they had in his mind. This passage is imitated by Dionys. Hal. p. 667. ézavrec tai re Suciac Kai Kaddappoug érpatrovro® émsi C2, obdEpiay abré&y (scil. OsWv) Extorpogry tyvwoav tk Tov Oaoviou yevousyyny, od: EEov, Kai mepi Ta Sia AEtToupyiac aéo- TNOAVe CHAP. XLVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 401 much that, overcome by the violence of the calamity, the _ people at last wholly discontinued them.® 3 XLVIII. The contagion is said to have had its origin in that part of Aithiopia! which is situated beyond Egypt, and from thence to have passed into Egypt and Libya.? After spreading over a considerable part of the king of Persia’s dominions, it at length broke out suddenly at Athens, and made its first attack® in the Pireeus, where it was reported 8 Discontinued them.| And no wonder: for, as Mitford observes, “ the persuasion that there was a future retribution for good and evil done in this world, was a doctrine which had very little weight; they looked up to the gods for the dispensation of temporal good and evil only.” When, therefore, the removal of temporal evil was sought in vain, it is no wonder that they should abandon religious observances in general. Compare Dionys. Hal. Ant. p.677., cited infra. Thus, Boccaccio relates, that though at first humble supplications, and religious processions, were frequent, yet afterwards they were wholly discontinued; nay, even that the funeral ceremonies were performed but perfunctorily, the priests not troubling themselves with a very long or solemn service. | Had its origin in that part of Atthiopia.] By Avthiopia is meant that tract of country now known by the names of Nubia and Sennaar, and, perhaps, Abyssinia. That country is adverted to by Lucian, 2, 22. Max. Tyr. Diss. 15 and 19, and 41. Diod. Sic. 6,175. Liban. Orat. p. 157. A. Ammian Marcell. 1.10, 4. Philostr. Heroic. c. 10. § 4. So Procop. says, that the pestilence which he records came from Egypt. Indeed, to use the words of Gibbon, “ Athiopia and Agypt have been stigmatised, in all ages, as the original source and seminary of the plague. In a damp, hot, stagnating air, this African fever is generated from the putrefaction of animal substances, and especially from the swarms of locusts, not less de- structive to mankind in their death than in their lives.” Hence it will ap- pear that the state of things at Athens might have generated a pestilence; and if it did not, it must, however, have been a very fit place for the re- ception and nurture of the miasma. Though, however, all plagues seem to originate in the Kast, yet they are there somewhat milder than in the West and North, where they increase in virulence, so that the most devas- tating plagues have been in those regions. 2 Libya.] Probably that part of its three divisions which adjoined to Egypt, and was called the Marmorica. 3 Made its first attack.| Literally, “frst attacked men.” Though, however, avSpwzwy has the article, yet there is, I conceive, no stress to be laid upon it, as if by distinction from the animals ; for we have nothing in Thucydides to lead us to suppose, that the disorder extended itself to ani- mals, as dogs. And though Lucret. may seem to hint at this in the words, “fida canum vis strata viis,’” &c., yet those may be supposed to have died of eating the flesh of the unburied corpses. Heracl. Pont., indeed, on the allegories of Homer (with a reference to IL. a. 50. Oipijac piv tpaeroy ém@yero, Kai kbvacg dpyovc’ Aitap éeir’ abroiot Bédog exe EvKic edteic., and Max. Tyr. Diss, 28. s. f. 2, 68. od yap éi Noyidy TapaKadeig Tov CEdr, ove VOL. I. DD 4.02 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK it. that the Peloponnesians had thrown poison * into the wells; for as yet there were no fountains there. Afterwards it ex- tended itself to the upper city, and then the mortality rapidly increased.© And now I leave every one (whether physician or other®) to pass his own opinion concerning it, pointing out from whenee it was likely to arise, and what causes he thinks sufficient to produce so entire a change of the constitution of éxt roteiay dioréy Yavarnddpwy, obd: ii dSopay Kuvdv, Kai dvdpdy, Kai épvéwy.) mentions it as the opinion of the most skilful physicians and phi- fosophers, that, in pestilential disorders, the malady first discovers itself in quadrupeds. And so, I find, Mr. Trollope, in his note on the passage of Homer, suggests, as a similar case, the plagues of Egypt, wherein the mur- rain among the cattle preceded the boils and blains. But there seems a want of judgment in comparing what happened in a supernatural and ex- traordinary manner, with the ordinary events of nature. Besides, the murrain, and the boils and blains, were manifestly two different plagues ; though both out of the order or course of nature, and in which, according to the usual methods of Divine visitation, there may be recognised a pro- gression from the smaller to the greater. As to the case adverted to by Homer, if founded on fact (as there is little reason to doubt), it should seem that the disorder which afflicted the cattle was of a different kind from those which; as it seems, afterwards attacked the human species; and there is no reason to suppose the latter to have been the plague, or any thing like the pestilence in question; but rather such disorders as men and cattle, congregated under such circumstances, are always liable to. Thus, Buonaparte, in his Russian expedition, lost an immense number of men and horses even on his way across the plains of Poland (a friendly country), to attack Russia. In such cases dysentery is, I believe, the disorder to which loss of this kind may be ascribed. I must not, however, dissemble that [ have noted a passage in Dionys. Hal. Ant. p.623., in which an epidemic is described as first attacking the horses, cattle, sheep, and other quadrupeds, and thence passing to the human race. But neither is there any proof that that was the plague, or any disorder bearing affinity to it. Besides, in the very numerous ex- amples which I have collected of dzrecSa, in this sense (attack), I only find one in which the genitive is omitted, and that from an obscure and late author, Timocl. ap. Athen. p. 407. 4 Thrown poison.| Areteeus adverts to this supposition; and injudi- ciously introduces it as a circumstance. 5 And then the mortality, §c.| So from the account of the plague at London, by De Foe (which, though written under a feigned character, seems founded on facts), and that given by Pepys, we find, that as soon as the infection extended from the more open parts of Westminster and Southwark, to the closely-built parts, as the czty, the mortality increased most rapidly. 6 Whether physician or other.) ’I0wsrne is often used to denote one who has not any office or profession, in contradistinction to one who has such, Abresch here compares Procop. p. 169, 6. Aéyero — Kai tepede val idwrne. He might more aptly have cited Plat. Polit. p. 433., where tarpoi and idwwora are opposed. CHAP. XLIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4:03 the human body.’ For my own part, I shall merely relate the manner of it; and, having been myself sick of it, and seen others afflicted, I shall point out those symptoms of the malady, from a consideration of which any one may have some previous knowledge of it, and not be altogether ignorant of its nature, should it ever again make its appearance. XLIX. The season of the year I speak of is admitted to have been singularly’ healthy, as far as regarded other dis- orders ; nay, if any one previously laboured under any ma- lady, it merged and terminated? in this. Others °, without 7 What causes he thinks sufficient, §c.| Literally, “ what causes of such a change were sufficient to have had power to effect so total a revolution of the human constitution?”’ The words of the original have occasioned no little trouble to the critics. There is so much appearance of pleonasm in them, that Fab., Port., Gesner, Heilman, and Bauer, regard the words duvvapuv — oxeiv, as insititious and glossematical. But thus the sentence will savour of drachylogia rather than perissologia ; and the words are too significant, and have too much the Thucydidean character, to be supposed glossematical. Besides peraSod), and peracrfjoa are not quite syno- nymous. Both denote a change, and usually for the detter ; but werabodr) signifies a total change or revolution, and is a term used in the best writers, So Soph. Phil. 463. cai ce Saysdveg Noéoov peracryjceay. Liban. Orat. p. 185. weraorijoat 7d kaxdy. Philostr. V. Ap. 6, 35. é¢ 76 NGioy pe= raornoe. where, by the addition of éc¢ rd Awdioy, it is plam, that the term is of itself of middle signification. Besides, with this apparent pleonasm of rocairnce peraborgre and é¢ 7d peracrioa, | would compare one on a kindred subject, at 7, 87., where a change of season is said perabody éc¢ aoSeveiay vewrepiZeay (scil. rode avxpwrove.) The vewr. of that passage ex- actly answers to the peracr. here. Moreover, perabod) may refer to the suddenness and rapidity of the attack. (So Dionys. Hal. Ant. 677. rayeiac EPEDE THPATL TAC THOTAC) AS PETAOTHOAL does to the total prostration of strength, and suspension, at least, of all the faculties of mind and body. 1 Stngularly.] Literally, “ above all,’ “ compared with all;” a sense of gx similar to the Hebrew ». The expression, dvocoy éroc, occurs in Atlian Anim. 11,2. And we may compare the letifer annus of Virg. Ain. 3, 138. 2 Merged and terminated.| So infra ic rovro tredeurg. Scholl. éywpiodn, secessit, translit. For azocpivecSa is, as Koes. icon. Hippocr. observes, a medical term by which disorders are said depositos secedere, et in alios ex- purgatos esse. This, he says, often happens in pestilential affections of the body. And such, De Foe says, was the case in the plague of London. This passage is imitated by Agath. |. 2. zroucidka yap adroig éredipero Tadn, dimavra Oé sic ToUTO amEKpivero, Procop. 79. 7d Tite vdcov Kedadaicy éy Toic Bovédor aonéxousSat oidusvor. Hence may be illustrated an obscure pas- sage of Plutarch Crass. 33. avadeEapévne 0é Tij¢ vdcou 7d Pappaxov ip’ gauTny, Wore cuvekkpishvat, Kal TOV OWpmarog EKKOUgLOTEVTOC. 3 Others.| Or, the rest; namely, such of those attacked by the pes- - tilence as had not been previously ill of any other disorder. DD 2 4.04 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. any apparent cause*, on a sudden, and when in perfect health, were attacked first with violent heats® about the head, accom- panied with redness and inflammation of the eyes. Then the internal parts, both the gullet and the tongue, immediately assumed asanguineous hue, and emitted a noisome ® and fetid odour. Sneezing and hoarseness’ then supervened, and not 4 Without any apparent cause, §c.] | The phrase, dd zpodacewe, is found in Hippocrates more than once. Procopius uses adzpogasiorwe. This sudden seizure, when in apparent health, and without any external and manifest cause, is one of the circumstances which especially accom- pany the plague. See Russel and Cullen, and some affecting instances in De Foe. The following passage of Boccaccio, on this subject, has much pathos and beauty: —“‘ Quanti valorosi huomini, quante belle donne, quanti leggiadri giovani, li quali non che altri, ma Galieno, Ippo- crate, o Esculapio avrieno giuvdicati sanissimi, la mattina desinarono co’ loro parenti, compagni, ed amici, che poi la sera vegnente appresso nell’ altro mondo cenarono con li loro passati.” On this whole passage Gceller cites the following elegant one, from Lucret. 6. 1143.: — Principio caput incensum fervore gerebant, Et duplicis oculos suffusa luce rubentis. ‘Sudabant etiam fauces intrinsecus atro San- guine, et ulceribus vecis via septa coibat; Atque animi interpres manabat lingua cruore, Debilitata malis, motu gravis, aspera tactu. Inde ubi per faucis pectus complerat, et ipsum Morbida vis in cor mestum confluxerat zeegris; Omnia tum vero vite claustra lababant. Spiritus ore foras tetrum volvebat odorem, Rancida quo perolent projecta cadavera ritu. Atque animi prorsum vires totius et omne Languebat corpus, leti jam limine in ipso. ‘ 5 Violent heats.| So Arrian, E. A. 2, 4. Séopce toyvpatc. Lucian, 3, 71. annvei Sippy. See also Dio Cass. p. 724,66. Aristid. 1, 547. and 3, 404., where, for cero, I conjecture évécewvro. Oéppy signifies a feverish heat. See Castell. Lex. Med. ‘This, too, is one of the symptoms of the plague. Of the same nature is the expression of Hippocrates, ra piyea. "EptSnpa, and dd\dywore, are both medical terms; the former used by Hippocrates and Pollux, the latter by Joseph. p. 685 and 768. 6 Noisome.| Steph. Thes. explains the drozoy, insofitum (extraordinary). But the interpretation of Portus, tetrum, and Suid. poySnpdy, adropdyvyror, bad, intolerable, seems the only true one. And in this sense Castell. says, the word occurs in Hippocrates. So also Pausan. 5, 5, 5. rd dromoy rij¢ dopiic. Dio Cass. 724. Dionys, Hal. 677. of feculent water. Appian, 1, 8353. of noxious vapours. See my note on Acts, 28,6. It is strange that Gail should render this, “ respiration irréguliére.” 7 Hoarseness.] Such is the sense of Bpdyxoc, which occurs in Dio Cass. 755,62. This, Castellio says, is a sort of catarrh, affecting the guttur and the rough artery. See also Foesius. The Schol. Cassel explains it thus: voonma Te éy Tw CwmarTL, ytyvopmsvoy Epi Toy Bpdyxoy, 6 Tac te paduoTa OvapSepe. For sol read. And in nearly the same Bekker has emended. He has, however, done wrong in retaining the ove, for which my correction dc is confirmed by Suid. Bpayyy* wa&Soc wepi rae ve yryvbpevoy. He has, too, needlessly cancelled yryvopérvwy. I will take this opportunity to emend two glosses of Hesych. which have perplexed the editors: Bpayyév" dheypay, mvevpovorv, Read Bpayyov’ preypovar, rvevpovor. the first from Bpayytdwe which is found in the Etym. Mag. 211, The other verbs are of good authority, CHAP. XLIX, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 405 long after the malady ® descended to the breast, bringing with it a violent cough; and when once it had fixed itself? on the stomach, it excited vomiting, inducing what physicians call discharges of bile'', and those attended with excessive torment. This was, in most cases, succeeded by a dry empty hiccough oy accompanied with strong colicky convulsions and spasms; in Bodyyxovroc. Bpdyote ddovroc. Read Boayyevroc. Bodyxoug a. an emendation which is placed beyond doubt by Aristot. Problem. Bedyxotc ddioKoyrat. The present symptom is not mentioned by Procop.; nor is it by modern writers on the plague. Yet it is noticed by Diodor. Sic.; for so J understand karappoue, after which, he says, supervened swellings of the neck, very fre- quent in disorders of the throat. This passage of Thucydides is jocularly alluded to by Liban. Orat. 509. D. 1) papa dw) ravraracw avooog. — cb Bocyxog TH Hapvyye TposéT EGE” ovx tAxwotcg THY yAWooay Karédater, 8 The malady.| Not pain, as Hobbes renders. The word zévoc is often used in this sense by Hippocrates, Galen, and Dioscorides. 9 Fixed itself, ornpiéa.] This term not unfrequently occurs in Dioscor., Hippocr., and Aretzeus, but chiefly in the passive, with a middle sense. So Areteeus, p. 2. rovicds pévoue iv TH Kepadry Td Kaxdy éornpiySn. When it is used in the active, éavriy is to be understood. For examples and ob- servations on the idiom in orypiZw, épeidw, &c. I refer the reader to my note on Acts, 27, 41. i0 Stomach.| That capdia must be so taken here, has been long ago proved by Gataker Adv. Mise. and Victor. V. L. 28, 17. with a reference to Nemes, and Foes. on Hippoer. So, indeed, it had been before them explained by the Scholiast. Kapdia for stomach also occurs in Liban. Orat. 764. cited by Foes. Hence is illustrated Adschyl. P. V. 906. coadig d& pdbp doésva AakriZet. Lucret. has been censured by Gataker for rendering capdia by cor. But, as his editor Lambin observes, he uses cor in the same latitude of sense as kapoia. It is strange, however, that Lambin, who was also an editor and annotator on Horace, should not have remarked that that author employs cor in the same way at Satyr. 2, 5, 29. “ in cor trajecto lateris miseri capi- tisve dolore,” where indeed he seems to have had in mind this very passage of Thucydides. 1: Inducing what, §c.] Literally, ‘and all those which are called by physicians discharges of bile supervened.” The waoa is rendered by Mit- ford “in all ways;” by Hobbes, “ all manner of bilious purgation that physicians ever named.” I am only aware, however, of two ways by which bile can be removed, by vomit, and stool. And so Castellio understands it. The dzrocaSdocece is well explained by the Schol. dzoxpicete. So Hippocr. P- 3577. xwrje aroKptote. Onosand. p. 42. éxxoissie TOY dvayKaiwy, 1. e. excre- menta. And hence may be defended the common reading in Joseph. p. 125, 43. arhdace yuvairac, aig » Tév Kata pbow Fcxprorg ériot. where Hudson would read zxptcecc. He might have remembered what occurs 1n the very next page, 6c 0 dy croxpivoe yoryy. The vomiting of bile is also mentioned by Nicophon ap. Athen. p. 80. and Diod. Sic. 7,466. Here we have another symptom of the plague. __ it Empty hiccough.| Goeller renders, “ ein holler schlucken.” This, the Schol. truly observes, is so called in contradistinction to the Avyé ahipne, full hiccough. The best explanation of the NOyé xévy is given by pdb 3 406 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. some cases immediately ceasing *’, in others of longer duration. The body did not ** externally feel very hot to the touch, nor was the skin pallid, but reddish’, livid*®, and bespeckled with minute pimples and running’ sores. But so burnt Foes. as follows :—“ Inanis singultus qui nihil vomitatione refunderet, nul- lumque humorem rejiceret.”’ And he adds: “ certe inanis singultus intelli- gitur, qui ex inanitione fieret, aut multa bilis per vomitatione rejectione, quz ab ore ventriculi demorso, vehementum convulsionem excitaret, pre- sertim cum adscribatur oracpov évdwWovca isxupdy.” With reference to the spasms accompanying this, Goeller aptly cites Hippocr. Aphor. 6, 39. where that writer says that spasms come on both from fulness and emptiness. It may be observed that spasms are among the other symptoms of the plague. 13 Ceasing.| Or abating, growing better. So 6, 12. vewori amd vécov peyarne Kai tohiuov Bpaxyd Te hekwohcaper. and Plato de Legg. 9. Aude rd voonna. The term Awdaw. properly signifies to shift to the neck; a meta- phor taken from draught cattle, whose collars are, on leaving work, shifted from the shoulder to the neck. See more in the note on 6, 12. 14 The body did not, &c.] This passage is imitated by Procop. B. P. 2, 22, p. 319. (cited by Goeller), ro pir cpa— otre Seppdy iy — wore pnoé Toig vooovoLy avbroic, wnoé tarp arTopevy OdKnoly KiWdbVOY TapéyecSar. So Boccaccio testifies that, in most cases, there was little or no fever. 15 Reddish, iwipvSpov.] A somewhat rare word, of which Steph. Thes. gives no example; but it occurs in Hippocr., Pollux 4, 147. and 2, 234. Procop. p. 277, 25. Pausan. 1, 35. 3. rd dvSog — NevKdy tor, brépvSpor, &c. where the common reading is defended by this passage of Thucydides, which Procopius probably had in view; also 10, 12, 2. ia. yf. Hesych. dmépvspoc. Tupakryc. read wuppachc. Pollux 4, 194 (on disorders) wpa Exwdne, VTépvSpoc, tavShoec txovca ty airy. and a little after, sxépvSpoy vevpa. where read pevpa. Aristoph. Plut. 702. vrepuSpudy. This seems to correspond to the erysipelatous redness noticed among symptoms of the plague by Russel. — 16 Livid.} Or lead colour. So Virg. Ain. 7, 687. liventes plumbi. Here for wedwWvdv I read zedurvdy, on the authority of Adlius Dionys. ap. Eustath., Hesych., Mceris, and Photius. The word is, indeed, rare; but I have noted it in Lucian 3, 59. Procop. 240, 46. Philostr. V. Ap. 2, 13. Dio. Cass. more than once, Diod. Sic. 7, 146. Procop. 281, 42. Plutarch de fluv. c.22. Athen. 107. D. where Porson rightly emended wedirvéy. It is strange, however, that neither he nor other critics on that author should have seen that at p. 111. A. wedixvate midair. ought to be read wediTvaic. The present passage is imitated by Nicand. Ther. 272. ai 62 meddvai — pdvcravva. The symptom here mentioned seems to answer to the “ marbled appearance of the skin” spoken of by Russel. 17 Bespeckled with, §c.| ‘The term $dv«raiva is of frequent occurrence in Hippocrates. On these pimples see Cels. de Med. 5,15. Foes. ex- plains them to be pustules breaking out on the surface of the body, com- posed of thin sanguineous matter acrid and pungent. In this sense the term occurs in Procop. 79, 27. (imitated from hence), Nicander Ther. 249. Lucian 1, 416. It rarely occurs in the singular; yet I find it in Aristoph. Conc. 1057. Aristid. 1, 621. But I shall treat at large of the word in my edition, and will here only observe, that such seems to answer to the Petechie and other éavSiara, which Russel mentions and compares to CHAP. XLIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 407 up'® were the internal parts, that the patients could not bear the lightest clothing or the finest sheets '9 to be thrown over flea-bites, and which affect all parts of the body. In Exod. 9, 9. ¢dvKridec avaciovcae are the words expressive of the Soils breaking out on the Heyptians. Indeed, ¢dicrava and ¢dv«ric, both coming from ¢Abw cognate with ¢Aéw, may very well denote such. As to the iAceovv, by those seem to be denoted the carbuncles, of which Russel shows there are five varieties. These are the “ black livid spots” mentioned by Boccaccio as appearing on every part of the body, darge and few in number. Though others, he says, had them small and thick set. Now those were the ¢dvxraiva, or Petechize, pustules. Both are said by Procopius and Boccaccio to have been almost always mortal. But it is somewhat extraordinary that we find nothing in Thucydides corresponding - to the duboes, or boils of the size of an egg or apple, mentioned by Pro- copius, Boccaccio, and all the medical writers, and which are confined to the inguinal, axillary, parotid, maxillary, and cervical glands, and which, when they are hard and dry, produce speedy death; but when they come to a proper suppuration, serve as a natural discharge of the morbid humour, and often save the patient’s life. Of these I find no vestige in Thucydides; and, therefore, we may suppose that there were none in the then type of the disorder, which doubtiess changed in process of time. Nay, it some- times changes its type even during the progress of one period; for Boc- caccio says that in the plague at Florence the buboes first appeared, and then the nature of the disorder changed into the carbuncles and pustules: which two peculiarities of the disorder are finely alluded to by Cowper in his Task, Book 2. —_—— —— “ Bids a plague Kindle a fiery boil upon the skin, And putrefy the breath of blooming health.” Moreover, of the streaks of a reddish purple or livid colour, the wheals, blue or purple, and the spots, mentioned by Boccaccio and Russel, I find no trace in Thucydides. Those seem to present another type of the disorder. 18 So burnt up.] This is beautifully expressed by Lucret. 6, 1166. thus: — “ Intima pars homini vero flagravit ad ossa, Flagravit stomacho flamma, ut fornacibus, intus : Nil adeo posset cuiquam leve tenueque Membris vertere in utilitatem.”” Of the ra évrdc the sense is well represented by Lucretius. And though the Scholiast at ra évrdc supplies rod oréparoc, yet that word is corrupt (though Bekker retains it). It must not, however, be altered to Swparde, with Portus, still less cancelled, with Gottleb., but altered to TWMATOC. '9 The lightest clothing, or, &c.] This is better expressed by Ovid. Met. 7556. than by Lucret., “ non u'la pati velamina possent.”” By the velamina there are meant the owddvwr. Both iparioy and sivdwy occur in Herod. 2, 7, 8. év arin Etkdpevoe i orvddv. and 2, 86, and 95. The latter signifies a sheet, or light coverlid. The word is also used by Sophocles, Arrian, Polybius, and the Seventy. See more in my note on St. Matt. 27, 59. where of the three deriva- tions Sidon, }72, and an Egyptian word nearly the same, I have, I think with reason, preferred the ¢hird. But I now suspect that we must go further for its derivation than Egypt, namely, to Hindostan. It seems to have at first denoted (as in the Egyptian word) not so much a sheet, or coverlid, as _ the web of cloth of which that was made. And this appears to have been so called in the same manner as we use the word nankeen, as originally brought from Nanking, and musiin, from Masulipatam. It is scarcely ne- DD 4 € *e 408 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. them, nor endure to be otherwise than stark naked; nay, they would most gladly have plunged into cold water. In- deed, many of those who were not attended to, did so°; precipitating themselves into wells, urged by thirst insatiable ; and whether they drank much or little, it was the same. A restlessness”! and wakefulness likewise perpetually oppressed them; and so long as the disorder was at its height, the body did not fall away °*, but resisted the malady beyond all ex- pectation °°; so that either they died (most of them on the ninth or the seventh day ** of the inward fever) while yet in cessary to observe how perpetually the H. and 8. are interchanged. Indeed, the river from which the whole country derives its name has always been called by the natives the Sinde; and a large province in its lower part bears that name. Why this was esteemed an Egyptian article, may easily be. accounted for; namely, as being brought from India by the way of Egypt. “0 Many of those who, &c.] Diodor. says ot wXeioror. But that must have been from carelessness, unless we suppose the ot to be not genuine. The »pernpéivwy Goeller (as I myself formerly did) takes to denote simply the poorer sort. And he appeals to Procop. p. 320., to which may be added Arrian EB. A. 7, 21, 4. and Ind. 16, 6. dc0c od« mpednpivwy “Ivddy. And so Appian and Josephus. But I know not whether we should seek that idiom here. The whole passage is thus elegantly expressed by Lucret. 6, 1166.: —Ad ventum et frigora semper In fluvios partim gelidos ardentia morba Membra dabant, nudum jacientes corpus in undas. Multi precipites lymphis pute- alibus alte Inciderunt, ipso venientes ore patente. Insedabiliter sitis arida corpora mersans A’quabat multum parvis humoribus imbrem. 21 A restlessness.] Literally, the not being able to compose themselves. This symptom (which is a constant attendant on the plague).is mentioned by Procop. p.79, 6. And he adds gavrasiat, i. e. the imaginations of a distempered fancy. ‘The unhappy sufferers fancied themselves attacked by spectres invisible to the bystanders, and from whom they sometimes seemed to hear the sentence of death pronounced on them. 22 Fall away, ipapaivero.] Fab. Paul remarks on this term : — “ Voca- bulum ex medicis fontibus depromptum, unde deductus 6 papacpdc, id est marcor, febris illa hectica, qua solidas partes depascitur, ut corpus ipsum _quodammodo tubefaciat ac extenuet.” See also Foes. and Castellio. So Plutarch Num. 21. dzopapaivopat jd véoov, and rd aidocioy arepapavSy. Examples also from Aéschyl. are given by Dr. Blomfield on the P. V. 619. With respect to the thing itself, it is well observed by the Schol. on Eurip. Pheen. 537. wo\\d yap Trav Kacy étxi ¢Sopg arodvpévwy (I con- jecture azoA\shupéivwy) amadddooeTat, we vdcoc, Kai TupEeroi apodpoi Kai Ouapopot. orb 23 Beyond all expectation.] Not “‘ to a miracle,’”’ as Smith renders. The sentence is transcribed by Procop. 131, 13. 240, 16. 245, 41. ‘Pwpator rapa Oday avreixovro. where I would cancel the ro, which arose doubtless from the 76 following. 24 Ninth or seventh day.) ‘These were called the critical days, in which the fever usually spent its force; leaving, however, the patient to almost ¢ fa: si iy Po CHAP. XLIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 409 possession of some strength, or, if they escaped [that crisis], then the disorder, descending into the bowels 7’, affected them with violent ulceration °° and excessive *” diarrhoea, by which they afterwards were carried off through mere weakness.”* For the malady commencing at the head, where it first took its post 7°, and from thence descending, pervaded the whole body. And if any survived those greatest dangers °°, yet the disorder seized on the extremities, and there left its mark °!; certain death, from the effects of weakness. Procop. mentions the ji/th day as the critical day; and Boccaccio the third. Lucret. expresses the sense thus : —“* Nec nimio rigida post strati morte jacebant : Octavoque fere candenti lumine solis Aut etiam nona reddebant lampade vitam.” 25 Bowels.| Or belly. See the accurate description of Pollux, 2,202. and Foes. Cicon. p. 210. 26 Ulceration.| Four MSS. have éxcatcewc, which is approved by some critics; but the textual reading is no doubt the true one, ulceration being a common attendant on dysentery, insomuch that Galen uses ékxwceg Tév éytipoy (which expression occurs in Joseph. 768, 10.), to denote dysentery. 27 Excessive, axpdrov.| Fab. Paul. and Gail explain it sincerum, i. e. pure liquid, as opposed to that mixed with solid matter; taking the dtapp. to stand for the flux itself. But the éairirrodéone with which it is united is only applicable to a disorder; not to mention that the above sense would be too formal. Moreover, the flux in this disorder is, I believe, not a pure liquid, but discoloured by intermixture with solid matter, or with blood. So Lucret. 6, 1203. “ Profluvium porroqui tetri sanguinis acre exierat,” &c. It may be added, too, that the signification vehement, excessive, is frequent in Hippocrates and other medical writers. And the interpretation in ques- tion is supported by Polyzn. 6, 80. i726 dtappotag axparovg AngSévrec, and Pollux, 4,187. gtoa, dtappoia axparic duoevrepia. for so that passage (which has been causelessly suspected of being corrupt) is to be pointed. It may be observed that the colliquative diarrhoea is an usual symptom of the plague. 2 Were carried off through, §c.] Literally, “ were destroyed by it (i. e. the diarrhoea) through mere weakness,” which always attends a diarrhea. 29 Took its post.] ’IdpvSév. A vox signata de hac re; as Liban. Or. 712. C. 30 Greatest dangers.| At peyiorwy must be understood kuvdivwr, 31 Seized on the extremities, and, §c.| Such is, I conceive, the best representation of the sense of the original, which is somewhat obscure from two clauses being blended into one. ’Avrivapubdve in the sense seize is common. As to éronpaivw, it is rare in the sense above assigned, which has been rightly affixed to it by Wyttenb. Ecl. p. 367. Though, before him, Foesius had explained it of “ the mark left by any disorder.” So Hip- ocr. de morbo sacro says: Ore éwidnrroy yivera, yy anak émvonuavdy. And those are said do‘pwe mepryévecSat who escape without any evil left by a disorder. Goeller, too, refers to Petav. on Synes. p. 12. To which it may be added, that Galen, speaking of a quotidian fever, says: 6 ka3’ Exdorny npépay Kai vinra tronpaivwy. Hence is illustrated Pausan. 7, 24,6, rovro dé a\Aaxod 410 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. making its attacks ®*, for instance, on the fingers *, or the toes, or the pudenda; and many with the deprivation of these, and some even with that of their eyes, escaped with their lives. Nor were there wanting those who, on recover- ing, laboured under an utter forgetfulness of every thing **, and knew neither their friends, nor indeed themselves, L. For as this was a kind of disorder which baffled all description’, nay, even exceeded human nature’, in the viru- Te TOU coparoc trtonpatver, Kai ty Talc yspoiy UT EkaTEpoy padtoTa TOY xap7éy, juncturam manus, Also Eurip. Iph. Taur. 1372. dewoitg dé onpar- rpototy éodpaytopévor Lycoph. Cass. 780. Od yap Eévat paoriyec, aAda Oapiryno TZdpayic pevei Odavrog ty mrevpaic, ere Avyouse rTeTpavdetoa. Finally, hence is illustrated a most difficult construction in Pausan. 5, 12, 6. ; 82 Making its attacks.| Karaoxryrrw is a very strong term, which is properly used of sudden and irresistible attacks, as of lightning, fire, inun- dation, and sometimes pestilence, as here and in Dionys. Hal, Ant. 597 and 599. So also Galen, car. sic kipoove. 33 Fingers, §c.| The whole passage is imitated by Dio Cass. 724, 65, 70 O& 0) voonpa obdim Tév EvynSwy bpmoroy éyiyvero. It is thus elegantly ren- dered by Lucret.6, 1203. “ Tamen in nervos huic morbus et artus Ibat et in partis genitalis corporis ipsus. Et graviter partim metuentes limina leti Vivebant ferro privati parte virili: Et manibus sine nonnulli pedibusque manebant In vita tamen et perdebant lumina partim: Usque adeo mortis metus his incesserat acer.” Lucretius seems to have thought that they suffered the loss of their genitals by amputation ; which Victor. V. L. 35, 8. (referred to by Goeller) considers as a misconception of Thucydides’ mean- ing; while Lambinus defends his author. I should rather fix the censure on his expressions, “ manibus sine pedibusque ;” for dxpac yeipac wai mddac can only signify the ends or lower joints of the fingers and toes. As to the use of amputation in all these three cases, it would only be resorted to when the loss of the parts was unavoidable; and though the orepsoxopevoe a little after does not express this, yet it does not preclude it. 34 Laboured under an utter forgetfulness, &c.| The words zapavurixa avaorayvrac denote, I conceive, that this effect was only temporary ; for the literal signification is, “ on rising from their sick beds, and being conva- lescent.” So Herod. 1, 22. é« rij¢ vdcov dvésrn. Aisop. Fab. oof. dvacrde 6 voowr mpoy\Sey. Artemid. 1,79. voootyra 6: dviorno. Liv. 5, 14. assurexit e morte. Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. p.195. pén zpdc vdcovc—inddwrv dviory rouc Kkdpvovrac. which brings to mind the passage of Horat. Sat. 1, 1, 83. medicum rogat ut te suscitet. I am not aware that these latter symptoms are found in the plague; but the last of them sometimes succeeds the typhus gravior. | Baffied all description.] So Appian, 2, 83, 89. yevlomevov yao To Kaxov Kpticooy éxuvoiac. Herod. 2, 35. épya Noyou peiZw. Eurip. Suppl. 844, cpsioooy H AsEat Oy. 2 Exceeded human nature.| Literally, greater than in proportion to its strength, ad instar. Of *) xara there are examples at 6,15. and 7, 45. Others may be seen in Dr. Blomf. on Hschyl., Theb. 421., and Agam, 542. CHAP. L. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 411 lence which it exercised on the sufferers, so in the follow- ing respect it plainly evinced itself* to be something wholly different from any of the ordinary distempers. For though there were many unburied corpses, those birds and beasts which prey on* human flesh, either approached them not, or, if they tasted, perished. A proof of which was seen in the total disappearance ° of all birds of prey, which were found neither about the carcasses’, nor elsewhere. But the dogs, from their domestic habits and familiar intercourse with men, afforded a more manifest evidence of the thing.® 3 Evinced—ordinary.] By ovyrpdgwy is meant, indigenous, homebred j and, therefore, customary. As the commentators have omitted to treat of this term, the following remarks may be not unacceptable: — It is called by Foes. Gic. a medical term. But such, in fact, it isnot. It sig- nifies, in a general way, what is usual. So Aristoph. Av. 679., and Soph. Aj. 639. (on the insanity of Ajax) od« ée ovvrpodotg dpyaic (disposition) gumedoc, aAN’ éxroc oursit. In the examples adduced by Foes. it denotes a disorder to which the constitution is subject ; and such may partly be the sense here. This use has been imitated by Lucian, T. 3, 35. véonua roy ovy- rpdgwy jv. That Dio Cass. took it in the sense usual, is plain from his imitation of the passage at p. 724,65. 7d 0& 61) voonpa obdé&m Tay EvrfSwv Opovoy éytyvero. The passage is referred to by Plutarch Sympos. 1. 8, 9, 3. How unusual and virulent was the disorder, Thucydides thinks, was evinced by the birds and beasts of prey not touching the carcasses, or, &c. Such has elsewhere occurred in cases of pestilence; of which an example is recorded by Livy, 41, 21., though he remarks that it was uncommon, 4 Prey on.| So Pausan. 4,18,4. ddwreca eidey drropévny réy vexpdv. and 10, 18, 4. #jarovro TOY capKOr. 5 Tasted.) Or, eat of. An Attic idiom. So Soph. Aj. 841. yedveoSe, pur) peideose Tavonpou orparov. 6 Disappearance.| Or, failure. ’EzriXsu{uc is a word peculiar to Thucy- dides. ‘hese birds, it seems, almost wholly perished. 7 About the carcasses.] Literally, “nor about any thing of the kind ;” namely, preying on the carcasses, 8 But the dogs, &c.| Such seems to be the sense; but the clause, aisSnow Tapsixoy rod drobaivorroc, is not a little obscure ; though the commentators pass it over. It is plainly an idiomatical expression, though not very dissimilar to one in our own language; and it may be rendered, “ave men to understand what the matter was,” 1. e. the event or conse- quences of eating, and, therefore, the virulence of the disorder, The whole is thus expressed by Lucret.: “ Multaque humi cum inhumata jacerent corpora supra Corporibus, tamen alituum genus atque ferarum Aut procul absiliebat, ut acrem exiret odorem: Aut, ubi gustarat, languebat morte propinqua. Nec tamen omnino temere illis solibus ulla Comparebat avis, nec noctibus secla ferarum Exibant silvis: languebant pleraque morbo Et moriebantur: cum primis fida canum vis Strata viis animam ponebat in omnibus egram ; Extorquebat enim vitam vis morbida membris.”” One thing is plain, that, both in Thucydides and Lucret., the animals and birds are only supposed to have died of the effects of eating the morbid flesh. I cannot, therefore, account for the remark of Smith on Lu- 412 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK It. LI. Such, then, (to omit many other cases of peculiar virulence, each having some symptoms differing from those of others) was the general nature of the disorder.’ And none of cretius, “that the distemper raged amongst those animals, even without eating the flesh of the dead, and was general to every living species.” The poet, certainly, does not say it was general to every living species ; anid as certainly he does not intimate that the distemper raged amongst those animals, even without eating the flesh of the dead.* By avis and secla ferarum, Lucretius evidently means birds and beasts of prey. These, Thu- cydides says, totally disappeared, either destroyed by having eaten of the corpses, or (by that peculiar sagacity which distinguishes the brute creation) avoiding the place altogether. Many, no doubt, had sickened and died; and the poet says no more. I find nothing to object to but the “canum.vis strata viis animam ponebat in omnibus egram,” which words represent the mortality among the dogs as greater than Thucydides gives us any reason to suppose. And yet the description may apply to the earlier periods of the pestilence, and before the dogs had learnt, by experience, to avoid the carcasses. 1 Such, then, &c.] It is plain by this that Thucydides did not intend such a minute or scientific description of a// the symptoms as might be ex- pected from a physician, but only a general sketch, or what is called prog- nosis, of the disorder. This may be the properest place for considering the controverted ques- tion, whether the pestilence here described was what we call the plague, or not. I have read little of what has been written on either side ; and my medical knowledge is far too limited to enable me to speak with any confidence on such a point. All I can venture to do is, to lay before my readers a sketch of the prognosis, or symptoms, attendant on the plague ; and then to consider the points of coincidence, or omission, in our author’s description. The following sketch has been carefully formed from Mead, Russel, Cullen, &c.: —“ Eruptions, such as buboes; carbuncles of five sorts; petechia#, or large pimples; large wheals; spots or blotches of a blue or purple colour; fever, headaches, stupor, giddiness, excessive prostration of strength, delirium, coma, deafness, impediment or loss of speech, muddiness of the eyes, whiteness of tongue, irregular pulse, painful respiration, syncope, nausea, pain at the heart, palpitation, vo- miting, especially of bile, convulsion, spasms, haemorrhage, colliquative diarrhoea.” All these symptoms indicate a total derangement of the main functions of life (and, therefore, illustrate the peracrijoat above adverted * Jt is, however, possible that the eating of the flesh, or even coming into any very close contact with matter from plague-sores, might communicate the disorder to the animals, even to the birds, Indeed, of the possibility of this there can be no doubt, from the testimony of Boccaccio, who affirms that he was an eye-witness, with many others, to an example of this sort during the plague at Florence. So virulent, he says, was the contagion, that, from actual observation, not only did one human being communicate it to another, but, what is more, any thing be- longing to a person who had been sick of, or had died of the disease, on being touched by an animal, not only communicated the disease to it, but in a very short time killed it. Thus, he adds, the rags of a poor man who had died of the disease, being thrown into the street, two hogs came up to them, and seizing them first with their snouts, and then with their teeth, in a short time, after turning round and round, as if they had taken poison, fell down dead on the rags. CHAP. LI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 413 the usual or endemick maladies made their attacks during its continuance *; or, if they did, soon terminated in this. The sufferers, moreover, died, some under neglect, others with all the care and attention possible; nor could any one remedy? oa to); for the stupor, giddiness, headache, and delirium, show the functions of the drain to be disordered ; the palpitation, irregular pulse, &c. denote a considerable disturbance of the heart. The nausea and vomiting of bile, and consequent spasms, show much disorder in the biliary ducts. The buboes and carbuncles denote excessive acrimony in the fluids; and, finally, the pimples, hemorrhage, and colliquative diarrhea, indicate a tendency to putreficationin the whole mass of blood. Now, on com- paring the symptoms (making allowance for the unscientific, but popular, manner in which Thucydides writes), there is a striking similarity between the two cases. The violent heats of the head, mentioned by our author answer to the headaches of Russel’s account. The inflamed redness of the eyes is not mentioned by writers on the plague; but it is very likely to take place. The sanguineous appearance of the gullet and tongue may, in some measure, answer to the hemorrhage. As to the sneezing, hoarse- ness, and cough, I am not aware that those are symptomatic of the plague. Excessive thirst is a perpetual attendant on high fever, as are also rest- lessness and desire to throw off clothes. The plague, I believe, generally terminates in the stomach, and ends in diarrhcea; but whether it ever affects the extremities in the way here described, is more than I am able to say. ‘Upon the whole, if the correspondence between the disorder here described, and the plague in its present state, be such as to include all the important features, we must not be moved by a discrepancy in some minor points, to pronounce that it was noé the plague. Nay, we may safely'sum- pose it to have been the plague in its then state; though, from the circum- stances on which it fell, exceedingly virulent, and, therefore, introducing symptoms never known before, and, perhaps, rarely since. That it was the plague is highly probable, from the circumstance of its having ori- inated in Egypt and AXthiopia, in all ages the grand seat and seminary of that dreadful disorder. Besides, what other disease can be fixed upon that presents ha/f the points of resemblance that the plague, even in its present state, presents ? 2 And none of the, §c.] This sentence has been thrown out by Le- vesque and Gail, as an interpretation of what occurs at c. 49. init. But the MSS. all have the sentence; and if we were to admit it to be an in- terpretation, there would still remain the difficulty to account for its in« troduction here. But, in fact, it is zo¢ a mere interpretation of that pas- sage, but yields a different sense. The subject of c. 49. is the time which preceded the pestilence ; that of the present, the time during the pestilence. The information, therefore, here contained is not unimportant, nor by any means out of place. In fact, Thucydides, after having stated the symptoms of the disorder, now proceeds to give some supplementary general remarks on the calamity, first medical, and then moral. 3 Any one remedy.| I find by Herodian, 1, 12, 4. that aromatic medi- caments were then much recommended for the plague; as they are to the present day, especially camphor. But it does not appear from De Foe that they produce any great good. He, however says, that smoking or chewing tobacco was thought a preservative; and the houses of the tobacconists mostly escaped the visitation. This 414: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK 1. %. be devised, whose application would be certain to do good ; for what benefited one, was prejudicial to another. More- over, no constitution, whether in respect of strength or weak- ness *, was found able to cope with it; nay, it swept away ° all alike, even those attended to with the most careful manage- ment.© But the most dreadful part of the calamity was the This whole passage is thus expressed by Lucret. : — “ Nec ratio remedi communis certa dabatur ; Nam quod aliis dederat vitales aéris auras Volvere in ore licere et coeli templa tueri: Hoc aliis erat exitio letumque parabat.”’ , 4 Whether in respect of strength, &c.] i. e. whether strong or weak. For feebleness of frame is better able to resist some disorders than a robust habit. So Gail remarks, on the authority of Siamanowitz, that in the plague at Moscow drunkards and persons of feeble temperaments were less subject to attack. See Fab. Paul. p. 445. Here, however, it should seem by what follows that feebleness was no security ; so that we may paraphrase, “Difference of constitution, in point of strength or weakness, seemed of no consequence as to any security from its attacks.” Procop. says that youth was the most perilous season, and the females less susceptible than the males. 6 Swept away.) Fvvipe signifies, not corripiebat, as Portus renders, but absumsit. So 8,24. 7a rév ’ASnvaiwy raxv EvvapeShoera. This signi- fication is rare; but it occurs in Herod. 5,4, 24. Dio Cass. p. 119, 54. odppakoy cvveitov abrév. as also in 629, 69. 239,1. Dionys. Hal. Ant. p- 499, 15. 6 Management.| Or medical care. Such is here, I conceive, the sense of dtairn. Thucydides does not inform us how far any dietetic rules were thought to preserve persons from the attacks of the disease. Yet Aul. Gell. in his Noct. Att. says that Socrates was saved by his temperance. It should seem, however, from all the accounts of the plague that seclusion was more to be relied on than abstinence. And here I cannot but briefly notice the three methods of preservation which Boccaccio tells us were adopted at Florence. All seemed agreed on the cruel prudence (as he happily expresses it) of avoiding the sick and all that belonged them. Some formed themselves into a society to live sepa- rate from all others, and retire and shut themselves up in those houses where there was no sick person. As to diet, they lived temperately, on nourishing but light food, with good wine in moderation ; and avoiding all news from abroad of death or sickness, made themselves as happy as they could, in the amusements which their situation afforded. Others took the contrary course of wallowing in luxury and debauchery, and excessive drunkenness ; courting merriment of every kind as the best pre- servative against sickness. These did not shut themselves up, but wandered up and down in quest of pleasure. A third partly steered a middle course ; not running into the excess of the latter, nor practising the mo- deration of the former; nor did they shut themselves up, but went about carrying in their hands flowers or odoriferous herbs and spices, holding them to the nose, in order to strengthen the brain. A fourth class sought safety alone in utter abandonment of their country, houses, and relations. Of all these classes, Boccaccio adds, many fell sick, and having alike set the healthy an example of such neglect, then languished and died aban- doned by all. Now on the above methods I would remark that the second CHAP. LI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 415 total dejection of mind which overwhelmed those who felt themselves attacked (for falling at once into despair, they the more readily gave themselves up, and sunk without a struggle), and that they dropped, filled, like diseased sheep, with in- fection communicated by their attendance on each other.’ That circumstance, too, occasioned most of the mortality ; for class would probably be less liable to infection, since Siamanowitz on the plague at Moscow says that drunkards were more secure from attack. They would, however, probably be less able to resist the malady when caught. The first and fourth class seem to have acted the most wisely ; and if they secluded themselves or emigrated with their families, they would not fall under the charge of cruelty and selfishness ascribed by the above writer. Such, indeed, was the course pursued by many families during the plague of London, as appears from De Foe. When, however, a whole country suffers under infection, as in the case of most of the great plague’, the only course of safety is total seclusion, a careful but not anxious attention to dietetic rules, and cultivation of temperance in general, with proper exer- cise and the use of strong aromatics, especially tobacco. 7 But the most dreadful, &e.] The sense of this passage 1s thus expressed by Lucret. v. 1228. “Illud in his rebus miserandum et magnopere unum ‘Xrumnabile erat, quod, ubi se quisque videbat Implicitum morbo, morti damnatus ut esset, Deficiens animo mesto cum corde jacebat Funera respectans, animum et mittebat ibidem.” On the construction of érepoc aw’ érépov Sepameiac | assent to the opinion of Steph. and Duker, who, at dvamuirdapevoe subaud véoov, which, indeed, is found supplied in ore MS. So, too, I think the Scholiast took the passage. His words, however, (which are these: Qepazretag.] rij¢ amd rod voonparoc tarpeiac.) require to be emended. Read: aq@’ trepou Separreiac.] ard Tie Tov vyoohparoe tarpsiac. Duker ably compares this use of dvamn. from Plutarch Pericl., and illustrates the sense from Livy, |. 5, 6. He might yet more appositely have cited Livy, 1. 25,26. morbi repletos; and 1. 5, 48. quum eestu et angore vexata, vulgatis velut in pecua, morbis moreretur. Soph. Phil. 520. dpa od pry— bray 62 mAnoSij¢ Tij¢ vdoov, Evrovoia, and Dionys. Hal. p. 677,29. ody ijkiora 6 yewpyde Exovynoevy Oydog avaTyiT)a- pevog Kai rpobarwy Kai TOY GArwy TerpaTddwy lipa OratTwpéevwY Tij¢ vOoOV. I cannot omit to advert to the pathetie and beautiful words of the Psalmist, 58,6. “ For my loins are filled with a loathsome disease, and there is no whole part in my body.” The comperison of diseased sheep is very apposite; for those animals are subject to some infectious disorders, especially what is called the scab. See Juvenal Sat. 2,78. Hence, Paulinus observes, it is quite clear that the antients were aware of the contagious nature of the plague; though some now eall it in question. On this point, by no one so well treated as by Boc- caccio, there has ever existed much differenee of opinion. The antient phy- sicians and philosophers seem all to have thought it contagious ; yet while (to use the words of Gibbon) philosophers “ believe and tremble,” the Constantinopolitans seem by Procopius to have persuaded themselves that it was not so, nor to be caught by even the closest conversation. So, too, thought the French physicians who visited Marseilles in 1720, as have many others since. This notion has, however, been of late most successfully refuted in an able treatise of Dr. Tully on the plague at Malta. 416 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK TI; if* men forbore, through fear, to visit the sick, they died, forlorn and destitute for want of attendance, and thus whole families became utterly extinct 9; and if they ventured to ap- proach, they met their death; and this was especially the fate ° of those who aimed at any thing like virtue *’; since they, ashamed of selfish caution, were unsparing of their own lives in attending on their friends '?; for at last even their servants '®, overcome by the excess of the calamity, were wearied out with the groaning and lamentation of the sick 8 For if, §c.| The yap has reference to a clause omitted; q.d. “ And this mortality was sure to be produced, Jet. men do what they would ; for Hyp eue. 9 Whole families, §c.] Literally, “ many houses were emptied of their inhabitants.”? Hobbes and Smith confound the two senses. This passage is closely imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p.677. ore modXdc oikiag teon- pwSiva ov aropiay rev éxpednoopévwy, Gail appositely cites Manil. Astr. 1. Ac tanto quondam populo vix contigit heres. An exact parallel with which is found in the following affecting passage of Boccacio procem. : * O quante memorabili schiatte, quante amplissime eredita, quante famose ricchezze si videro senza successor debito rimanere!” Josephus, too, among his affecting details of the siege of Jerusalem, mentions that very many houses were found, containing the corpses of a/l the inmates. And De Foe testifies that such sometimes happened in the plague of London. 10 And this was especially, §c.| Such (though the commentators have failed to perceive it) is the true sense of the passage, in which diepSeiporro is to be repeated. 11 Who aimed at any thing like virtue.j Abresch remarks that this pas- sage is imitated by Procop. 178,13. ‘To which may be added p. 193, 2. 231,35. 304, 7. 546,46. 575,39. The phrase aperij¢ perarouioSa is also found in Isocr. Panath. § 74. Appian, 1,51. 92,2. Joseph. 793, 36. 823, 25. Arrian E, A. 2, 27,9. 3,27,1. In Arrian E.A. 3,27,10. we have pera- moutssat Tod ducaiov, and in Dio Cass. p. 200, 16. & sepe dvdpayaSiag peTaTrotestosat, On the sense of dperijc the commentators are not agreed. Some render it, with the Scholiast, humanity. Others, as Bauer and Hack, firmness. I should prefer the former signification, which is supported by Dio Cass. ; but the more certain sense of the word, adopted by Portus and Hobbes, seems to be the most suitable and worthy of our author. 12 Since they, ashamed of, §¢.] "Hosi0ovy odéy abréy is a very strong ex- pression, of which the following is an example: Soph. Elect. 980. Wuyije dagadnoavre. See my note on Acts 20, 25. and Coloss. 2,23. The sense of the whole passage is thus expressed by Lucret. 1241. Qui fuerant autem przesto, contagibus ibant Atque labore, pudor quem tum cogebat obire, Blandaque lassorum vox mista voce querele, et Optimus hoc leti genus ergo quisque subibat. Of this many affecting instances are related by Josephus in his Bell. Jud. 13 Servants.| Or relations ; for that sense of the word oi is frequent in all the best antient writers, and Thucydides among the number; whereas it has rarely the cther sense in any but the later writers. Thus the words of Proverbs would be made good: “ There is a friend that sticketh closer than a brother.” Boccaccio tells us that relations seldom or never visited 4 CHAP, LI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 417 and dying.'* Those, however, who had survived the disorder, were the more compassionate to the dying and the afflicted ; both as knowing by experience what the disorder was *°, and being now themselves in safety.’° or it never attacked the same person twice'’; so, at least, as to be mortal. And such persons were felicitated on their escape by others; and they themselves, amidst their present joy, nourished a sort of each other; even parents abandoning their children.. Thus, he adds, the great number of persons of both sexes who were sick, had nothing to depend upon but the charity of friends (and those few) or the avarice of servants, who were induced by exorbitant wages to offer their attendance, though many of them were by no means qualified for this ; consisting, in a great measure, of rude awkward kind of persons, most of them unaccus- tomed to such services, who were of little use but to reach things when the sick asked for them, or watch when they died.” 14 Were wearied out, §c.] Lucret. v. 1246. Lacrymis lassi luctuque redibant. 15 The disorder was.| Here védcov must be supplied from the context. IIpo in zpoeévae signifies aforetime, by experience. The whole is a popular formula, for “ they knew the sufferings attendant on it, and therefore could pity the sufferers ;’’ according to the well known “ Haud ignara mali miseris succurrere disco.” On this principle was the law mentioned by Plato Theat. t.2. p. 62. which forbade women who had never borne children to act as midwives. Here Gail adduces Lucret. 2, 1. “* Suave mari in magno turbantibus zequora ventis, E terra magnum alterius spectare laborem, Non quia vexari quemquam ’st jucunda voluptas, Sed, quibus ipse malis careas, quia cernere suave ’st.” 16 In safety.| So all the translators. Nay, Gail has “en parfaite sécurité.” The expression rather signifies bono animo esse, to be of good courage. It is, indeed, a very rare term, and, I believe, unnoticed by all the lexicographers and philologists ; but it occurs in Herodian 2, 14,3. rd dpa Ty Sapparéy evbeko. And 7d Sapparéov, good courage, occurs in Herod. 6, 5,9. and Zosim. 4, 40,8. The sense, therefore, is, “ being of good cou- rage as to their safety.” 17 Attacked, §c.| Corripuit. Not oppressit, as Gottl. renders; for as to Herod. 8,115. ériiabor omic roy orparéy, appealed to by him, the sense there is the same as in the present passage. ’EztAaubavw is a word used by medical writers to express the access of any disorder. See Hippocr. ap. Foes. ra pryea xudtw Kai coriav émrrapbdavorrae. In this, Mitford observes, “ it differed from the modern plague, and was one of those disorders which, by some inscrutable management of Provi- dence, the human frame is incapable of receiving more than once, or at least twice receiving the full force of the disorder.” But I am not aware of any marked difference from the plague in this respect ; for he who reco- vers of that disorder is, I believe, secure for a short time from any mortal attack. Of this De Foe’s account furnishes numerous proofs and exam- ples. Yet it is observed by Gibbon, on the authority of Evagrius, that some persons who had escaped the first, sunk under the second attack. And this repetition is confirmed by Fabius Paulinus. He adds that on this head the physicians are divided; and suggests that the nature and oper- ation of the disease may not always be similar. VOL. I. EE 418 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II, light hope for the future —that they should never hereafter be destroyed by any disease.'® LII. Besides the present calamity, the reception of the country people into the city had occasioned much annoyance, and especially to the new comers.’ For as they had no 18 Nourished a sort of, Sc.] This passage has not a little perplexed the commentators. There is something seemingly absurd in “ hoping not to die of any other disease hereafter.”’ To avoid this, Smith renders the kovowe groundless. But that expedient is inettectual in removing the diffi- culty. Gottleb., Hack, and Goeller, pursue another course, and take dtapSapyvae in the sense “ se afflictum iri.’ Nay, Gail renders, “ ils avoient la douce espérance qu’a l’avenir aucune autre maladie ne les atteindroit.”” But this is only exchanging one difficulty for another as great; for how could they, even in the utmost levity of joy, expect never to be attacked by any other disorder, nor even to be afflicted by it. Be- sides, this signification of dva¢S. is precarious, and devised “ for the nonce.” There is, however, no necessity to resort to it; nor will there be any diffi- culty, if we regard the whole as expressed populariter, in which case the terms are not to be too much pressed upon; and especially if voofparoe be taken emphatically. The meaning, then, is, that they fancied they should never die of any other disease, but that life (in the words of a well- known composition) would “ wear away, without gout or stone, by a gentle decay.” I saitee not omit to observe that from the words xcaS’ édridoe re eiyor Kov¢ne may, with certainty, be emended a passage of Appian imitated from thence, t.2. 621, 49. Kai re ov Kai Kotdwe eixoy tdridoce. Read kotpne. Herodian, too, 2, 8,6. says, 0 gdatAat obdé Kobpat kadovow étdkridecs and 9,1. Kobpaic Kai ddhdowg éAXzriot. One may also compare the Horatian “ leves spes et certamina divitiarum.” The fons locutionis seems to be Pind. Olymp. 13, 116. wAnpot O& Oey Sbvaptc Kai ray rap’ dpKoy Kai Tapa évida kéugay crioty y. From all this it is plain that the Schol. and Bauer have wrongly explained the xcovd., which must have the sense ex- pressed by Horace. And so it seems to have been taken by Dionys. Hal. p- 584, 21. kai Ov édridog éxovreg (év y TOAD Td Koddor Hv) padiwe abrade KPaTnostv. | Besides the present calamity, §c.] Thucydides means to say that the evils of the pestilence were aggravated by the annoyance of an excessively crowded population. Very apposite to the present subject is a passage of Plutarch. Nic. c. 6. which I will cite in order to emend: rod dé Aopod rij mrsiorny atriayv take UspucdAe, Ova roy wédeEmov sic TO GoTU KaTaKXEioag TOY and Tie KOpag OxAOY, EK Tig peraborAre THY Térwy Kai Ovaitne aySoug yevd- pevov. So the passage is edited by Reiske and Hutten; but the yevopevor, a mere conjecture of Reiske, cannot be tolerated. For the old reading yevopevorv, which is doubtless corrupt, I would propose simply the alteration yevopévov, (from Cod. V.) to be referred to védcov; for the words dia rdv mE“ov —- 6xAov must be taken parenthetically. The Evyxoptdx) of the present passage is to be understood of the people and their cattle, and moveables. Grail says that the passage is imitated by Livy 3. “ pecoribus agrestibusque in urbem receptis.” It had been far more to the purpose to have adduced the words following, |. 3, 6., which are a close imitation of, and the best commentary on, the present: “ Auxere vim morbi, terrore populationis pecoribus agrestibusque in urbem acceptis,” CHAP. LII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 419 houses, but were compelled to lodge, during the height of summer *, in stifling huts °, a horribly confused mortality oc- curred *, insomuch that corpses lay stretched out one upon another, as they had died°; and half-dead corpses were seen tumbling over each other®, both in the streets and about 2 Height of summer.] Not “ in that time of year,”” as Hobbes renders. Duker rightly explains wpa éeve here “ the summer.” He has not, how- ever, proved the point. And Goeller only refers to Herodian, p. 465. On this phrase I shall fully treat in my edition; in the meantime the following authorities may suffice to establish the sense which I have adopted. Galen de alim. facult. 2. p. 319. Wpay zrove dvopaZovow ot ENijvec éxtivoy roy Kaloo”, év @ pEecouYTL, THY TOU KUVOE éeLTOAY yiyvecdar oupbaive ypdvoc dé éori obroc pepoy reccapdcoyra. Arrian E. A. 5, 9, 6. iv yap Opa érove, F peTa TpoTaC padioTa iv Sepa TpéTrEeTae O Avo. . 3 Stifling huts.| Such is the literal sense of radibae trvynpaic. Duker refers to an imitation of this phrase in Plutarch. I would add that it is borrowed by Arrian. E. A. 6, 23, 4. Ind. 24, 2. Procop. p. 74. and 130. It is also had in view by Dionys. Hal. 389, 4. 7d caddbyne dpa érove. where I would read radvlac, as in Theocr. Idyll. 21, 7. bd wrexraic cakvaor. also by Lucian p. 857, 35. With this use of z2ynpdc¢ I would compare Aschyl. Agam. Aira 0& Adprrer piv ty dvoxarvoic Oopacty. Athens, indeed, was at all times a suffocating place. ‘Thus it appears from Philostr. V. Soph. that Alexander used to call it rrvvynpdy oixnrnpwor. The radv€ac is rendered by Hobbes and Smith, booths. Now the word booth properly denotes a hut of boughs (being derived from dough) ; and this sense of kadv€y 1s proved by Polyzen. 2, 1, 21. rac wadibac éyeiporrec, érspoy Ta dévopa, Out THv air&y ypeiav. and Procop. p. 112, 27. rey orpa- TuwTOVv eKaoroe TiY KadvEnv iv dévdpate émhéaro. also Menand. ap. Hist. Byz. Paris 1, 151. and Pausan. 10, 5, 5. But it is not easy to conceive how boughs could be had in Athens; and booths, in any other sense, would be too slight. I therefore render it huts(which word is cognate with hood, and both come from the Dutch, hud, a shelter). These were, doubtless, made of such wood-work, and other materials, as the people had removed from their houses. . To the annoyance here complained of, the want of sewers must (I agree with Mitford) have not a little contributed. 4 A horribly confused, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of this difficult clause, as appears from the words following, which are exegetical of the preceding. It is imitated by Liban. Orat. p. 505. A. améSvnoxoy ovdey Koop OlaTavoOpmEvot. ’ Corpses lay stretched out, §c.] So Joseph. 1214. vexpode tm’ addApdowg csowpeupévoue. and 1252, 15. wool Toic Sarrropévoug Eames yoKor.. /Eschyl. Pers. 513, éxirvoy ix’ adAndotow. and Thucyd. 7, 89. See also» Eurip. Pheen. 995. Hence in Joseph. p. 1136. éradAnroe © txrbzovy ot vexpoi. I read d\\j Aout, from at least one MS. See also Polyeen. p. 731.0 6 Half-dead, §c.| A most affecting circumstance, and made especially so by the term ixadwdotvr0, which I would take in its full force (as it was done by Aristid. t. 3, 404, xdvra 08 hy cudivdoupévur, Kai TurTdyTwY, aTopoU- vévwr.) though, like avacrpepecSar, it sometimes only signifies versari. Here may be compared Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 264, 12. ‘The whole passage is beautifully rendered by Lucretius thus, 1262. “ multa ‘siti prestrata viam per, proque voluta Corpora silanos ad aquarum strata EE 2 b] 420 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. every fountain, whither their rage for water had hurried them. The very temples, too, in which they had hutted, were full of the corpses of those who had expired there. Tor as the violence of the calamity exceeded all bounds’, and men knew not what to have recourse to °, they fell into a neglect alike of 9 sacred and social duties.'° All laws, too, and customs which had been in force respecting sepulture, were confounded and violated; men burying just where and how they could”; and many, for want of funeral necessaries (so many deaths having before occurred in their families), had recourse to very indecorous means for the interment of their friends. jacebant — Multaque per populi passim loca prompta viasque Languida semianimo tum corpore membra videres.’? And so Ovid. Metam. 7, 549. “ silvisque, agrisque viisque corpora feeda jacent : vitiantur odoribus aura.” 7 Exceeded all bounds.} So Joseph. p. 419, 26. imepbiaZopévov Tov Kaxov. Procop. 131, 33. izepbtaZopévov adbroy rod Ayod. Also, 146, 52. 240, 52. 8 Knew not what to have recourse to.]| Such is the most exact version of this Attic idiom ode ézyovrec 6, ttyévwyra. Dr. Blomfield on Adschyl. P. V. 940. (oto tyw ree dy yévoinayv) would read yévowro, from four MSS. But the common reading is defended by Procop. p. 212, 18. and several passages of Liban., Aristides, and Synesius, which I shall adduce in my edition. It is probable, however, that the text of Thucydides was cor- rupted in some MSS. before that time. See Elsner, Kypke, and Wetsten., on Acts 12, 18. . 9 Fell into a neglect alike of, &c.] This is almost transcribed by Procop. p- 126, 34. ‘H réy Oey, or éc¢ 7d Osiov, ddtywpia is an expression which occurs in the best writers. 10 Sacred and social duties. Or civil, Such is the sense of dciwy, and not holy, as Smith renders. It is strange that he should not have been aware of the force of so frequent an idiom; especially as Portus and Hobbes have not ill rendered, “ sacred and profane.”? ‘The Schol., how- ever, better explains, “ divine and human,” and so Boccaccio took it. On the sense of the formula Duker refers to Casaub. on Capitol. But it is most completely treated on by Taylor on Adschin. p. 49 and 50. Reisk. From the numerous examples adduced by the editor, it plainly appears, to use his own words, “ ut igod ad Religionem, dova ad Rempublicam spectent : quemadmodum inter res sacras et publicas (vel potius eas que sunt Uni- versitatis) distinguit Jurisprudentia Romana.” So also Time Lex., cited by Hack : “Oota* ra wid Kai pr) tepd.. 11. Alllaws, too, §c.] Lucret. 1276. “ nec mos ille sepulturae remanebat in urbe, Ut prius hic populus semper consuerat humari. Perturbatus enim totus trepidabat et unus Quisque suam pro re consortem meestus habebat.” So Procopius says that the order of funerals and the rights of sepulchres were confounded. And Boccaccio says the same, withal bitterly lamenting the paucity of priests and candles in the funeral processions. 12 Had recourse to very indecorous, &c.] ‘The words of the criginal é¢ dvacxbyroug Shkac érpazovro have something harsh and not unlike many of Pindar’s “ hard sayings.”? Hence the commentators are not agreed as to the ratio of the phrase. The Scholiast on Adschyl. and Abresch, as also CHAP. LIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 424 For some, resorting to funeral piles which were raising for others, would, before they were completed, lay their own corpses thereon, and set them on fire.’® Others, when a corpse was burning, would toss upon the pyre another, which they had brought with them, and go their way.’* LIII. This pestilence, too, in other respects, gave rise to that unbridled licentiousness which then first began to be. pre- valent in the city’; for now every one was readier to venture Poppo and Goeller, take Siac to signify sepulchres. It, however, seems better to take it for rapac (which Reiske, indeed, would read), i. e. sepul- tures, modes of sepulture. Then dvacytivrove need not be taken in the harsh and unauthorised sense of ddorpiac, Zévac, to which all the com- mentators, from the Scholiast downwards, have been obliged to have re- course. As, however, the words are somewhat obscure, the author pro- ceeds to add something by way ef explanation. I must not omit to observe, that the words orave: rér émirndsiwy are imitated by Dionys. Hal. ubi supra: ot 6& émurijdea obk éxoyrec. In either passage we must subaud mpoc rapac from the context. The complete phrase occurs in Herodian 8, 5, 18. ob« éxévTwy abroéy Ta rpdc Tapac émirHdeca, Where I am surprised that Irmisch should subaud you. No further subaudition is necessary, ra ézur. being a substantive ; if any be admitted, it should be ypypara. The necessaries here meant plainly appear, from what follows, to have been the wood, and other materials for the pyre, as garments, accompanied with the fat of oxen, honey, precious ointments, -and perfumes. 13 Resorting to funeral piles, §c.] Some, it appears, preferred even this shameless mode to burying the corpses; for of room for graves there could be no want. But, in fact, burning was then greatly preferred to burial, for the reasons mentioned by Potter in his Antiq. vol. 2. The rove vicavrac signifies those who were raising the pile. Néw is a vox solennis de hac re. So Appian 2, 68. rvpijy vioac. and 2, 5319. Herod: 1, 50. vhoac mupiy peya@dny. Aristoph. Lys. 269. zup2jy v. The time for laying on the corpse was probably when those persons were gone to fetch more materials. This circumstance Procopius also mentions in his account of the plague at Constantinople ; but he says that some laid on the corpses by force. It is net improbable that the fumes from so many piles tended in no slight degree to corrupt the air. Boccaccio in his account of the plague at Florence, remarks: “ Vaere tutto paresse del puzzo de’ morti corpi, e delle infermita, e delle medecine compreso e puzzolente.” 11 Others, when a corpse, §c.] So Dionys. Hal. 677, 16—20. reXeurevrec d&, ol piv a7rd ddtywpiac Tod Kadod, ot dé, Ta EmiTHOELA ObK ExOVTEG, TOANODE piv éy roic brovdpo Téy orevwTOy pépovTec ippintovy TOY aToywopEvur, TOA O& ETL TAEioVE ic TOY ToTapdy Evébaddo»”. ! This pestilence, too, in other respects, §c.]| Having treated on the phy- sical, Thucydides now proceeds to touch on the morad effects of the disor- der. The latter is not attempted by Procop.; though he enters much at large into the former. Such, however, has been done by Boccaccio in his deeply interesting account of the plague at Florence. The fidelity of this masterly picture is attested by its exact correspond- ence with others drawn under similar circumstances, particularly those by EE 8 4.992 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. openly upon those gratifications which he had before dis- sembled, or indulged in secret*, when he saw such sudden changes ® —the rich hurried away, and those who before were worth nothing, coming into immediate possession of their property; insomuch that men were willing to snatch the en- joyment of such fugitive delights as offered themselves, and to live solely for pleasure, regarding their lives and their pos- sessions as only held by the tenure of a day.4 As to bestowing labour or pains on any pursuit which seemed honourable or noble®, no one cared about the matter, it being uncertain whether or not he might be snatched away previously to the attainment of his object. In short, whatever any person thought pleasurable, or such as might in any way contribute thereto °, that became with him both the honourable and use- Livy, Froissart, Boccaccio, and De Foe, or those from whom he borrowed. Boccac. has something parallel to the present remark in a passage, p. 9. where, after noticing the total destruction of delicacy in the female sex, from the peculiar circumstances in which they were placed by the dis- order, he adds, “ Il che in quelle, che ne guarirons, fu forse di minore onesta, nel tempo che succedette, cagione.” ° For now every one, &c.| ‘AroxptrrecSac is one of those verbs which take after them a pleonastic py. It is, therefore, as if it were written: paoyv érévApa Tic Touty Ta KaY yOdvny & mpedrEepoy amexptarero. The ra Kay 06yny signifies gue grata sunt; as Arrian 1,14,7. 5,4,5. 5,27,5 C. 3 Sudden changes.] ayxiorpopoy perabodajyv. The phrase occurs in Adlian V.H. 5,135. Liban. Or. Par. in Julian, 145. Gregor. ap. Steph. Thes. ’"Ayxiorpopoc properly has the sense of turning at a corner, and consequently suddenness. For ayxi, as has been shown by the learned Dr. Davies, Master of Caius College, Cambridge, comes from ay, a corner, angle. 4 Were willing to, §c.] q.d. Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die. Of such was the second class of persons mentioned by Boccaccio. 5 As to bestowing, §c.] i. e. in the words of Milton, “ To scorn delights, and live laborious days.” The word zpocradarwpeivy is very rare. ‘I have only met with it in Pollux, 6,159. and Aristoph. Lys.765. aX’ avacyesS’ — Kai mpooradkaamwpnoaré y ddiyoy xpévor. 6 Whatever any one thought, &c.] Such is, I conceive, the real sense of this passage, which seems to have been handled invit4é Minerva both by the early and the recent commentators; embarrassed as they have been by variety of reading, and uncertainty of interpretation. The reading of all the editions up to Hack’s was, 4, re dé idee re 0d, nai TavTaydSey TO ée abrov cepdadéiov. Hack edited aird and 7j6n. And he understands, “ id, quod per se, non aliam ob rem, juvat, ergo statim fructum et oblectamen- tum preebet.”” But such a signification of é¢ aird is unfounded; and here inapplicable, since the sense arising would be extremely frigid. Bekker and Goeller also adopt the same reading; but the latter, aware that Hack’s interpretation is untenable, proposes the following: “Quod et statim jucundum esset, et ad voluptatem alicunde queestuosum fore videretur.”’ This sense, indeed, seems unobjectionable ; yet it appears scarcely founded CHAP. LIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.23 Jul.’ No fear of the gods, or respect for human laws, operated as any check ®: for as to the, former, they accounted on the words, and involves a somewhat harsh ellipsis of 7v. It would be difficult, I imagine, to find any example of #5y in the signification “ for the present.” That would require airceca. But, moreover, there is no good reason for rejecting joe or yon. The grammatical one adduced by Goeller is (like many others of the present Germanic school) too minute and formal. He will allow the reading #5y, because the third person of this form of the verb is in Thucydides always written with an «. But as this termination is Ionic, (occurring in Homer, fl. a. 70, and Od, «. 189., and Herodotus, 5,92.) why should it not be old Attic? the Ionic and old Attic being so nearly alike. Besides, #dn¢ occurs in Aristoph. Eccles. 551. And as the best MSS. unite in 70x, that (or 76) seems to be the true reading. Granting, however, Goeller’s objection to this form to be well founded, why should we not retain the o/d reading y0e2? —“ Because,” says he, “ men have by nature a sufficient perception of what is pleasant, and require no knowledge to teach them that.” —Be it so; yet the verb need not be taken of knowledge, but of opinion, i.e. what they thought and supposed, a not unfrequent signification in the early Greek writers. Thus Herod. 3, 61. (for which passage I am indebted to Scheff. ap. Steph. Thes. in v. Col. 4896.) paSwy re we ddtyou hoay ot imiorapevor abrov Uepcéwy, of O& mrodXol weptedvTa piv eideinoay. Now this makes an excellent sense. And the latter clause of the sentence may be literally rendered: “ what he thought in any way the profitable, in regard to it,” i. e. pleasure. NavrayéSev properly signifies “ in all ways,” but that includes the sense “in any way.” 7 Both the honourable, Sc.] This has reference to the long-agitated question concerning the 76 caddy and the rd yonjoor, the honestum and the utile. See Aristot. cited supra, c.44. No. 15. , 8 No fear of the gods, &c.] So Procop. p, 153,35. ore Oeiov dbo, obre avIporwuy aidwc. Joseph. 1188, 30. Karerareiro wag adroig Seopog avSpwrwyv, tysharo O& ra Seia. On the phraseology, see my note on Luke, 18, 2. It has been ever found that overwhelming national calamity rather tends to suppress religion. For Aschyl. Theb. 77. truly says: wéduc yap eb mpac- covea Oaisovae ris. Thus the contrary, especially among those who looked to the gods only for temporal advantage, was sure to produce the reverse. To this, we see, Procopius and Josephus bear testimony. Nay, such has been found the case even in Christian communities. So Froissart (by Johnes, t. 2, 265.), speaking of the horrible plague at Paris in 1548 and 1549. says: “ It broke every bond of attachment in sunder. Servants fled from their masters, wives from their husbands, and children from their parents. ‘There were no laws in force, and the greatest excesses were com- mitted.” Thus of the plague at Florence it is said by Boccaccio: “ Edin tanta afflizione, e miseria della nostra citta, era la reverenda autorita delle legei, cosi divine, come umane, quasi caduta, e dissoluta tutta per li. ministri et esecutori di quelle, li quali, siceome gli altri huomini, erano tutti o morti, o infermi, o si di famigli rimasi stremi, che uficio alcuno non potean fare; per la qual cosa era aciascuno licito, quanto a grado gli era, @operare.’ The same effects have been found to result from violent earthquakes, accompanied, as they invariably are in great cities, with devas- tating fires, Here rT A, ADA THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. it the same to worship or not to worship them, since they saw all alike perish; and as to the latter, no one expected that his existence would be prolonged till judgment should take effect, and he receive the punishment of his offences®; nay, they supposed that a far heavier judgment, already denounced against them, hung over their heads'°; and before it fell Here may be applied, mutatis mutandis, the words of Dr. Paley, Serm. p- 501. “If sudden deaths became too frequent, human life might become too perilous; there would not be stability or dependence either on our own lives, or the lives of those with whom we were connected, sufficient to carry on the regular offices of human society.” 9 No one expected that, §c.] Because it seemed against probability that the various persons necessary to his conviction and punishment should live. These words, indeed, suggest the real cause, why the laws became of no force, and the greatest excesses were committed ; namely, since the fear of punishment being removed, the multitude were hurried into every vice to which their corrupt passions: and depraved propensities excite them ; and thus ensued murder, robbery, rape, &c. Of this the descriptions of the earthquake at Lisbon present numerous and horrible examples. The ‘awful uncertainty of life, here adverted to, may lead us to inquire what was the amount of the mortality. This our author has omitted to mention; and, indeed, it seems that that was impossible to be exactly ascertained ; for, at 3, 87., telling us that there died of the pestilence not less than four thousand four hundred of the heavy-armed on the lists, and three hundred horse, he adds: “and of the rest of the multitude a num- ber not: to be ascertained.” Now this, I imagine, includes the one thousand and fifty who died of the plague at Potidza. Upon the whole, the mor- tality does not appear to have been so great as has been known at some other places. Thus Procopius relates, that, at Constantinople, there died each day [surely week], for three months, five, and, at length, ten, thousand persons ; and that many cities of the east were left vacant. The mortality at Mos- cow was enormous. At Paris forty thousand were carried off. At Florence, Boccaccio says, one hundred thousand died from March-to July. At Mar- seilles fifty thousand died out of seventy or eighty thousand. At London the total number is not known, but supposed to have been, at least, a hundred and fifty thousand; since, for several weeks, there died from seven to ten thousand. Most astonishing, too, is the long continuance of some plagues. Thus, of the one in the reign of Justinian, described by Procopius, Gibbon says: “Such was the universal corruption of the air, that it was not checked or alleviated by any difference of seasons.” “ In time (he adds) its first malignity was abated and dispersed; the disease alternately languished and revived; but it was not till the end of a cala- mitous period of fifty-two years, that mankind recovered their health, or the air resumed its pure and salubrious quality.” 10 Nay, they supposed, &c.| A passage, this, for true pathos and real sublimity, almost unparalleled. “They considered themselves as criminals condemned to death, expecting every hour the execution of the sentence. A similar metaphor is found in a fine passage of St. Paul, 2 Cor. 1, 9. “ But we had the sentence of death in ourselves, that we should not trust in our- selves,” &c. by which (as I have explained in my note, after Chrysostom) the Apostle means to say, that he was like one who lies under condemna- tion to death, over whom the execution, or sword of the law, is continually CHAP, LIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 495 upon them, they thought it right to snatch some enjoyment of life. LIV. Thus fearful was the calamity which had befallen the Athenians, and so grievously were they oppressed by it; within, their people swept away by disease; and without, their territory devastated. In this their misery they recalled to mind (as it was likely they would) the following [predictive] verse, which the older persons averred was uttered of yore: — *¢ A Doric war shall come, and with it plague.” There had been, indeed, a dispute raised on the point; some maintaining that it was not loimos that was pronounced by the antients, but Zzmos.2 At the present season, however, suspended. I have there also compared Philostr. Vit. ap. 7. 28. p. 305. fin. OoKéire por TpoaToKTWYVITEC abTode TOU KaTaPngLOSéVTOG AY DMV, we oleTSE, Savarov, which passage is evidently imitated from this of Thucydides. Even, however, with this judgment suspended over them, they were not brought to amendment of life, but eagerly snatched at a few fleeting plea- sures; and this, plainly, from disbelief in a future existence, and the dis- tribution of rewards and punishments. Indeed, the image of death, though promotive of the moral reformation of individuals, seldom affects nations ; when general, it only drives to despair. 1 A Doric war shall come, §c.| This verse, as the Scholiast observes, is formed on Hom. Il. a. 61. Ei 07) dpmod wédrende re Dapd Kai oyde "Axaode. And he rightly explains the ézove by IIlvSoyphorov, a Pythian oracle. Max. Tyr. Diss. 9. tom. 1, 166., with this passage in view, writes: izio piv row Awe aosboupéivov oud HALE Kai é« WeAorwovyyjoou wédEuoc. attributing the war to the wrath of Jupiter at the murder of Socrates. But the eloquent rhetorician is here (as often) guilty of carelessness and gross anachronism ; for Socrates survived the plague, and, as we have already seen, was sup- posed to have preserved his life by his temperance. The judgment, too, of calling in Jupiter, is of a similar kind with that of Boccaccio, who says: “ pervenne la mortifera pestilenza per operazion’ de corpori superiori, o per le nostre inique opere, da quista ira di Dio a nostra correzione mandata soprai mortali.”’ That writer ought to have reflected that the visitation was common to almost the whole world ; and we are not warranted in sup- posing the Divine wrath to have been so general. Nor, indeed, are we com- pelled to suppose wrath at all; since the chastisements of God are, as we learn from holy writ, often in mercy and love. See Prov. 3,11. 2 Not loimos, Sc.) The words were confounded, doubtless from the similarity of pronunciation arising from itacism. See Duker’s note. And, indeed, the two words seem of cognate sense, and common origin; the notion of wasting, pining, being common to both. They are frequently found united; and no wonder, famine being usually succeeded by pesti- lence. Of this I have given many examples, and indicated the fons locu- tionis, in my note on Matt. 24, 7. 4.26 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ~ BOOK Il. it was (and no wonder *) the prevalent opinion that Jozmos was the word; for men’s recollections conformed to what they were suffering. But, I suppose, if even another Doric war should hereafter befall, and a famine should happen to accom- pany it, they would recite the verse accordingly.’ ‘They bore, too, in mind, such as knew it, the oracle given to the Lacedze- monians, when, in answer to their inquiries of the god whe- ther they should go to war, he returned for answer that if they carried it on with alacrity and spirit, victory would be theirs, and he would, he said, himself be on their side.® As far, then, as respected the oracle, they regarded the events that had happened suitably thereto. Now the pestilence had commenced immediately upon the irruption of the Pelopon- nesians; and into Peloponnesus it never spread in any degree worth mentioning ’, but its ravages® were principally confined to Athens, though it also extended to such other towns as were the most populous. And thus much of the disease in question.? 3 And no wonder.] Literally, as was likely enough, as was natural and to be expected. So in 3, 2., and oioy eixdc in 5, 86. 7,65. It is wrongly ren- dered by Hobbes, deservedly ; and by Smith, “ with probability.” 4 Men’s recollections conformed, &c.] Literally, they made their reccl- lections conformable to, &c. Here may be compared 1, 143. zpdc dé rae Evupdopac kai yvopac TpETOMEVOUC. 5 Accordingly.] 1. e. “ pronounce it limos,’ which, indeed, was probably the true word; for, at the early period, when the oracle was pronounced, Athens had little commerce, and few or no foreign dependencies; and, therefore, it would be no great hazard, on the part of the oracle-monger, to pronounce that a Doric war (i. e. a war with the Peloponnesians) should arise, which would necessarily produce ravage to the territory of Attica, and, consequently, scarcity and famine. 6 If they carried it on with, &c.] On this oracle, and its true nature and import, see note on 1, 118., where it occurs somewhat more complete. From Thucydides’ manner of adverting to this oracular dict, it is plain that he put no faith in it, nor any thing of the sort. . ; 7 Worth mentioning.| Such is the sense of the idiomatical phrase, 6rt aéwy Kal eivreiv, from ignorance of which Smith renders, “a circumstance which cought to be mentioned.” He seems to have been partly deceived by the version of Portus; though the Scheliast might have preserved him from such an error. 8 Ravages.) ’Ezeveiwaro is a very expressive term, signifying, eat up, laid waste. It is chiefly used of fire ;'as Herod. 5, 101., Zosim. 5, 24, 11., and Herodian 1, 14, 6.; also Isaiah, 5, 24., Joel 2, 5. I know not of any other example of its being applied to pestilence. It occurs, in a metaphorical sense in Diod. Sic. t. 5, 55. r2yv davdérynra inwipessac riv Bioy rey avopa- awy. Pausan. 8, 2,2. kaxkia— érevipero yy waoay. 9 And thus much, §c.| Diog. Laert. 1, 110, relates, that the plague was ed by some religious ceremonies of the philosopher Epimenides, who ? CHAP. LVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 497 LV, The Peloponnesians, having devastated the champaign country, passed into what is called the territory of Paralus}, as far as Laurium *, where are the silver mines belonging to the Athenians. And first they ravaged this tract of land, which looks towards Peloponnesus, and after it, that which is opposite to Eubcea and Andros. But Pericles, who was then also their general, was still of the same opinion that he enter- tained in the former invasion, that the Athenians ought not to go out against them to battle. LVI. Now as they were in the champaign country, and had not yet entered into the Paralian (or maritime) district, he fitted out a fleet of one hundred ships to cruise on Pelo- ponnesus, and, when all things were ready, put to sea. He embarked on board the ships four thousand Athenian heavy- was, agreeably to a Pythian oracle, fetched by Nicias from Crete, in a trireme, for this very purpose. The mode in which this expiation was performed, is said to have been as follows : — He took some sheep, both white and black, and brought them to the hill of Areopagus, and from thence let them go whither they would; ordering those who followed, wherever each of these should lie down; there to sacrifice it to the god belonging to the place (for so I take the rq mpoonorre Oey). Pausanias, too, informs us that he purified both Athens and other cities. This even philosophers could not but acknowledge to have been a well- judged expedient, to quiet the apprehensions of the people, and place affairs, public and private, on their ordinary footing. From the information derived from Mr. Pepys’s very curious journal, we find, that in London, the usual routine of business was resumed far sooner than could have been expected ; though, unhappily, the penitence and vows of reformation, extorted by sickness and peril, were too easjly forgotten when returning health, and the confidence of security, revived dormant passions, and renewed ill-subdued habits. 1 Paralus.| ‘This was a tract of land which comprehended the narrow part of that sort of triangle which Attica presents, and of which the apex is the promontory of Sunium, It was so called because, in a manner, all maritime. 2 Laurium.| The silver mines at Laurium originally belonged to private persons, but were united to the public domain by Themistocles. A great number of slaves were employed in working them, and the produce paid amply for all the labour bestowed upon them. Whether the state was much enriched by them, is a question; the undertakers and proprietors of the slaves who wrought them, drew great wealth from them, as we are told by Xenophon, in his treatise of revenue. (Smith.) See more in Meurs. de Pop. Ath. and de Fort. Attic. c. 8. p. 560., 9. p. 613. Wheler, p. 448. ; and, above all, a dissertation on the mines of Laurium, in Walpole’s memoirs ; and, finally (as referred to by Poppo), Boechk. in Comm. Acad. Berolin. 1815. and in his treatise on the Athenian revenue, t. 1. p. 531. seqq. Laurium was properly the name of the mountain which contained the mine; dpo¢ being understood. It was opposite the small island of Patro- 4.28 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. armed, and three hundred cavalry, in horse-transports, then first fabricated out of the old gallies.! The Chians also, and Lesbians, joined in the expedition, with fifty ships. When this armament? of the Athenians set forth, it left the Pelopon- nesians then in Paralia. Proceeding then to Epidaur4s in Peloponnesus, they ravaged most of the territory, and making an attack on the town, were in hopes to have taken it, but the attempt proved unsuccessful.? Then weighing from Epidaurs, _theyravaged the territories of Troezene, Halize, and Hermione, all of them maritime places of Peloponnesus, and sacking them, they proceeded to Prasize*, a maritime town” of the clus, and not far from Sunium. It is, however, not properly marked as a town, in D’Anville and Butler’s maps. The name, Laurium, was probably derived from the abundance of laurel- trees which grew, or had grown, on it. 1 Out of the old gallies.}) Hobbes wrongly renders, “vessels then pur- posely made.” 2 This armament.) Literally, the armament itself. This, however, is so obscure, that all the translators render the pronoun as a demonstrative. But the reading, orparta arn, is found in all the MSS., and can only mean, “the armament itself ;°? which, indeed, may be very well understood, if taken of the Athenian fleet, as considered separately from that of the Chians and Lesbians, which, it should seem, joined the Athenian fleet on its way to Epidaurus. The word, orparid, or rather orpareia (armament), is used, because there was not only a naval, but a strong military force. For it should seem that the number was far more than four thousand three hundred, the light-armed, as usual, not being reckoned. 3 The attempt proved unsuccessful.| Smith renders, “but did not suc- ceed.” But this does not well represent the original, in which, at apoex- wonoe is to be supplied from the context % mpoobody, or » meipa, or Td moaypa, (as in Herod. 1,8.) or 7d édsiy from the preceding. So infra, c. 58. is supplied in a similar phrase 2) aipectc ripe woXEwe. + Prasie.| ‘This is once or twice in the Classics written in the singular; but, as it seems, by an error of the scribes. Pausan., and Steph., some- times write Brasie, which Wasse thinks a corruption. But it rather seems to represent the popwar pronunciation. The ratio appellationis may, I think, be discerned from Zonar. Lex., the Etym., Mag., and Etym. Gud. They inform us that Ipcaovai signifies square plots, or beds, in gardens, for the growth of deeks, from mpdooyv, a leek, Laconice, zparov and zparia, whence I would derive the Latin pratum, a meadow, from the regularity of its form, as being inclosed. So we have a plat of ground for a vineyard, in 2 Kings, 9, 26. Nor can I conceive a better derivation of the word plat (which has been much controverted by the etymologists) than the pac, or zpar, of the Greek. Its site, Pouqueville, 4. p. 173. (referred to by Poppo) says, is now occu- pied by the sea-port of St. Rhecontas, or Eleonitium (vulgarly called Lenidi), which signifies an olive ground, and, necessarily, a plat of ground in the above sense. There was-also a Prasia in Aftica, in a similar situation. 5 Maritime town.] Smith calls it a fort. But aédAtcwa has never that CHAP. LVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 499° Lacedzemonian territory, and both ravaged part of its territory, and took and sacked the city. This done, they returned home, but found the Peloponnesians no longer in Attica, but already departed. LVII. During such time as the Peloponnesians were in the Athenian territory, and the Athenians were occupied in their maritime expedition, the pestilence destroyed many both of those in the city and in the armament; insomuch that the Lacedzemonians had, through fear of the disorder (when they heard from the deserters that it was in the city, and, moreover, perceived them burying their dead), departed from the country sooner than they otherwise would. In that in- vasion, however, they continued the longest time they had ever yet done (for they were in Attica about forty days), and devastated the whole of the territory. LVIII. This same summer, Agnon son of Nicias, and Cleopompus son of Clinias, who were joint commanders with Pericles, taking the army which he had employed, imme- diately undertook an expedition against the Chalcideans of Thrace, and Potidaea, which was yet being besieged. On their arrival, they brought forth their battering machines against Potidaea, and endeavoured by every means to take the place; but their efforts proved ineffectual, nor was their suc- cess in other respects worthy of so great an armament; for, indeed, the pestilence seizing them there also, grievously afflicted the Athenians, and wasted their strength ; insomuch, that the troops first sent thither, and which had _ previously been in health, now began to be diseased from the infection brought by the army with Agnon.’ As for Phormio and his sense. The error seems to have originated in a misapprehension of the sense of éxdpSnoav, which Hobbes and Smith wrongly render razed, a sense which that word never bears. This unfortunate town was not only in the present instance, but twice afterwards in the Peloponnesian war, taken and sacked. See 6, 105. 7, 18. To which Aristoph. Pac. 241. seems to allude, when he exclaims: ‘Iw IIpaoiai rpicdSduat. 1 Diseased from the infection, §c.] This, in conjunction with what was said at c.54 and 57., plainly proves the disorder,(which there is little doubt was the plague) to have been infectious. 430 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. one thousand six hundred troops, they were no longer amongst the Chalcideans. So Agnon returned with the fleet to Athens, having, in about forty days, lost one thousand and fifty heavy- armed out of four thousand. But the soldiers who had been before stationed there, remained and continued the siege of Potidzea.? LIX. After this second invasion of the Peloponnesians, when the Athenians saw their country was thus again ravaged, and pestilence and war lay heavy on them, a total change took place in their minds, and they laid blame on Pericles *, as if by his persuasions ‘they had been led into the war, and had thereby fallen into these calamities. ‘They were inclined to concessions to the Lacedzemonians, and, indeed, sent some am- bassadors to them, though they returned without effecting any thing. Being thus utterly perplexed in mind °, they inveighed bitterly against Pericles. He, however, seeing them irritated at the present conjuncture of affairs, and acting in the very manner which he had himself expected, called an assembly (for he was yet general), intending to hearten and embolden them, and, by soothing the irritation of their feelings, reduce them to a calmer and less dispirited frame of mind; and coming forward, he addressed them thus : — LX.° ‘ Not unforeseen by me have been these ebullitions 2 The soldiers who had, §c.] It was a judicious measure to leave them, rather than station there any of the fresh troops; since they were seasoned to the country, and accustomed to the operations of a siege. 3 A total change took place in their minds.] So Dio Cass. p. 544, 22. Aor- ®3y, sententiam mutavit. ; + Laid blame, on Pericles.] iv airia ciyov. So 5,60 and 82. Dionys. Hal. 1, 491. and 548, 4. éy airia eixor rode Snucpyove. Herodian, 6, 7, 8. roy ASnvaioy eiyor éy atria. 5 Utterly perplexed in mind.] The phrase, zavraydSev dzopog Kastor. signifies to be encircled and hemmed in,with such difficulties on all sides (zavrayésev), as to be utterly at a loss to know which way to turn, or what course to take. Hence is illustrated an inimitably fine passage of St. Paul, 2 Cor. 2, 8. év ravri Sdbdpevor, GAN od orevoxwpobpevor’ amropot- pevot, AN odb« earropodpevor, Where see my note. 1 Dionys. Hal. p. 158., referred to by Wasse, regards the present oration as unworthy of the character of Pericles, and unsuitable to the occasion, which, he says, required a deprecatory, not a vehement and objurgatory speech. And Aristid. t. 3. p. 650 and 651. holds the very same language. CHAP. LX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 431 of your anger ®, the causes of which I clearly perceive — and for this purpose have I convened the present assembly, that I might admonish, nay, even reprove ® you, if in any respect you either unjustly harbour resentment against me, or causelessly sink under your misfortunes. I am, for my part, persuaded that a state which enjoys* public prosperity is more promo- tive of the welfare of private persons than one in prosperity, Pericles ought, he thinks, to have counselled them tarjpwur Stuwai— that he ought zapareioSa: — and to have spoken in some such way as the fol- lowing : “ Mijroe vopioare bre tym Ab6ywy Sevdrnra, 7) TO ELapyiic TOUS dpc Eretoa, 3) TEDL THY TapdyvTwY ako Sapp, &c.; but, on the contrary, that he speaks in a most vapouring and boastful manner, affirming himself to be the best orator among them, and that at the beginning of his speech.” - But these rhetoricians forget that Pericles was no common character, or to be tried by the ordinary rules; that he was enabled to speak with autho- rity, and always did so. The words of Thucyd. infra, c.65. show this : Kwretye TO TAHSOG ChevSipwe, Kal obK IyeTo padAov bz’ abrovd I) ddrd¢ iyye, Oud TO por) KT@pEvoc && od TeooHnKdYTwY THY Obvamiy wedge OOYHY Te éEyELY, AAN éywv én’ aéuoe Kal mpdg dpyhy Te avrereiy, And it is well observed by Gottleber : “ Haec oratio non justo majorem iracundiam spirat, sed Peri- clis personee convenit; deinde in tali tempore vir magnus et fortis non deprecatur, sed conscius recti, consilia sua fortiter defendit, non sine indig- natione et plebis reprehensione.” Not unforeseen, §c.] The orator here speaks “ with authority;” and commences with abruptness, for the speech is, together with that of Alci- biades, 1.6., among the few that begin with'a «ai, which may, perhaps, be rendered yes, or aye, q.d. “ aye, I expected,” &c. and in that of Alci- biades, “ Aye, and have a right,” &c. 2 Hbullitions of your anger.] 1 am, of course, aware of the idiom by which a substantive in the genitive is put with the article in the nominative, for the nominative of the substantive. So 7,49. 7arije guzeipeac. Nay, Matth. Gr. Gr. adduces from Plutarch Brut. 21.76 rije dpyiic. But it here seems better not to resort to that principle. As to the passage of Plutarch, the words are: bray wapacpdoy Kai papaySy rd Tig dpyic, where, as they are plainly imitated from Thucydides, I would for rd read ra. There, how- ever, the expression admits of the same interpretation as I have adopted in the present passage. 8 Reprove.| This is an example of what Thucydides says at c. 65. of Pericles: fywyv iw akwoet, cai mode dpyny, te avrereiy, So Liban. Orat, p- 202. eizeiv per’ éZovciac. Other similar phrases may be seen in my note on Matt. 7, 29. 4 A state which enjoys, §c.| A most pithy and, when properly under- stood, most important political maxim, and worthy of a true patriot. The thought has been imitated by Livy, 26,36. Respublica incolumis et privatas res facile salvas preestat, publica prodendo, tua nequidquam serves. This, however, seems to have been uttered to deaf ears. At least that may be said to be a generally true assertion, which has been well expressed by Herodian thus, 2, 3,21. éet rov pev Onuwoedoic Kai Kowy dwapéporvroc ddiyn Toic KaY Eva ppovTic. Td O& KAY abroy ExacToc, & p21) KATA YYWOMNY TO} xwpoin, obdéy TL MEya Wpersiora vomizet, 4:32 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. indeed, zndividually, but collectively? brought to ruin.’ Fora private person °, however prosperous be his condition, yet if the state be brought to destruction, cannot but share in its ruin; whereas one who falls into misfortune 9 in a flourishing country, has far greater opportunities of retrieving his affairs. Since, then, the state 1s able to bear up under the misfortunes of private persons 7°, while individuals cannot but sink under the calamities of the state-— what then? should not every one exert himself to succour it '’, and not (as you are now doing), struck with consternation at private calamities 12, abandon the care of the public welfare, and throw blame both on me, who 6 Collectively.] i.e. publicly, as a state. This use of a3pdoc, which is ele- gant, is found in 1,141. 7d cowdy a3pdov dSepduevov. Also Eurip. Androm. 481. codéy Tb TANS ESpooy dodevéotrepoy pavdorépac Hpévoc abrokparove. 7 Brought to ruin.| i.e. brought to the brink of ruin, into the road to ruin, by its public interests as a’state being abandoned. With this limit- ation and definition of sense the word requires to be taken, in order to avoid a seeming incongruity, which Hobbes seems to have felt by rendering opadd\opéevny “in decay,’ and Smith tofters ; both which methods, how- ever, are precarious and ineffectual. Conscious of the difficulty of the sentiment, the orator subjoins some explanatory matter. 8 For a private person, §c.| Here Goeller aptly compares Dio Cass. 1. 38, 36. which I had myself noted down. I subjoin the following imitation of the passage by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 170, 13. st piay ayyoipeSa marpioa, ac ev TE Kai YEipoy HPEpopévyc, TO éwtEadNOpEevoy pépoc EkacToc olosTat TiC TUXNC. I would also observe Solon 15, 26. otrw dnpdowry Kkaxdy %oxerat otkad éx- dotw Abdeioe © ér’ Eye ode eSedovor Sipat, WydOy 0 LEP eoKog brEPIopEV, ede Of TavTwe, Ei Ke Tic y pedywr, évy puy@, 7) Sahay. Democrit. ap. Stob. Serm. azopin Ebyn rice ékaorov xaderwréopn, ob yao wroXsimerat EXT éTI- kovoinc. See also Plutarch Camill. c. 4. and Herod. 1,50. Thucyd. 1, 124. Perhaps the orator had in view a very similar sentiment of Eurip. Philoct. frag. 12. the elegance of which is greatly deformed by an error that has escaped all the editors: UHdrpic cahec rpdooovea roy ebrvxovvr asi MeiZw ridnot, Ovorvxovvra 0 aoSéivyn. Read for dvorvyodvvra, dvorvyovca. Examples of oépeoSar (as here) for rpdccewy, with cadeg or Kaxée, Or jaoor, I shall adduce in my edition. 3 9 Falls into misfortune.| This is imitated by Synes. p. 235. C. edriyetc éy arvxovow tyw O& Ty TOE CUVATOXO. 10 Misfortunes of private persons.] rac diac Evupopac. ‘This is a very unusual sense of idtoc, which, however, is somewhat illustrated by the use of idia, opposed to dnpocia. See also Adschyl. Agam. 625. 11 Evert himself to succour it.] i.e, by making common cause with his country, regarding its welfare as indissolubly united with his own, and being ready to stand or fall with it, according to the old adage mentioned by Aristid. t. 2,351. A. @¢ dpa ypr) Kowa wav7’ sivat (be all in all) rote péhAovow we Kaduora mpdkey. 12 Struck with consternation, §c.] So Plutarch, éewemAnypivoc vrd rijg Evpdopac. Adschyl. Pers. 295, éeremAnypévn Kaoic. CHAP. LX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 433 counselled, and on yourselves, who, jointly with me, decreed the war. Nay, what is more '*, your anger is directed against me, who conceive myself ’* inferior to none of you, whether in knowing what is expedient to be done, or in expressing my conceptions in words '°; a lover, too, of my country, and su- 13 Nay, what is more.] Kairo: has here the sense, not of a@tque, and, as Portus and Hobbes render; nor what / as Smith, who converts the digni- fied resentment of the original into a mere dluster, by putting into the ora- tor’s mouth the words: “ What! I am then the man that must stand the storm of your anger!’’ Kairo. simply signifies guinetiam, on which sense see Hoog. de Part. p. 317. \+ Me, who conceive myself, §c.] The Aristarchus (or rather Zoilus) Anti-Thucydideus Dionys. Hal. here seizes the opportunity to launch the arrows of his censure at the great historian, for making Pericles praise himself ; which, he says, is a thing most odious and disgusting to the hearers. So Choricius Orat. Fun. in Procop. ap. Fab. Bibl. t. 8, 848, says, that the orator arrogates to himself every virtue. With which Aristid. 3, 650. chimes in, observing that his words are equivalent to: sipe tpav mavra apioTtog —Worrep Leve tig ‘Qunpude—rd (w Zev cai Oeoi, pyrépnua Kat orparnyov dvra. Such, however, is mere misrepresentation. The orator only claims to himself the qualifications of an accomplished orator, and the virtue of a disinterested patriot. And these even his enemies did not deny him. And though, as a general rule, self-praise is to be avoided, as vain and offensive ; yet this, like all general rules, admits of some exceptions ; and of these our orator was, perchance, a better judge than those who took upon themselves to be his criticisers. There are, surely, occasions when self-commendation for really existing qualities is allowable; namely, when it is necessary in the way of solemn testimony, or to promote the public good, or when it is wrung from us by gross injustice, envy, and ingra- titude.* On one or other of these grounds most of the self- praise which has drawn down such censure on the head of the great Roman orator may be justified. Nay, it may be defended by the example of one who was a more devoted benefactor to the human race than any one, except our Redeemer ; namely, the Apostle of the Gentiles. He, in his second Epistle to the Corinthians, c.12. as he degins the detail of his merits and endow- ments with the deprecatory softening dvexyioSe pov rife appootync, and we dbpova dé€ao8e pe, 80 ends with an apology for his boasting, accompanied with the reason for it; namely, ipete we jvayxdoare, “ you have compelled me to do it, by rendering it necessary ;” ‘ I have been constrained to do it for your good, in order to disabuse you of the prejudice you had in favour of false teachers; and, therefore, you ought surely to excuse me for boasting.” 5 Whether in knowing what, $c.) This is a sort of definition of a statesman and orator. It is strange that the commentators should not have been aware how much the passage has been imitated. Thus, Dio Cass. * So Livy, l. 23, 10. (Ego) nulli Campanorum secundus, vinctus ad mortem rapior. Solon ap. Diog. Laert. Sol. 49. Aéywy Tada, tvdpes "ASnvaio, Tov pev copeTtepos, Tay Se aydpeidrepos eit. See also Aristid. 3,65. Liban. ap. Villois An. 2, 52. Under such circumstances virtue frequently (to use the words of Mrs. Hannah More) “ grows proud, forgets its humble worth, and rates itself above its real value.” ee) Oe a Fr 434 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. perior to base lucre. For he who hath knowledge *° indeed, but cannot communicate it, is in the same condition as one’’ who never had the conceptions; and he who possesses both those qualities, but is ill-affected to the state, can never impart as salutary counsel as one who is well-affected ’*; and he who is so too, will yet, if a slave to corruption ’’, set every thing to sale to gratify one base passion. So that if, as sup- posing me to possess those qualities even in a tolerable degree, or more than other men, you were induced by me to under- take the war, it is not just that I should now bear the charge of having done you wrong.”° 616, 30. yyeva ra moochKkovra Kai eirety Pdora Obvacsa. Philostr. V. Soph. 1,19, 1. ot pare yyOvat ixavoi Mo~ay, phre tppnvetoa Ta yvwpissevra. Xe- noph. Mem. 1, 2, 52. rode eidérac ra déovra, kai éppnrveioa dvvapévove. See also Suid. in AnpooS. Finally, Horace Epist. 1, 4, 9. ‘* Quid voveat dulci nutricula majus alumno, Qui sapere et fari possit, que sentiat.” 16 For he who has knowledge, Sc.] A similar distribution of the qualifi- cations for a statesman is made by Arist. Rhet. p. 86., namely, into ¢p0- vynow, aperny, and esvoiay. Pericles has here in view the qualifications of a statesman and orator, the latter being, in the then state of Greece, ne- cessary to the former. See Cicero de Oratore, Procem. 17 As one who.]} Literally, “as if he;” for I have long been of opinion that kat ei wy, which is edited by Hack, Bekker, and Goeller, for e cai pu), is the true reading. Goeller justly observes that perinde ac si is the sense here required; whereas « cai will signify etst. “Ev iow is for towe, 1, e. épotwc. In vain does Gottleb. defend the common reading. The passage of Xenoph. Memor. 4, 1. adduced by him, is nothing to the purpose, since the «i there has no authority, and is rightly cancelled by the recent editors. There seems to have been an error, arising from a confusion of cai and xéc. The very same mode of correction ought to be applied to Dionys. Hal. Ant. p- 354, 7. The turn of expression, in the words following, is similar to that of Horat. Carm. 4, 9, 50. “ Paullum sepulta distat inertize Celata virtus.” One may also bring to mind Pope’s definition of wit, “ what oft was thought, but ne’er so well express’d.”’ 18 As salutary counsel, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense. Oiketwe is wrongly rendered by Portus, Smith, and Hobbes, as if for gAwoc. It does, indeed, occur in that sense at 6, 57., but it is not so suitable as apte, con- venienter, e re civitatis, a sense found in Xenophon, Polybius, Diod. Sic., and other authors. And such is here assigned by Valla, Acac., and Gail. Hack injudiciously combines both these senses. At dpoiwc subaud kai ei evvouc ay én. 19 A slave to corruption.] Or, “ if not proof against corruption.” So feschyl. Agam. 353. Képdeot vicwpévou. 0 If, as supposing me to possess, §c.] Such seems to be the true sense of the passage, in which pécwe is for perpiwe, mediocriter ; as Kurip. Here, Fur. 58. boric cai péiowe evvoug tuoi. And. 865. Menand. pécwe peSiwr, Athen. 91. E. péiowe rpddyior. But the most apposite illustration of the sense is in Kubulus ap. Athen. 63.D. Opporépor, i) Kpvepdrepor, i) péswe CHAP. LXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 435 LXI. “ Now as for! those who have a free choice of action, and in possession of all other objects of their reasonable wishes *, it were arrant folly in them to go to war; but if? they must, of necessity, either give way, and so at once be- come subject to their neighbours, or else must encounter hazards, in order to their preservation — why then he who declines the danger is more blamable than he who boldly Jaces it. I, for my part, continue the very same I was — my sentiments are unaltered.* | But you, how changed are you! éywy. Hence is confirmed and illustrated the common reading in Eurip. Frag. incert. 168. 0d yao dopadéc rive Tepatrépw 7d Kaddoc, }) péswe AabEiv. But to consider the whole passage, though its sense has been tolerably well represented by the translators, yet neither they nor the commentators seem to have understood the scope of the words, or the force of the argument, which seems to be this: “As I gave my best counsel, and you, from a persuasion of my competent judgment, followed it, I ought not to be accused of wronging you. My fault, if any, is only error of judgment (in which, however, you partake), and not intentional wrong.” The rot dducty is emphatic, as appears from the ye, saltem, which is rightly placed after the rod by Bekker and Goeller, from all the best MSS. 1 Now as for those, §c.] The scope of this passage is not well compre- hended by the translators and commentators. The orator, it should seem, intends now to enter upon a defence of the counsel he had given; and yap has here (as often) reference to a clause omitted; q. d.“I am not, how- ever, prepared to grant that the advice was bad, for,” &c. 2 In possession of all other, §c.| Namely, except that for the attain- ment of which a war is necessary. Such is, I conceive, the complete sense of this obscure, because too brief, sentence, ra a@Aa esruyovor, In which the rd d@Xa is very significant. Smith renders: “ Those, indeed, who are already in the fast possession of all the ends attainable by war, must make a foolish choice if they run to arms.” But this is neglecting the ra dda, and making the orator utter a truism, or, certainly, a very shallow observ- ation; for those who have already all the ends attainable by war, scarcely need be told that they ought not to go to war. Whereas the sense I have adopted is profound, and worthy of a great statesman. } 3 But if they, &c.] The iv is for dy jv. Hobbes wrongly changes the third into the first person plural, we. These words, together with the pre- ceding, form a sententia generalis, though intended, no doubt, to be espe- cially applied to this particular case. 4 J, for my part, &c.] The words, cai odx tiorapat, are exegetical of the preceding. At 6 adrdc must be understood ry yvepy, which is supplied at 3, 58. ‘The sense is: “I am the same person I was then,” not “ toujours méme,” as Gail renders. This absolute use of 6 airdg being wholly neglected by the commentators, the following examples may be accept- able: — Plutarch Arat. 31. over’ jv. 6 atrég. Furip. Phoen. 935. aij 60 ob« &Y abric éxveter. Theogn. Sent. 524. ob0e yao — ylyverat abrog ere This absolute use of éicrapycae is also deserving of notice, at which must be supplied either dy éxyveoa, with the Scholiast, or rot vod, or Tijc yywpijc. So Soph. Antig. 564, odd vote péver, GAN éiorarat and 1105. kapdiac O eiorapat. where capdiag is for yympyc, animi propositi. Soph. Antig. 1105. capoiag & tkicrapac TO dogv. Upon the whole, this seems to be an agonistic rF 2 436 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. and why? Because > when you followed my counsels, you were untouched by suffering; but now, when you feel the pinch of adversity, you change your views, and in the weak- ness of your own resolves, you question the rectitude of my counsel ©; and that because the attendant ills now occupy the feelings of each of you’, while the advantages thence resulting are as yet to all remote and unseen. ‘The reverse, too, which ° has befallen you, being both great and sudden, you possess not sufficient firmness of mind to persevere in your previous resolves.? For what is sudden and unexpected, and happens beyond all calculation, is enough to weigh down the mind and enslave the spirit.!° Now this has been your case, both in other matters, and especially in that of the pestilence. And yet highly does it behove you, who are citizens of a metaphor, which may be compared with our familiar idiom fo stir a peg. Such as some critics recognise in 1 Cor. 7,37. 6 0é Zornxey idpaiog. In my note, however, on that passage, I have proved that it is an architectural metaphor. 5 And why? Because.]| J have here supplied the ellipsis which, I con- ceive, exists in the original. 6 Inthe weakness of, &c.| I have here ventured to deviate from the in- terpretation of all the translators and commentators, who take rijc yyepne to mean mind or judgment. So, Smith: “ you measure the soundness of my advice by the weakness of your own judgments!’ But this would have been, indeed, a most vain-glorious and arrogant, nay, even insulting, speech, little in accordance with the refined way of insinuating censure, which we discover elsewhere in this accomplished orator. Besides, the subject here 1s resolution or perseverance, not judgment. I have, there- fore, adopted the sense resolves, a not unfrequent signification of yrywpn, on which see Dr. Blomfield on A’schyl. Agam. 1323. This, indeed, is placed beyond doubt by what just after follows: raze) iuay 7% dvdvoia éyKapre- péty, & Eyvwre. 7 The attendant ills now occupy, §c.] "Exe is for caréye. So Eurip. Hippol. 693. 76 yao daxvoy cov riy dutyvwow Kcparet. where the Scholiast explains : 7d yap Avrovy oe kparet. This use of 7d A\vzody occurs also in Soph. Antig. 14. rd Auz0by Yorepoy ydpay dye. Cone. 359. obd8 rodro pe Mévov ro AvToUY Eor, AN, K. 7. AK. Herodian 5,2, 14. 2, 3,18. 8 The reverse too, which, Se.) It is truly and beautifully observed by Eurip. Herc. Fur. 1262. cecdypévp 02 gwri paxapipy mére ai peraborat AuTNPOY. 9 To persevere in your resolves.}| Such is the sense of éycaprepsivy & éyvwre. So Xenoph. Hipp. 8, 22. duyyoovra & dv yveow iycaprepety. 10 For what is sudden, &c.| The passage is imitated by Dio Cass. Pp. 505, 32. bray yap Te arpoodoKATwe Tun Kai pEeTad TrEioTOU Tapahdyou TpOC- Téoy, TO TE Gpdynna Tarevot Kai Td oytlspevoy éxrAhooe. Procop. p. 123,10. This use of dovddw, to enslave, daunt, is elegant. So Eurip. Hippol. 426. dovrot yap dvdpa nav Spaciomdayxvoc 1, &c. There is also an elegance in the combinations of 76 aipviduy kai axpoodé«nroy, which is found also in Adschyl. P. V. 701. CHAP. LXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 437 powerful state, and trained up in manners and habits cor- respondent thereto’, to be prepared to endure the most trying afflictions’, and not obscure your reputation. For the world equally censures him who pusillanimously falls short of the glory already acquired, as it reprobates him who im- pudently arrogates to himself what is not his. Ceasing, then, to grieve over ’* your private losses, apply yourselves to pro- mote the common weal. LXII. “ As to the labours of the war, that they may be heavy, and yet not bring us nearer to success, let what I have said on other occasions, suffice to prove that to be an erroneous notion.’ There is, however, this one remark ” 11 Correspondent thereto.| Or, to match it. Such is the sense of day7t- WaAOle. 12 Endure the most trying afflictions.] It is truly and beautifully observed by Eurip. Here. Fur. 1352. raic Evppopaic yap Boric oby boiorarat; ob0 avopoe av Obvaro wrosrivat PBéoc. Which reminds one of Shakspeare, ** the arrows of outrageous fortune.” 13 Ceasing to grieve over.] i. e. becoming callous to. So the Latin dedo- lere. This is a rare sense in the classical writers, in whom it mostly signifies to despair. Valckn. on Herod. 9, 31, 1. we amexjdevoay M,, 1. e. cum lugere desierant, compares this force of ad in dzoroviw, aroxpaTaddu, aronviw, and arocrovddzev. I add the following passages: Theocr. Id. 1,138. ameravoaro. Heliod. 6. p. 271. awddynow. Plut. Cleom. 22. Aristid. 2, 356. and 371. This did afterwards take place, as we learn from 65, 4. oy zepi oixeia Exaoroc HAyEtL, aubdAdTEpoL HON OVTEC. 1 Let what I have said, §c.] This passage is by no means easy of inter- pretation. By Hobbes it is very darkly and inaccurately expressed ; and by Smith its sense is totally perverted. The commentators are silent. Now the difficulty centres in otk d603c¢ airoy bromrrevipevoy, where one should have expected the neuter, as suited to rovro, omitted. The participle is, however, made to agree with zévoy, because wzévor there signifies, “ the notion concerning the labour of the war.” As to izomrevdpevoy, it is strange the interpreters should not have seen that that is for szoromotpevor, 1. e. supposed. Indeed, we use the word, suspect, in this very sense. 2 There is, however, this one remark, §c.} The whole of this passage in the original is beset with difficulties, which, however, the commentators do not exert themselves to remove. The sense (which is clearly what J have assigned) is partly obscured by the involution of the clauses of the sentence, and the brevity of expression; and partly by a phrase or two being used in a somewhat unusual sense. Téde signifies this further. There is some substantive to be understood here and at éyoyre (though what, it is difficult to say), corresponding in the former case to our remark ; and, in the latter, to subject or topic. ’"EvSupn3jvat implies not merely thought, but meditation, and reflection. The words, izdpyov bpiv peyéSove epi tc Ti)v apxijv, may be literally rendered, “ respecting you, as touching your great- ness in respect to empire,” i. e. the greatness of your means, or capability Fr 3 438 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. - BOOK Il. which I would make, touching your means for the attainment of empire, which neither yourselves seem to have reflected on, nor have I mentioned in my former addresses; nor, indeed, should now have introduced a topic involving somewhat of boastful and arrogant claim, had I not perceived you unrea- sonably and causelessly alarmed. You think that your do- minion extends only as far as your own subject allies; but I affirm, that of the two parts into which the world is distri- buted for use (the land, and the sea), the one you are entirely masters of, as far as you have chosen to occupy it, and may be as much farther as you please to extend your sway. Nor is there any one, whether king or state, now existing, that can hinder you, with the naval force which you now send to sea.’ So that this power plainly depends not on* the occu- pation of your villas and estates (of which you think it much to be deprived), and therefore it is unreasonable for you so impatiently to bear their loss. You ought rather to set lightly by them, regarding them merely as the trim decorations ° and for empire. Thus, é¢ will denote object, end. At otre 2ys must be under- stood 2d7dwoa, from dy\wow. Finally, zpoomoinow is not well explained amayysXiay by the Scholiast, or rendered speciem by Portus and Gramm. It denotes vindicationem, claim. Smith bombastically renders it, “ pompous beyond poetic vision.” 3 Nor is there any one, §e.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of this per- plexed and involved sentence. The 77 imapyotcy mapaccev# must be taken with w\éoyrac, and ovy be supplied. By wapackevg rod vavricod is meant naval armament. By king, is chiefly meant the king of Persia; and by state, the republics of Carthage, Massilia, and those of Greece, Italy and Sicily. : + Depends not on.] Kara here denotes dependence, or correspondence. This whoije sentence, [ would observe, throws much light on a saying of Adschyl. ap. Aristoph. Ran. 1465. (6rayv vopiowar) répoy 68 rae vade, aropiayv O& TOY TOpOY. 5 Regarding them merely, §c.] In xirtoy vai tyrad\doreopa many antient and all modern, commentators think, there is an allusion to pleasure gar- dens surrounding Athens. And though they adduce no passage in proof or illustration, there is something to countenance this in the following. Liban. Orat. p. 797. C. Hdiwe oboe eso ov vpsig yewpyeire KataysdaoTwy Knriwr. Thus also, in enumerating items of revenue at Rome, Polybius, 1. 6, 17, 2. we find rordpor, wivwy, eyriwy, werd. So also Appian, 2, 374. Tp Ona O& noay évovairnwa ot Kijrow Cedopévor. And at Polyen. 4, 6,18. ri)» Kaovpévov BGXov aréxoucay od Tpdow THY TeryGv, Where I understand Boor of a plot of suburban ground, probably cultivated as garden ground. There may, however, be an allusion to those petty gardens which sometimes ap- pertained to even the houses in Athens, as I find from St. Byz, in v. yi}: Aéyerat Kai ynmedoy Td mpd¢ Toi¢ oiKotg év woAEL KHTLOY. These, it is pro- CHAP. LXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.39 embellishments of wealth and power ®, and to know that JSreedom (if we hold fast and preserve that) will easily recover such trifles’; whereas, in the case of those who crouch to others, whatever they may yet acquire is wont to be lessened. Let us, then, show ourselves not inferior, in either of these two respects °, to our forefathers, who by toil, and not by inheritance, acquired these possessions — having, moreover, bable, chiefly consisted of flower gardens, decked out with as much care as those at the suburban boxes of our London cits. There is, however, another explanation of the metaphor, which merits attention. Our Scholiast, and Adlius Dionys. ap. Eustath., take it of a particular mode of dressing the hair (so called from its resemblance to a trim garden), on which I would refer to Gesner on Lucian, t. 2, 528. fBlius explains cyz. by ca\A\wriopde edune. I suspect that such sometimes consisted of borrowed hair; and this seems to be alluded to in Menand. Hist. ap. Corp. H. Byz. 135. C. otre ry ’Avriyeiac ddwow, tykadAwOriopa Te Kai tykopuoy taut wepiTiSnow. This interpretation, I have little doubt, was generally maintained by the antients; ex. gr. Isidor. Epist. 1. 2, 201., who has evidently the present passage in view: r7jv piv Worep Sepédvoy Kat oixodopny eivat, THY Ot we éykaddOrtopa. Where the éyxad\Adriopa has refer- ence to the colophon or ornament at the top of an edifice. "Eyra\\wz. is a very rare word; and even the new edition of Steph. Thes. has only this passage of Thucydides. I have, however, found it elsewhere in Aristid. 2, 289. éyK. tyspoviac. and Procop. 355. and de Addif. 2, 6. 6 Wealth and power.| Such seems here the full sense of zAodrov, which word sometimes only denotes power or prosperity. Our wealth had origin- ally that signification, which is sometimes found in the Book of Common Prayer. 7 Freedom, §c.| It is finely observed by Pindar (whom, perhaps, the orator had in view), Isthm. 8, 50. Iara 0 ore Booroic Sdby y’ érevSepia cat ra, i. e. ra Tapévra. where see the Scholiast. 8 Whatever they may, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of this pas- sage, which has been very much mistaken by the moderns, and (as appears by the var. lect.) net a little perplexed the antients. The older translators take it to mean “ the remainder of what they possess.”” ‘The recent com- mentators generally read zpoecrnpéva, and render ante parata. And, indeed, this latter sense is greatly preferable. But,the antithesis is thus weakened ; and as to the reading, it is of little or no authority. Smith evades the difficulty by rendering, “ all that we possess.” What Gail means by, “ les accessoires de la liberté,” I am ata losstoimagine. After all, the common reading must be retained; and, if the sense which I have assigned to the words be adopted, there will be no difficulty, the sense being apt, and the antithesis complete. Ifpdc here, as often, is for zpdcert, in addition to ; q. d. “ all the gains they may in future add will be lessened, so that there be no hope of retrieving the losses of war.” 9 In either of these respects.| Namely, those which follow, i. e. in retaining, preserving, and handing them down. Goeller aptly compares Sallust B. c. 51. “ Profecto virtus atque sapientia major in illis fuit, qui ex parvis opibus tantum imperium fecerunt, quam in nobis, qui ea bene parta vix retinemus.” FF 4 4 AO ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. retained and handed them down to us. Consider. how ?9 much more disgraceful it is to be deprived of what we already pos- sess, than to fail in acquiring it; and go forth to encounter your foes not with spirit only, but with disdain *' ; for boastful alertness, which arises from lucky ignorance, may have place even in the bosom of a coward: but this dignified disdain is found only in him who’? (as in our case) may feel confident that he is superior to his enemy, even in counsel as well as combat; for prudence, when thus high-souled (even supposing fortune equal), generates a courage more to be relied on; since we thus trust less to hope (whose power is chiefly con- versant. with straits and difficulties) than to judgment and counsel, from a consideration of existing circumstances, of which the forecast is surer.!° 10 Consider how, &c.] I have been here compelled to break up the long sentence commencing at #ore, and ending at carappovypare; for though, from the brevity and terseness of the Greek, it may be endured in the original, such would, in a modern language, be intolerable. 1! Go forth to encounter, &c.] Such is, plainly, the sense of the words, of which, however, the point and spirit are not to be expressed in any version. Goeller notices an imitation of this parisoma in Charit. p. 158. and Procop. B. G. 1,19. To which I add Xenoph. Anab. 3, 2. dpovjpare isvar éx’ abrodc. Dionys. Hal. Ant. 165, 20. adN ire oby roddy Karagpoyyost éx’ abrove, and 3511, 11. ody roddAy Karappovyce xwpety éxi opac. Procop. p. 123, 27. 145, 43. 328, 12. 367, 12. 12 But this dignified disdain, §c.| Such seems to be the true sense of this passage, in which the commentators have failed to perceive that éyyiyverac is to be repeated from the preceding. The construction is: Karappoynote O& (tyyiyverat) éxeivy bc, &c. The whole of the portion from éévat to zpévoa is pronounced by Dionys. Hal. to be “ Heracliti tenebris obscuriorem.” With what reason we shall see. 13 For prudence, when thus, &c.| There are few passages in our author more difficult than the present; but the sense I have expressed is what, after repeated examination, I am persuaded is the true one; and I am gratified to find my interpretation supported by the opinion of the learned Krueger. The earlier commentators greatly wander from the sense; and even Goeller (after Reiske) does not scruple to take é« rot bzepppdvec for did TO Hpovhnoae UrEepéxey Tov érépov, than which nothing can be more uncritical. Such a sense is not inherent in the word. It can only have that of iyAd¢pwy, (as it is explained by Hesych.) like zepidowy in Atschyl. Ag. 1400. and peyaddpporv. The word occurs in Soph. Aj 1236. and others referred -to in Steph. Thes., but never in the signification proposed by Goeller. Thucydides, too, often uses izepdpoveiv, but nowhere in such a sense. ’Ex rou izepppdvoc is to be taken as a phrase for an adjective. And so (doubtless from this passage) Dio Cass. p. 28, 86. p. 447, 75. At amd rij¢ dpoiac rbyne, in pari fortund, must be understood éppwpévy. The turn of the phrase is similar to that of ad rod épuotov. Of re ty rp ardpy toxv¢ the best commentary is 1, 5, 103. and 5, 111, GAN ipaey ra CHAP. LXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 441 LXIII. “ That dignity, too, accruing to the state from dominion (of which you all are proud), it is right that you should sustain, and either not decline the ¢oz/s of empire, or not affect the honours attached to them.’ Reflect, too, that you are not contending with the alternative alone of liberty or servitude, but that you risk not merely a deprivation of dominion, but also the danger of their revenge whose odium you have, in the exercise of rule, incurred; a dominion, let me add, which it is no longer in your power to decline’, even pev toxupdrara éhrilopmeva pédrerat. I would thus paraphrase : ka Hope most predominates in difficulties; for, in proportion as men are less sup- ported by reason and prudence, so they place reliance on hope and uncer- tain events, as drowning men catch at twigs;” i.e. in straits, when men are destitute of all other help, they try the power of hope. ’Azé réy jTapxovrwy, existing circumstances, things present, at hand, and certain, in opposition to the dependence of hope, which is exercised on things absent, remote, and uncertain. , I must not omit to observe that £éveoue here denotes not only prudence, but intelligence, knowledge, and skill. And on the remark, that “ this makes courage surer of its object,” the best commentary may be found in the fol- lowing passages : 2, 89. rq O& Exdrepot Te éurrerpdsrepor eivat, Spacbrepoi écpev. and 6, 72. rijy O& ebbuxiayv, abrijy iavTitc, werd Tov Tiorov Tij¢ émiorHune, Yapoadewripay Eceorat. \ Hither not decline, &c.] It is strange that the commentators should not have noticed one of the many passages imitated from the present; ex. gr. Isid. Ep. 5, 553. jun) pevyeiv rove mévouc, adda Tiy ebceay diwxe. J. Chrys, 1, 19, 3. un Tedc Tov Tovoy BrAETWMEY THC ApETIC, AAAG THY pETA THY TEVuY apotbyjy oyZopévor. Xenoph. Mem. 2, 1, 5. yur) dedbyew rode wévovc. Hist. 2, 4, 9. dei ody dpac dorep Kai TIndy pEdékere, OUTW Kai TOY KIVdUYwWY pET- éyev. Sallust.Jug. p. 93. “ Nee—illi falsi sunt, qui diversissimas res pariter expectant, ignavize voluptatem, et preemia virtutis.’’ The following noble passages of Pindar are also much to the purpose. Olymp. 2, 5, 34. Aiei 07, dup aperaior, wévog dara- id A va TE papvarat TPG "Epyov, kK. T. As, and Nem. 9. 104. “Ex zévwy 0, of oby vedrare yivwvrar Ldy re dika, TedéSer Iipdc yijpac aiwy auépa. Some of these passages were probably in the mind of Milton, in those matchless verses of his Lycidas: ** Fame is the spur that the clear spirit doth raise (That last infirmity of noble mind) To scorn delights, and live laborious days ; But the fair guerdon when we hope to find, And think to burst out into sudden blaze, Comes the blind Fury with th’ abhorred shears, And slits the thin-spun life. But not the praise.” ‘2 Decline.| Or give up. The phrase éxorijyat rij¢ adpyxiic occurs often in Dio Cass. So also Dionys. Hal. 175, 26. Demosth. ap. Steph. Thes. ixo. axdvrwyv. Philostr. éko. rod oreddvou éripw. This passage, too, is illustrated by Aristid. 5, 118. 4492 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. if any of you at present, through fear and a fondness for quiet, would by this affect the good sort of man,’ For in the nature of a tyranny you hold what* to have asswmed may seem un- just, but to relinquish were perilous.” Such persons would very soon bring ruin on a state®, if they could persuade 3 If any of you at present, &c.] Such seems to be the meaning of this sentence, the difficulty of which may be imagined from the variety of inter- pretations, some of which require the insertion of the negative dv. The perplexity is chiefly caused by the words r6de and dvdpayasigerat, of which the force of the former will depend upon the verb to which it is referred. Most commentators take it with dedwe; which is the most natural con- struction. Thus it will have reference to dznhySeoSe, or rather kwdivor, &c. So most commentators from mil. Portus to Abresch. But thus the sense is forced, and yet feeble. I prefer, with Fred. Portus, Hudson, Gottleb., Hack, and Goeller, to refer it to éxorjvat rij¢ dpxie, taking it after dvdpayaSiZera, on which, however, it is not really dependent, but (as Bauer alone saw) upon card understood. It is for éy rmde; and Thu- cydides would probably have so written, but for the év 7@ mapdéyre which immediately follows. Thus dedue will be taken absolutely in the sense pretimens; or it may refer to xivddvor, &c. "AvdpayasizecSat here signifies “ to act the good easy man,” to affect pro- bity and equity. “Azpaypootry (sub. éwi) signifies pre tranquillitate, oti studio. So also in a kindred passage at 3, 40. i) wavecSau rijc dpyijc Kai éx Tov dkwobvov dvdpayasigeoSa, where the Scholiast well explains it dorety dyaviay. The word is used in the very sense of the present passage at Procop. p.29. and 114. Smith’s version of this passage has scarcely a vestige of truth. ; As to the persons here designated, I suspect those to have been a certain party (headed, perhaps, by Nicias), which always opposed a daring and am- bitious policy, and recommended the quiet course of safety with probity. 4 For in the nature of a tyranny, §c.] This is imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant.355,46. Kai wemomxéree Tupavvida Thy apxyny. and 599, 50. davepic H0n Tvpavvida mepibebdAnpévor THY apxyhy. Mitford wrongly paraphrases : “The Athenian government is a tyranny in the hands of the people.” Tyranny is a term very appropriate to that domineering rule which Athens held over the subject allies. 5 To relinquish were perilous.| Thus Diog. Laert. 1,97. says, that Peri- ander being once asked dud re ruparvei, answered, bret 7d tZovciwy amoorivat Kal TO ddaipEedijvat kivovvoy pepe. 6 Such persons would, §c.| IT have here deviated from all former inter- preters, as considering the sense to have been more or less misconceived by all. Hobbes renders: “ and such men as these, if they could persuade others to it, or lived in a free city by themselves, would quickly overthrow it.’ But this is perhaps more difficult than the original, where, indeed, there is nothing corresponding to i. ‘There is, too, something incon- gruous in the next clause, “ or lived in a free city by themselves.” Besides, ci rou abrévopot oikhjoevay cannot have such a meaning. Still farther do Heilman and Gail wander from the sense. Goeller pronounces the inter- pretation of Hack unintelligible; and after remarking, “ Qui ad socios, cum verbum oicjceay non possit aliud subjectum habere, nisi ot axpaypovec, tum qui persuadent, tum quibus persuadetur, i. e. wéduc drpdypwv. Quare si ex vulgata érépove re respondet illis: kai ei wov, &c., qui illis érépouc CHAP. LXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 443 others, or lived by themselves in political independence (as a free people). Indeed, inactive quietude cannot preserve its tranquillity unless it be conjoined with bustling activity 7; nor does that principle befit a dominant, but a subject state, and that for quietness of servitude.® opponantur, non liquet.” He concludes by altering re into wore; and gives the following version: “ Ejusmodi homines, si ceteris quoque ali- quando persuaderent, civitatem protinus perderent, etiam tum, si per se soli tuis legibus yiverent.’” But this appears to be less intelligible than Hack’s interpretation ; and to me it seems that Goeller has corrupted the fountain of interpretation by making the alteration he has done, for which there is no authority ; for the two MSS. he mentions refer not to this re, but to the one a little before. The sense, indeed, is not easy to be determined. The only difficulty, however, is in st wov—oikyjceay, and here all the commentators fail us. The words can, I conceive, only mean “ or if they should go and settle apart from their country, and live in independence, governing themselves by their own rules,” namely, as colonies planted in independence on their mother-country. Certainly ézi o¢éy abréy signifies apart, by themselves. So Valckn. on Herod. 8, 52, 4. wédw Kemévny én’ éwurie (for so he would read) remarks, that in this sense a city might properly be said é7 EwuTie eivat, or KeioSat, or oikeioSa, referring to the present passage. Thus, also a thing is said to be éz’ éavrod: and so 9, 37. tiyoy én’ éwuTey pavTw. The sense, then, of ézi of@y airy being fixed, determines that of adrévopoe OlKoOELaY, As to the construction, it is well laid down by Hack thus: wéAuw azodé- cEay, WEeioavTEc ETEPOUC TE, Kai & TOU—avTovomoL OikycEay. according to which the sense will be what I have assigned in the text. I have, however, sometimes thought that for re should be read ye, and that at et zov— oiki- sevav should be supplied, not wéAw arodjceaay, but oda¢g abrode az. in the following sense :— “ Nay, if they lived any where as a separate free state, on themselves.” Thus, there will arise a more pointed antithetical sense ; and the subaudition, though somewhat irregular, is quite Thucydidean. 7 Inactive quietude cannot, §c.] The commentators notice an imitation of this passage in Dio Cass. 1. 38, 16. ‘To which I add, Procop. 108, 23. 76 yap avopsioy odk dy vuewn, wy psTa TOU Oucaiov rarrépevoyv. Agath. p. 1354. ro 0: drpaypov ody TH aoparsi avYehécSa. Truly is it observed by Alci- phron, Hpist. 1.3, 29. woh\a éx rij¢ arpaypootyng pverat Tpaywara. ; Td dpacrnpoy (activity) is used by Joseph. 1108, 1189, 1105. Philostr. 493. and 864. The phrase may have been formed on the 76 dpdomoyr of ZEschyl. Theb. 550. Td d&zpaypoy is very rare; nor have I met with it any where but in Joseph. p. 600. ult. On this subject see the ingenious dissertation of Max. Tyr. on the pre- ference of the theoretical to the practical life. 8 And that for quietness of servitude.| 1 cannot agree with those inter- preters who make dopadsc dovAevew the nominative to Evupépe; for thus a most absurd sense will arise, dovAedery being inconsistent with dpyotoy; not to say that thus the article would be required. The real nominative seems to be ro) dxpaypoy. And the infinitive (in dovAséewy) expresses, by a subaudition of sic or mpdc, purpose and end. Goeller has rightly rendered: “ ut'non vexatam servitutem agat ;” and he, with reason, adopts the explanation of dopadéc given by the Schol. on 4,61., eipyvaing, érirndeing, axwdbvec. This 4.4.4, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II, LXIV. “ Be not you then seduced by such sort of citizens, nor bear animosity towards me (conjointly with whom you ‘decreed the war!), if the enemy ath even come, and done what it was likely he would do, on your refusal to submit ; and because, beyond our expectation, this pestilence hath be- fallen us —the only circumstance”, indeed, that hath hap- pened unlooked for; and yet to which, I know, I owe some portion of your resentment towards me — but most unjustly, unless, too, when you chance to attain any unlooked-for prosperity, you likewise ascribe it to me.? Evils which are * This, it may be observed, was ever the principle acted upon at Athens, to which the words of Euripides are very apposite. Suppl. 524. éy yap roi¢ révoow avierat. ai © Hovxot oxoreva rodocovoa TbAELG VKorerva Kai Bdé- wovow evabotbpevat. 1 Conjointly with whom, &c.| He reverts to the argument used at the commencement of the oration; namely, that they had participated in de- creeing the measure, and therefore he ought not to bear the blame, who only proposed it. 2 Circumstance.|_ Updadyna. So Herodian, 3,6, 4. Baowrkiace Kowvwrvia, moayparoc, &c. With xpeicooy tdwidoc. Matth. compares Adschyl. Ag. 276. xapma peéiZoyv édrridoc. I would observe that émcyeyévnrat has been rightly edited by Gottleb. and others; since éavyiyvesSa, is far more sig- nificant than yiyveoSa, and is used, like our defall, chiefly of evils. 3 Unless, too, §c.:] ’AvarSévat, in this sense, signifies to put to any one’s account. In many of the passages, where it occurs, airiay is to be under- stood, which is supplied by Isocr., Appian, and Polybius. But, to pass from words to things, the following citations point at a similar act of injustice, which has been committed towards rulers and governors. Aaschyl. Theb. 4. Ei piv yap eb modzamer, airia O; those in- flicted by our enemies, courageously. Such has been here- tofore the prevailing custom of this country.° Let it not, then, be interrupted in you; knowing the height of reputation to which our state has attained among nations, by never bending under calamities, and that by infinite sacrifices of blood and toil, it hath obtained a power the greatest hitherto known, of which an ever-during remembrance, even though we should hereafter succumb (for all human things are formed by nature to decay 7), will survive to the latest posterity — the glory of having, as Grecians ®, exercised dominion over most Grecians; of having maintained the most formidable contests against them, both singly and collectively; and of having in- habited the largest and wealthiest 9 city of Greece. Now all on that passage aptly cites the Terentian ‘ quod fors feret, feremus animo zequo.”’ > Necessarily.] i. e. as unavoidable, and therefore necessary to be borne. - Goeller compares a similar use of the adverb in dzriorwe at 1, 21. ’AvayKaioc and dvaykcaiwe are used of what happens, as it were, by a decree of nature; as when the antients said dvaycaiwe 7d wip Seppoy tort Kai TH yada Aevedy. 6 Usage of this country.] The passage has been imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. 659, 33. ty ea hv rp woke. and 677, 32. 7 For all human things are, §c.] It is strange that the commentators should have noted none of the many imitations of this passage in the clas- sical writers; as Procop. p. 293,16. ra yap avSpe7ea Kai opaddecSae Sip- mavra méguce. Pausan. 4,29,5. wéiguce O& dpa we imimay perarintey ra avSpwrwa, Appian, 1,495,45. cai curvilwy bre cai wéoNewc Kai evn Kai apxac amdoag Ost perabadrkiv, worep avSpwrovc, daiwova. —Theodectes ap. Stob. 52. p.159. déav7’ tv avSpwro.or ynpaokeiv éov. Sallust, p.159. “ Quo- niam orta omnia intereunt, qua tempestate urbi Romane fatum excidii adventaret.” Vell. Pat.1.2,11. “ Ut appareat, quaemadmodum urbium impe- riorumque, ita gentium, nunc florere fortunam, nunc senescere, nunc inte- rire.” Ilépuxe signifies natura comparatum est. Thus it sometimes means “ what we are fated to do.” Hence is illustrated Eurip. Phoen. 930. dzrep méguKe, Tavta KgvayKcn oe Opgy. where the commentators causelessly resort to conjecture. 8 The glory of having, as Grecians, Sc.) This is not well rendered by Portus, Hobbes, and Smith. The words ‘EAjvwy"EAnvec are, as it were, limitative and exegetical (like érepor érépwy a little before), i.e. “ we have ruled the greatest number, as Greeks over Greeks ;” confining the compa- rison to Greeks, for in the great empires of Persia, Egypt, &c. others had ruled over far more. But, it may be asked, did the Athenians rule over most Greeks? The verb is expressed in the past tense; and the words have, I think, reference to that period when the Athenians had attained their greatest power and extent of dominion, about twenty-seven years before, at which time such might be very true, reckoning the Greeks of the colonies. 9 Wealthiest.| Literally, “ best provided with all things.” So 2, 39. - drrevcépyerar— ix maong yg Ta TayTa, 4.46 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. this the inactive, indeed, may condemn; but those who aim at achieving any thing considerable will emulate, and such as attain not their object will envy *°; for to be hated and ma- liened for the time present, has ever been the fate of all such as have aimed at rising above their fellows.’* He, however, who encounters envy on weighty grounds, wisely counsels.” For not very lasting’ is the hatred, and it leaves behind present renown, and hereafter an ever-during celebrity. Do you, then, forecasting for the future, to attain glory’*, and providing for the present, to avoid disgrace, strive now, by your courage and alacrity, to attain both those objects. Send 10 Now all this, &c.] Here, the Scholiast says, are adduced three evi- dences of the things in question. But, in fact, theré are but ¢wo such evidences, or rather classes of persons adverted to, the azpaypovec and the dpacrnpuot, as before. The latter, however, are distributed into two parts: those who attain their object, and those who fail. By zc is meant re péya or doy. So Aristoph. Ran. 568. aX éxpiyy re dpgyv. and 1,142. doy re dpwer. 11 Jo be hated and maligned, §c.] So Eurip. Pull. 10. sic ra ’rionpa 0 0 p3ovoc wynday girei. Pind. Pyth. 11,45. toyer re yap ddboc ob peiova PIdvov, The best commentary on this passage is the kindred one at 6,16. Oida 8, rove TowbTouc, Kai Voor Ev TLvOG AapTpdTHTL TeOscyoY, iv péev TH Kat abTode Bip Avnpode byTAaC, ToIig Opoiotg piv padLoTa, ~ErETa Of, Kai TOIg adXotG Evvovrac. 12 He, however, who, &c.] This passage is adverted to by Plut. de Amic. p-75.A. Perhaps the orator had in mind Eurip. Pheen. frag. 2. ¢Sévor ob sébwy gSoveicdar Ot éYedouw’ ei peyioroic. So we have a saying, that “ it is better to be envied than pitied.” Hence is illustrated /Mschyl. Agam. 912. 0 0 adSévnrog y’ ob éemigndroc wide. and Pind. Pyth. 1,162. “Acréy 0 axoa Kpvouy Supov Bapiver wadrior’ écdoiow ix’ addorpiow. "ANN Gwe, Kpscowy yap oKrippey ¢Sdvoc, Mx mapiec cada. where the Scholiast adduces this very saying. 13. Not very lasting.) By this is not meant, that it is of no long continu- ance in the individuals in question, for such it almost always is; but only that it does not continue long, i. e. longer than the dife of the person maligned; the next generation will feel nought but admiration, and even those who hated, will, after death, feel other sentiments. Thus, Horace Kpist. 2, 1. init. after remarking that the great benefactors of the human race “ ploravere suis non respondere favorem Speratum meritis,” says of Hercules: ‘‘ Comperit invidiam supremo jine domari; Urit enim fulgore suo qui preegravat artes Infra se positas: exstinctus amabitur idem.” Plu- tarch seems to have had this passage of Thucydides in view, Num. 6, 22. Tov provov Toddy ypdvoy ob« éEmiZHVTOC, éviwy Kai TpoaToSavortee, “ has died even before the death of the object.”” And Thucydides himself seems to have reference to the present passage at 2, 45., suggesting the reason by Td pn terodwy avavtaywvioty Ebvoia TEeTipTat. \'4 Forecasting for the future, §c.] Literally, forecasting what is honour- able for the future, and not dishonourable for the present. Llpoyvdvreg involves an idea of action as well as counsel and contrivance. CHAP. LXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.4.7 no more crouching embassies to the Lacedamonians, nor thus betray your impatience under present afflictions }>; for those who in calamity least bend under troubles, and most courageously bear up against them, sech, whether states or pri- vate individuals, are the most illustrious and the best.” LXV. By such an address did Pericles endeavour to ap- pease the anger’ which the Athenians had conceived against him, and withdraw their mind from the contemplation of pre- sent evils. But though in public they were swayed by his representations, and both forbore any longer to send embassies to the Lacedzemonians, and engaged in the war more heartily than before, yet in private they grieved over their calamities ; the common people, because, with lesser means and resources”, they were deprived even of those; the great, as having lost fair possessions in the country, with buildings sumptuously fitted up °; and, what was most of all, having war instead of peace.* Nor did they?’ either of them cease from their anger 15 Nor thus betray your, §c.] ”“Evdndog is a very significant term in this context. So Dio Cass. p. 17, 59. od« évdndoc hy. Joseph. 1304. otrwe évdnroe Hv ob« av *edHoac, &c.. So also Arrian, Aristoph., Sophocles, and Procopius; also Agath. p.15. édndot joay obdéy Tt waXov évdwssiovrec. 1 Appease the anger.| ’Opyij¢ wapadueiy is a very rare phrase, which I have met with no where else, except in Dio Cass. 17, 47. 77, 25. rijc épyii¢ o~ac mapédvoe. It seems to be a blending of two phrases, wapadvew dpyiy, and Kcararavew rijce doyije. 2 With lesser means and resources.| 1. e. lesser than the rich and powerful just afterwards mentioned. ’Opyoevoe cannot well be expressed in En- glish. Hobbes renders it, “ entering upon the war.’ But there rather seems to be an idiomatical sense, by which the term signifies “ ¢o trust to, depend upon, to set out with for use, have an outfit.” Thus at 1,141. od« ard Toomvee Sppmwpevor, ANAA Ta VTapNoVTa EkhuToyTEC. 3 Buildings sumptuously fitted up.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of oixodopiag re Kai ToAVTédECL KaTacKevaic, Where there is an hendiadys. The - translators (for as to the commentators they do not notice the word) take Karaokevaic to mean furniture. But that was not lost, having been removed before the enemy came up. See supra, 14. The term seems to denote the fitting-up of a house, both internal and external, here and at 2,16. core Karedyoorec TAC KaTaoKEevac pera Ta Mnoduca. 4 War instead of peace.] By which, namely, all present hope was cut off of retrieving their losses. 5 Nor did they.] The sense of od pévrou ye has not been discerned by the translators. It is “ xon—profecto, no—nor ; which has more force than -the simple negative. The od« éxaicayro we may compare with our idiom, “ not to rest until one has done any thing;” for the words éy dpyq éyovrec abroy have no particular force, and are therefore omitted in a citation of the passage by a grammarian ap. Bekker Anecd. 1, 164. 448 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. until they had fined him® in a sum of money. Not long afterwards, however, with the accustomed levity of the multi- tude, they elected him their commander-in-chief’, and com- mitted the whole of the state to his guidance and authority ; being now become less keenly alive to the private losses each had mourned, and judging, that in respect of the interests of the community at large, he was most highly to be prized. And this was the case; for so long as he guided the affairs of the state, and the peace continued °, he governed with modera- tion 9, and was a careful guardian of its security'°: under him 6 Fined him.] Aristides, 3,101. ascribes this fining to the judges, who formed but a small part of the citizens. To the people at large he ascribes his speedy restoration in office. That, however, seems inconsistent with the words of Thucydides, especially wep pret Opidog worety ; for there he plainly alludes to the /evitas popularis aure. That clause has been imitated by Joseph. 849, 33. Appian, 1,348. Procop. 41. and 104. The fine imposed, we learn from Diodorus, was eighty talents; though, as Others say, less. Plutarch says that in his time none made it exceed fifty talents, and some brought it down to fifteen. 7 Commander-in-chief.| We have no word that exactly corresponds to this sense of orparnydc, by which, like the Doge in the Venetian and Ge- noese constitution, was denoted one invested with the supreme authority, whether civil or military, and which Mitford expresses by commander-in- chief and prime minister. In general, this authority was not independent, but required the concurrence of a board, or council. Sometimes, how- ever, this chief magistrate had assigned to him authority unlimited; and then he was said to be aéroxpadrwp. On which Goeller refers to Pausa- nias, 4,15,2. Xen. Hist. 1, 4,20. and Schoenmann de Comit. Athen. p. 514. 8 And the peace continued | "Ey sivhvy would seem to be a brief expres- sion, equivalent to “ during the period it was at peace.” And so all trans- lators seem to have taken it. But such was manifestly not the case. Pericles had had opportunity for showing his abilities for war as well as peace. Joseph. p. 603, 3. appears to have joined éy rj eionyy with duedirater. See Isaiah, 26,3. But that would be doing violence to the construction, and be equally irreconcilable with facts. It should seem that é» rj eiohry (in which the article exerts its force), as opposed to 6 7éXgftoe just after, must signify the peace, namely, which had subsisted from the reduction of Eubcea and the thirty years’ truce, to the present war. 9 Governed with moderation, and, &c.]| This passage is imitated by Procop. 151,11. perpiwe re tEnysiro, cai Akiny dogaroe dudvdacce. and 166, 56. dopadbic 7ijv xopay dueddhage. At 2&ny. may be understood zpay- parwy, which is supplied by Dio Cass. 856,39. perping tEnyeioSas rév pay- PaTwY. 10 Was a careful guardian of, §c.] Hobbes renders, “ was a faithful guardian of it.” Smith, “ he was vigilant and active for the good of the community.” That may be true, but is not the truth. By dodadréc den gbraéev, Thucydides seems to ascribe to Pericles a cautious policy (such, indeed, as appears throughout his whole conduct of affairs), according to the maxim of Eurip. Pheen. 608. dopadije yap tor’ aptivwy, i) Spacde oTpas rnrarnc. On this sense of dod. see more in the note on 1, 69. CHAP. LXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. AAQ it attained its utmost height of power; and when the war broke out, he plainly evinced his foresight in knowing its ability to sustain the contest. He survived its commencement two years and six mouths ; and, after his death, his long-sighted prescience as to the war was yet more known and acknow- ledged; for he had told them, that if they would keep quiet, paying strict attention’ to their navy, and not aim at fresh acquisitions '” of empire during the war, nor put the city to hazard’’, they would weather the storm. They, however, acted in all respects the contrary to this, and pursued mea- sures quite different’*, which had no apparent concern with this war’’, but only served to promote purposes of ambition and private interest '®, and were highly prejudicial both to themselves and their allies; schemes which, if they proved successful'’, tended rather to the honour and emolument — 11 Paying strict attention.| This sense of Separetw is somewhat rare ; but it occurs in Xenophon and Dionys. Hal. Here, it may be observed, there is so much the more significancy and propriety in the term, since it was, among its other uses, applied to denote the repairing and keeping in order of ships, as Arrian Ind. c. 38, 9. Diod. Sic. 1. 5, 68. and 3, 12. 12 Fresh acquisitions.| ’E7i here signifies insuper. 13 Nor put the city to hazard.| Literally, “ come into danger respect- ing.” Such is the sense of the remarkable phrase 77 wéXe cevduvevorrac, of which (as the commentators have failed to notice it) the following ex- amples may be acceptable. Herodo. ap. Steph. Thes. cuvduvebovrec ry wéd and xuvduvedtety roic éroipowe rept THY adavwy, Polyb. 28, 13, 1. cud. r7 wWéoXEt. and 5, 61, 4. nwo. 7@ Biw. and 1, 70,1, Ktv0d. roi¢g ddotg Tpdypact. Diod. Sic. 5, 107. xuv0d. roicg marpact. 14 Quite different.| Such seems to be the sense of dia, and not alia, other things, as the translators render. This signification is, indeed, some- what rare, but it is found in Xen. Mem. 1, 2, 37. referred to by Scheefer on Steph. Thes. Col. 1842., who also refers to Toup’s Opuscula, and remarks that Euripides uses aa in the sense ration? non consentanea. 15 Concern with this war. I place the comma after siva, joining docotyrac eivat with the preceding. This sense of é£w deserves attention, of which the following are examples:— Xen. Mem. 7,2. ra éw rij¢ réxvnc. Gregor. Hw tov mpoxemésvwr. and tw rot Adyov. Demosth. &w rob rpdyparoe. Isocr. %w d7oSicewe. So Aristid. 3,205. (referring to this very passage) ovveboteve — %Ew THY dvayKaiwy pndéYy TPaypaTEvEcrat. , Thucydides here adverts to those distant expeditions, especially the one to Sicily, by which the strength of the state was so divided that too small a force was left for the defence of the city. 16 Promote purposes of ambition and, &c.] There here seems an allusion to Cleon and Alcibiades, and partly Demosthenes. Both these selfish views are attributed to Alcibiades by Nicias, infra, 6,12. 76 éavrod povoy oKxoroy. — owe Javpacsy pev amd THC immorpodiac, Cut d& odvTérsLay Kai WHEANSY TE EK THC apxXie. j 17 If they proved successful.| As in the case of Demosthenes and Cleon VOL. I. GG 450 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. of private persons ; but, if they miscarried’*, would be detri- mental to the state. Whereas’*® he, powerful alike by dignity of station and by wisdom, and also manifestly proof against all corruption °°, held the multitude under a liberal control’, and was not so much led by them, as he himself led them. And that because, not having acquired his power by unworthy means, he was not obliged to soothe their humours in his speeches, but could venture, by his authority, somewhat vehe- mently to contradict them.°? ‘Thus, for instance, when he with respect to Pylus, and Demosthenes in Acarnania. On this sense of karops. see my note on Acts 24, 3. 18 Miscarried.| As in the case of Cleon in Thrace, and Nicias in Sicily. 19 Whereas.] Hobbes renders, “‘ the reason whereof was this ;”” and Smith, “ the reason was this.” Both very good renderings of airy dé hv drt, but not sufficiently clear to. be introduced into a version; for to what, it may be asked, do the words refer? They have no reference to the words preceding. In fact they seem to belong to the remote dogadig dveptrAazev aitny (most of the intermediate words being parenthetical), and to tacitly contrast the measures of Pericles with those of his successors (which I have represented by whereas, that adverb implying comparison), as well as sug- gest the reason. The airy 6: hy bre may, therefore, be thus expressed : “ One cause of this difference in point of safety of rule between Pericles and his successors was that he,” &c. Gail not ill renders: “ Voici la cause de ce changement.” 20 Proof against all corruption.| Xpnpadrwy diadaviig adwpdraroc. This passage is imitated by Procop. p. 15, 40. avijp ducaiog Te Kai yonparwr Stapavee ddwpdraroc. and 17,7. Zosim. 4,33. 2,5. 46,6. On the incor- pee as, of this statesman, see Aristoph. Eq. 383., and the Scholiast there. 21 Held the multitude, c.] Such seems to be the true sense of the phrase caretyey éhevSépwc, where éAevSépwe is not well rendered by Hobbes freely. It signifies, “ not in a servile manner, but consistently with politi- cal and personal freedom, and worthy of freemen.” So Eurip. Cycl. 286. ixerevomev re Kat Néyousy éhevdinwc. And so Aristid. 5, 212. speaking of Pericles, says: é\evSipwe wpirte ry Onpy. See also 3,197. Here also I would refer to my note on Rom. 8, 21. 22 To soothe their humours, but, §c.| In this sentence the phrases zpdc noovny réyery aNd mpde dpyiy ayremeiy are deserving of attention. The former is used by Isocr. zpic sjdovy Aeyopévwy. Soph. Elect. 921. ob zpd¢ nOovny Nésyw Trade. And so Demosth. ap. Steph. Thes. zpde ydovry dnun- yopev. Cicero, ad voluptatem loqui. The zpdc denotes purpose, view. IIpoc dpy7y is of far seldomer occurrence, and of somewhat different use : for though it is probable the zpdc¢ had originally the same sense there as in mpoc noovny, yet mpdc dpyiv héyew, &c. almost always in the best writers signifies, not “ to speak with a view to irritate another,” as translators here render, but “ to speak angrily.” So Aristoph. Ran. 844. cai 2) mpde dpyi)v omhayxva Seppnvys Kor. and 856. pr) mpde dpyijy, A., dAAa TOGdvwo”Edeyy’, éhéyxou. Joseph. 1048. rpdc dpyiy amexpivayro, et seepe, Liban. Orat. 772. mpoc opyny émimryzec. Appian 2, 496. mpdc dpy)v azoxpivacSa. See also Arrian, EK. A. 4, 15, 5. Ind. 14, 4. Lucian 2,62, 9. Dionys. Hal. p. 153. CHAP. LXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ABI saw them unseasonably and insolently bold, he would, by his address, strike them with alarm2?; and when, on the other hand, he saw them unseasonably apprehensive, he re-ani- mated their courage.** Moreover there was, in name indeed, a democracy, but in reality a rule ®° administered by the prin- cipal person. THis successors, however, being more on an equality with each other ?®°, and each aspiring to be first ?7, ap- plied themselves to gratify the humours of the people, and to give up affairs to them.°* From which many blunders were committed (as was likely in a great and dominant state), and especially the expedition to Sicily, which was not so much an error of judgment respecting those against whom it proceeded, as that those who sent it out knew not what were the proper 595. and 735. Such, too, I conceive, is the sense in the present passage ; and this is much confirmed by Aristoph, Acharn, 530. évretSev dpy7 Mepucdéne obhup og "Hotparrer, tpdvra, kK. T. r. 23 Strike them with alarm.] The words of the original xaréxAnocev éni TO gobeioSae are not a little remarkable, though the commentators pass them by. ‘They may be literally rendered, “ he beat them (i. e. their con- fidence) down to (the level of) fear.” So Proy. 21, 32. “ and casteth down the strength of their confidence.”’ 2t Re-animated their courage.| The passage has been imitated by Dio Cass. p. 86, 100. é¢ pdbor avri réy tkridwy avtiKariornoay. Procop. p. 200, 9. éxiry (I conjecture 70) Saposiv avrucaSiorn. and 293, 15. dvr. ryv yvouny éri Ta PeXriw, and 336, 43. 25 A rule.) Nota monarchy, as Smith renders, for that name would by no means be applicable; rather aristocracy. And so Goeller, who aptly cites Plato Menex. c. 8. 1) yap ad’ri) wodireia kal réore Hy, Kai voy apioTo= Kpdria — karst O& 6 piv aityy Onpoxpariay, 6 dé Gd0, G adv yxaipy. To which I add, that so Plutarch Pericl. 1. 9. took the passage: ’Ezei 6é OovKvdid¢ piv apioroKparuchy Twa THY Tov{Ilgpucdéovce UToypagEee TodrrEiay, yw pév ovcay Onpoxpariayv, topyp 0 bd Tov’ TpwWToU aydpog apxnY K.T. X. See also Aristid. 1, 373. B. and Plutarch 2, 802., and especially Philostr. Vit. Apoll. 1. 5. 55. and Aristot. Polit. passim. 26 His successors, however, &c.| The passage is imitated by Procop. p. 259, 21. ot O& GAO &pyovTE toot padrAoY adbToi TPG adAnrove OvTEc, &e. 27 Each aspiring to be first.| Whence, also, arose most of the evils of Greece. Thus it has been well observed by Herod. 6, 98, 11. éyévero mhéw kaka TH EMAddi — wep Tic apxijg TodEMOvYTOY. ; 28 Give up affairs to them.]_ i. e. abandon their execution to them. Hobbes and Smith wrongly render, “ let go the care of the republic, neglect the concerns of the public.” But the words will not bear that sense ; neither, if they could, would it be admissible. The sense I have adopted is supported by 7, 48. évdotvae ra mpdypara. and 5, 62. abroic — ra mpay- para évedidocar. It is well observed by Plutarch Comp. Thes. et Rom. c. 2. 6 évdvode, i) émiretvw ob péver Baoreve ovdé GDXoY. GX’ 7) Onpaywydo¢ i) Ceomworye. Ge: Gom & 454 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. LXVI. This same summer, the Peloponnesians and their allies undertook a naval expedition against the isle of Zacyn- thus, which is situated over against Elis. ‘The inhabitants are colonists of the Achzeans of Peloponnesus', and were con- than that of many, the merit of whose achievements has been, in a great degree, due to others acting under them, whose very names have perished. The philosophy of Pericles taught him not to be vain-glorious, but to rest his fame upon essentially great and good, rather than upon brilliant, actions. It is observed by Plutarch that, often as he commanded the Athenian forces, he never was defeated ; yet, though he won many trophies, he never gained a splendid victory. A battle, according to a great modern autho- rity, is the resource of ignorant generals; when they know not what to do, they fight a battle. It was almost universally the resource of the age of Pericles; little conception was entertained of military operations, beyond ravage and a battle. His genius led him to a superior system, which the wealth of his country enabled him to carry into practice. His favourite maxim was to spare the lives of his soldiers; and scarcely any general ever gained so many important advantages with so little bloodshed. It is said to have been his consolation and his boast, in his dying hours, that he never was the cause that a fellow-citizen wore mourning. When his soldiers fell, they fell victims to the necessity of their country’s service, and not to the incapacity, rashness, or vanity of the commander. “ This splendid character, however, perhaps may seem to receive some tarnish from the political conduct of Pericles; the concurrence, at least, which is imputed to him in depraving the Athenian constitution, to favour that popular power by which he ruled, and the revival and confirmation of that pernicious hostility between the democratical and aristocratical in- terests, first in Athens, and then, by the Peloponnesian war, throughout the nation. But the high respect with which he is always spoken of by three men in successive ages, Thucydides, Xenophon, and Isocrates, all friendly to the aristocratical interest, and all anxious for concord with Lacedzemon, strongly indicates that what may appear exceptionable in his conduct was, in their opinion, the result, not of choice, but of necessity. By no other conduct, probably, the independence of Athens could have been preserved ; and yet that, as the event showed, was indispensable for the liberty of Greece.” . 1 Colonists of the Acheans of Peloponnesus.] The words “ of Pelopon- nesus”’ are added, because there were others in Thessaly. With respect to the fact itself, it is, perhaps, the most important one to be found in antient writers, though omitted in Lempriere’s references, which are, indeed, of little account. ‘The only important citation is Hom. Od. 2, 24. where the island is called tAjeooa ZaxvySoc ; whence Virgil’s nemorosa Z This island had, as we learn from Ptolemy, Strabo, Phavorinus, and Scylax, a city of the same name, of tolerable size, and with a port, as also a strong citadel called Psophis. It is said by Strabo to have been one of the islands under the dominion of Ulysses. Such, I believe, is all the information to be col- lected from the antients, except what Pausanias and St. Byz. say, that it derived its name from a son of Dardanus. This, however, seems a mere mythological fiction to cover ignorance. More rational is it, with Bochart (Geogr. Sacr. p. 509.), to derive it from some word expressive of a peculiar quality. He fixes on the Hebrew mz (Zuach), to be elevated ; which very well corresponds to the Ovidian “ alta Zacynthus,” and, indeed, to actual observation. But the vv9o¢ is thus left unaccounted for; and the deriy- CHAP. LXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 455 federates of the Athenians. On board of the fleet, which was commanded by Cnemus, a Spartan, were embarked one thoue sand Lacedzemonian heavy-armed. They made a descent upon their territory, and ravaged the greatest part of it. Finding, however, that the inhabitants would not hearken to a surrender, they proceeded homeward. LXVII. At the expiration of this same summer, Aristeus, a Corinthian, and of the Lacedsemonians, Aneristus, Nico- laus', and Stratodemus2, and Timagoras, a Tegean, going to Asia as ambassadors (together with Pollis?, an Argive, in a private capacity *) to the king, for the purpose of trying to ation is otherwise liable to objection. It seems better to seek it in the antient Greek, and derive it from Za, very (perhaps from the Heb. myx), as In many compound adjectives, and cvySoc, which seems to have signified shaded, dark (whence xvvSeivw to hide, and civSwoyr, a~mask, both of which words are preserved by Hesych.). Now this very well answers to the Homeric description ; and there were many antient names of places which commenced with Za, and mostly, I believe, for a similar reason. In lke manner, the poet Ossian often uses the term shady, as applied to certain mountains of Scotland. From D’Anyille it appears that the island is yet called in Greece by its antient name; Zante being merely a corruption of foreigners. ; 1 Aristeus — Nicolaiis.| Not Aristeus, &c., as Hobbes writes. Herod. 7,157. calls them Aristeas and Nicolas; 2 Stratodemus.| So I read for Pratodemus, from several MSS., Valetius, Gottleb., Hack, and Goeller. Bekker has restored the old reading, I sup- pose, because Pratodemus seems a Lacedemonian form for Protodemus. Sueh, however, would; perhaps, be contrary to analogy, and certainly against the usage of our author. ine, 3 Pollis.| 1 have adopted the double 1, with Gottleb., Bekker, and Goeller. And so in Xenoph. Hist. 4, 8,11. and 5,4,61. Thiem. and Pe lygen. 5,11, 11. Many examples, indeed, of the single 1 are adduced by Maesy. on Polyzen. and by Wessel. on Diod. Sic. t. 6,552.3 but it is easier to imagine the double] to pass into the single than the contrary. 4 In a private capacity.] Hobbes renders, “ a private man.” © But idi¢ can have no other sense than that above assigned. Yet what such a person could have to negotiate with the king of Persia, it is not easy to see. We may, however, suppose a tacit allusion to the word djpocig, with which idia is often found placed in opposition; and thus in a free translation it may be rendered, “ without any authority from the state.’ Yet this does not remove the difficulty, but rather increases it; for why should a private person go with ambassadors? The thing may, I conceive, be thas accounted ~ for ; — because, though without public authority, he was xoé acting on his own private behalf, but was an ambassador from a party among the Ar- gives ; namely, the aristocratical one. For though, as we learn from 2, 9., the Argives as a nation were on friendly terms with both the belligerent powers, yet individuals doubtless had their preferences, and there were then (as in most other places) two parties : the Lacedzemonian, or aristocratical, GG 4 456 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK It. induce him to furnish them with money, and take part with them in the war, went first to Sitalces son of Tereus, in Thrace, to persuade him, if possible, to abandon the Athenian alliance, and send forces to the relief of Potideea, then besieged by the Athenian army, to be conveyed by his means to their destina- tion’ over the Hellespont to Pharnaces son of Pharnabazus, who would send them up the country to the king. But some Athenianambassadors, Learchus son of Callimachus, and Ami- niades son of Philemon, who chanced then to be at the court of Sitalces, persuade Sadoc son of Sitalces (who had been made an Athenian) to put the men into their hands, lest by passing for- ward to the king they should injure what was, in some measure, his city.© He, being prevailed upon, apprehends them? (by and the Athenian, or democratical ; of which the former, we may judge from 2, 8. fin., would be the most numerous. This, therefore, it should seem, acting in a sort of public capacity separate from the other, sent the person.in question as their accredited agent to the king. The above view of the subject is much confirmed and illustrated by what was said supra, c. 22.; namely, that at Larissa in Thessaly the troops sent to Athens were commanded by two chiefs, of either party one ; as also by Eurip. Orest. 459. Op. Kind yao etuoodpeSa Tayyadcotc bore. Me. ‘dia mpdc éxSpev, mpdc’Apystag xepoc 3 Op. IdvrTwy pic aordy, wo avo. See also Eurip. Hel. 786. 5 To their destination.] i.e. “ whither they had destined (to go).” ‘There is a similar ellipsis in our own language. Literally, “ whither they were bent, or disposed, or desirous to go.” ee. 6 What was, in some measure, his city.| Such is, I conceive, the true sense, on which, however, the commentators are not agreed. Portus ren- ders, “ quantum in ipso situm esset ;” referring it to Sadoc. But that the plural verb will not allow. Hack and Goeller join it with BAdpwow, and take it ta refer to the ambassadors ; assigning the following sense: “ ne quantum in ipsis esset, urbem damno afficerent.” But thus the sentence is forced, frigid, and feeble. The most natural interpretation seems that which I have adopted, and which does not materially differ from that of Hobbes ; such, too, appears to have been the sense in which the passage was taken by the Scholiast, whose words (misunderstood by Goeller) signify, “as far as regarded his share in it.” ‘The interpretation, too, is placed beyond doubt by Aristoph. Acharn. 145., where it is said of Sadoc : marép’ nuTuOorEt PonSeiv ry warpa; the whole of which passage throws light on the present. As to the objection of Goeller on the score of this sense of 7o pépoc being unfrequent, and otcay being omitted, it is groundless. In short, this was an argument which they would be likely to use with a person who (as we find from Aristophanes) was so immoderately fond of Athens as to chalk on the wall, ’ASnvaiot kadot, O rare Athenians ! 1 Apprehends them.]_ This outrage is by Herod. 7, 137. ascribed to Sital- ces and the Nymphodorus mentioned supra, c.29.; but, in fact, there is no discrepancy; since we cannot suppose that Sadoc would have ventured on the thing without the permission of Sitalces. And as to Nymphodorus, CHAP. LXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 457 the medium of some other persons sent with Learchus and Aminiades, who were ordered to give them up to them) as they were passing through Thrace *, in their way to the vessel on board of which they were to cross the Hellespont, and before they embarked. By them they were taken and brought to Athens; and on the day of their arrival °, the Athenians fearing Aristeus, lest, if he should escape, he might do them further mischief (for aforetime he had been manifestly the chief promoter of all that had taken place to their injury at Potidzea and in Thrace), put them all to death, without bringing them to any trial ’®, or even hearing what they would have said, and cast their bodies into pits '!; thinking it but just to re- taliate on the Lacedzmonians by the same cruelties which they had begun with, by butchering and casting into pits such merchants of the Athenians and their allies as they took in he was apparently so much in the Athenian interest, as readily to further the measure by his influence with Sitalces. 8 As they were passing through Thrace.| Herodotus says that they were seized at Bisanthe, on the coast of the Hellespont. Though the words of Thucydides would rather suggest some place in the interior. There is, however, no discrepancy; for the words zpiy éo€aivey, which are joined with 2vAAapbavey, suggest that the thing happened at the place of embark- ation. And, indeed, as the chief pretence for apprehending them could only be an alleged treasonable correspondence with one who was yet regarded as the public enemy of Greece, there would be a peculiar propriety in selecting that as the place. 9 On the day of their arrival.| Lest the public compassion should be interested in their favour, as in the case of the Mityleniansg, 1. 3. ‘ 10 Without bringing them to any trial.| This confirms my opinion, that they were apprehended and put to death on pretence of treasonable cor- respondence with the public enemy; for had they been put to death only on the ground of their being enemies, it would not have been necessary to have added axpirovc. \1 Cast their bodies into pits.] With this passage there is some difficulty connected, though the commentators pass it by. One thing is certain, that this casting them into pits was meant as a contumely greater than that of pire aragove. There seems, too, to have been an allusion to the Ceadas (mentioned at 1,134.),a sort of deep pit wherein they used to toss the bodies of malefactors. (See the note there.) But it may be asked, why have we mention of pits? would not one be sufficient? Doubtless it would ; but though the singular is found in some MSS., yet the plural is sufficiently defended by the words following. A better-founded objection might be made to the plural in Eurip. Phaeth. frag. 9. pidoc d& por "AN ovroc (I read dovroce with Muser.) gdpake onmerac vixuc. There, however, the poet does not speak of any particular spot, but indefinitely ; to which the plural is very suitable. And we have a similar use in the expression the fields. 458 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. trading vessels on the coast of Peloponnesus.’ For at the commencement of the war, the Lacedzemonians put to death as enemies all whom they took at sea; both those who were associated with the Athenians, and those that were neutral. LXVIII. About the same time, and at the close of the summer, the Ambraciots ', in conjunction with many Barba- 12 Butchering and casting into pits such merchants, §c.| This is adverted to by Herod. 7, 157., where that historian traces the fate of two of the above, namely Nicolaiis and Aneristus, to a judgment visited on their heads for the crime of their forefathers. And of Aneristus he adds a circumstance * which seems to allude to one of the atrocities here men- tioned, namely, d¢ side ddtéacg Tobe tx TipuySoc, dd\cade kararAwoac wANpEL avdpey.tof which controverted passage the sense seems to be, “ who cap- tured the fishermen from Tiryns, running down upon them with a large vessel full of men,” where I cannot agree with Wesseling and Valckn., who wrote ‘AXtéac; for though I find, from St. Byz. that the Halenses were originally colonised from Tiryns, yet that would here be a circumstance quite irrelevant ; and what is yet more, the Halienses were, as we find from 1, 105. et seq., in the Lacedemonian alliance, and therefore Aneristus would not have molested them. The common reading adséac must, then, be retained: and 2x Ti. will denote the place they belonged to. This, I must observe, is confirmed by a fragment of Ephorus ap. Steph. Byz. in ‘“AXeic, where that writer says that some persons being expelled from Tiryns, and consulting the oracle as to the place whither they should go, it was replied that “ wherever they went, or wherever they settled, they should there be fishermen ;”? by which it is highly probable that they had before been such. It may, indeed, be thought that the Tirynthians ought to have been unmolested, as being Argives, who it appears from 2, 8. were neutral. But Thucydides himself here tells us, that even neutrals were treated in the same manner as belligerents. | Ambraciots.| The territory of Ambracia lay at the north-west ex- tremity of Greece Proper, on the Sinus Ambrac. It was bounded on the west by the Charadras, and on the south by the Ayas, by which it was separated from Amphilochia. Its boundaries, to the north, are not de- terminable. In many recent maps this tract of country is called Molossia. That, however, is an error. Molossia lay further inland, to the north of Ambracia. _ The chief city of the same name was situated on the river Arachthus (called by the later writers the Arathon, now Arta), and, as Scylax and Diczearchus tell us, at 80 stadia from the gulf; though Palmer, Antiq. (to whom I am indebted for most of the references in this article,) estimates the distance at only three or four. Its situation, I would observe, is well described by Livy, 38, 4. The city was of a tolerable size, and had an excellent port. Irom the various sieges it underwent, it appears, also, to have possessed considerable strength. Its site is fixed by Pouqueville, Grec. 2. c. 55., at some ruins called Kogona, not very far from the present city of Arta. Such, however, it * For that he only speaks of one action, appears from his use of the article, which has what is called the reference kar’ ékoxjv. See Middleton, c. 1. sect. 1. § 2. a CHAP, LXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 459. rians °, whom they had raised, went on an expedition against Argos in Amphilochia*®, and the rest of its territory. Their enmity against the Argives took its first rise from the following circumstance. This Argos was, together with the rest of Amphilochia, colonised by Amphilochus son of Amphiareus, who, on returning from the Trojan war, and being dissatisfied with the state of affairs* at Argos, founded this city on the Ambracian gulf, and called it Argos, after the name of his own country.” ‘This city was the largest of Amphilochia, and had the most opulent and powerful inhabitants. Being, however, many generations afterwards, hard pressed by mis- fortunes, they called in, as joint-colonists °®, the Ambraciots, as should seem, cannot be the site of Amdracia ; for then it would have been an inland city, and could not have given name to the gulf. Besides, it is said to have had an excellent port. The ruins; mentioned by that writer, are probably those of the old town (or Palwochorio) of Arachthus, which D’ Anville thinks corresponds to the present Arta; and from which, indeed, that seems to have derived its name. Neither will it prove Arta to have been its site, that Scylax. and Dicaearchus place it at 80 stadia from the sea; for that statement is contradicted by the accurate Strabo, who says it was but a “itt/e way, a few stadia from the sea (é« Saddrryc), meaning the gulf: which last expression shows that the mode of taking the passage of Scylax, proposed by Palmer, namely, to understand Saddarrne of the open sea, cannot be admitted. Indeed the nearest distance from the sea is 170 stadia. This discrepancy, however, may be removed, by supposing that Scylax wrote, not z, but r, 1. e. three. " To advert to its early history, this was a colony of the Corinthians, and settled in the time of Cypselus; though it is not clear whether the place did not exist before that period; at least the mythological fictions, which derive the name from some personage of the heroic ages, seem to point at high antiquity. 2 Barbarians.| Probably the Molossi and other Epirots. 3 Amphilochia.| ‘The boundaries of this territory are indeterminable, except on the side of Ambracia. It properly extended along the gulf, as far as Actium, though, it should seem, to have been only a strip of land extending very little way into the interior. 4 Dissatisfied with the, §c.] Such is the sense of ux) dpeccotpevoe 77 eraotace, So Herod. 4, 78. diairy otdapaic hpéickero &. 5, 34. odK cpeckd- pevoc TH Kptoe. 9, 66,1. And so Dio Cass. often, especially 524, 76., where he imitates the present passage: rj wapotoy karasrdce HpxicSy. where I conjecture 102097. On this dissatisfaction it is observed by the Scholiast, that he found his mother Eripyle slain by his brother Alemzeon. “ He would, besides, ill acquiesce in the rule of Avgisthus.” 5 After the name of, Sc.] ‘Opeévupog (as is usually the case with nouns compounded with 6uov; so, just after, dudpovg ry Apo.) here takes the genitive, as in a kindred passage of Isocr. Evag. 6 Joint-colonists.] Livy, 4, 57., expresses the éwny. Evy. thus, in “ societa- tem urbis agrorumque adsciscerunt.” af 460 “‘PHE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. bordering upon Amphilochia; and from those Ambraciots living amongst them they first learned the Greek language, which they now speak’, though the rest of the Amphilochians still use only the Barbarian tongue.* However, in process of time the Ambraciots drove out the Argives, and occupied the city themselves.? Upon this, the Amphilochians gave them- selves up’° tothe Acarnanians, and both calling in the additional aid’ of the Athenians, they sent them Phormio as their general **, and thirty ships: on the arrival of which force they 7 First learned the, §c.] Such is the sense of é\AnvicSynoay rijyv viv yhdo- cay. where two sentences are blended into one. ‘EAAnvizw signifies properly to be a Greek, to speak Greek; and, in an active or hiphil sense, to teach others to speak it. This is, indeed, a rare signification, but it occurs in Liban. ap. T. Magist., where we have the passive (as here), to be taught ; similar to which is écdsdwpiwvrae in Herod. 8, 73. At yAéooay must be understood cara. Somewhat similar is the expression éAyvigwr ry povy in Aéschin. C. Ctes. 8 Still use only the Barbarian tongue.| Not, were Barbarians, as Hobbes renders, nor, “ are still Barbarians,” as Smith. For Bapé. here seems, from what goes before, to be used in the same sense as at 1 Cor. 14, 11. éoopae Tp NadovyTt Bapbapoc’ Kai 6 AadGy év ismol BapCapoc. It would seem, by the circumstance of the Argians of Amphipolis first learning the Greek language from the Ambraciot settlers, that the original settlers with Amphilochus were so few in number that the language was in process of time lost. 9 Drove out, &c.} This might be expected from the dangerous expedient of associating themselves with a people so much more powerful than themselves, and has happened in numerous other cases. 10 Gave themselves up.) Not submitted themselves to (as Hobbes renders), which suggests a wrong idea; nor ‘‘ threw themselves on the protection,” which is not significant enough. The words dddacow éiavrode “Axapyaor contain a strong expression, and may be understood from 1, 26, 60’ abrovg aveire, Tapadodvat, Kai yEpovac wouisSa. ‘This solemn act, therefore, im- plied a union with, and subserviency to, the other nation. 11 And both calling in the additional aid.| Such is the full sense of zpoora- pakadécavrec, which is read for the vulg. wpocexadécavro, from the greater part of the MSS., by all the recent editors; though on the nature of the construction they are not agreed. Poppo regards it as a blending of two modes of expression; Goeller takes aipoto: as the finite verb to this parti- ciple, and regards the intermediate words as put to genitives absolute. But both these constructions are equally harsh. If the reading in question is to be adopted, the simplest method will be to suppose an antapodoton, and take rpoorapaxadéoayrec cdpporepot as NOMInatives, regarding the relative following as put for the demonstrative. This, however, is so great an irregularity that we must, I think, suppose the author presumed that a finite verb had preceded. But, after all, I greatly question whether zpoo- awapexadécavro be not the true reading. '2, Phormio as their general.|_ Not, “ under the command of Phormio,” as Smith renders; a sense not permitted by the position of the words, nor by the re— «ai. Besides, a general was as much wanted as an auxiliary force. CHAP. LXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 461 took Argos by storm, and made slaves of the Ambraciots ; the place being then inhabited in common by Amphilochians and Acarnanians; and thereupon was first formed the alliance between the Athenians and Acarnanians. ‘The Ambraciots, however, first conceived an enmity to the Argives from this enslavement of their countrymen; and they afterwards, in this war, gratified it by forming this armament, composed of themselves and of the Chaonians and other Barbarians. Having arrived at Argos, they made themselves masters of the territory ; but not being able to carry the city by assault, they returned homeward, each dispersing to their respective abodes.'? Such were the events of this summer. LXIX. On the commencement of winter, the Athenians sent twenty ships round’ Peloponnesus, and Phormio as Here we have first introduced one of the most able and, in all respects, estimable of the Athenian commanders. An anecdote is related by Pausan. 1, 23, 12. which has reference to this very period, and is so honourable both to Phormio and the Athenians that I cannot but introduce it, espe- cially as there are some corruptions which I shall endeavour to emend. In the first place, for Soppiwva roy ’Acwziyou read there ®opp. Tov ’Acw- miov, as appears from Thucyd. 1,68. The words following are these: Poppiwve yap Totc éretkéow ‘ASqvaiwr ¢ OVTL Opole, kal é¢ Tpoyovey Odgav ovk agave, ouvebarvey opeiery xpea* avaxwphoac ovy éc roy Haavia Otpor, évravsa Elye diairay, é¢ 6 vavapyoy abriy “ASnvaiwy atpoupéivwy, ixadevoat ovK Edacker” OpEitew TE yap Kat ol, Teiv dv éxTioy, ™pog Tove oTpaTwrac OvK eivae mapexeosa podvn pia. o’rwe "ASynvaioe (ravtwe yap eovdrelovro apyeiv Doppiwva) Ta ypéa, omdoac wperne, dvadvovow. where émceiow signifies “the respectable ;” but doi seems to require the superlative (which occurs in Xen. Hist. Peel scezal he rovg ETLELKEDT CLTOUG TOV TPLNpAapXwY sO Gregor. cited by Sturz, 7rd 0& pérpioyv cai KAGE EXov émuukéoTaToy pact). And with this it is found i in Thucyd. 1, 25. duota rote “EAA}vwy wrovewra- roc, and 7,29. Again, for bea ketolmo: Facius ought to have received e€ovovro, from Amaseus and Kuhn, which is exceedingly confirmed by Thucyd. 6, 20. erreur) TavTwe 6po VLaC OppN pe évouc, K.T. A. 13 Dispersing to their respective abodes.| Literally, “were disbanded 0,” &c. But dvadteoSa is a vor pregnans, signifying to be disbanded and er | Sent twenty ships round.| Smith renders, “ to cruise on the coasts of Peloponnesus.” But though I have elsewhere noticed and _ illustrated such an expression, yet here it cannot well be admitted ; for Phormio, as we find from what follows, did not cruise on the coast of Peloponnesus, but kept stationary at Naupactus, guarding the entrance of the sea of Crisa. I would, therefore, follow the usual sense, which, I find, was also adopted by Diod. Sic. Phormio was doubtless sent, from the credit which he had gained on the former occasion, and the influence which he possessed with the Acarna- nians; or, as Mitford phrases it, from his experience of the western people and the western sea. 462 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. commander ; who, taking post at Naupactus *, kept guard that none might pass in or out of Corinth and the Criszean gulf. Six other ships they sent to Caria and Lycia, under the com- mand of Melesander®, in order there to levy contributions, and prevent the Peloponnesian privateers from harbouring there and cruizing thence, to the molestation of their mer- chant-ships sailing from Phaselis and Phoenicia, and that part of the continent. He, having disembarked on Lycia, with a force composed of Athenians from the fleet, and some allied troops, was defeated in battle, with the loss of part of the army and of his own life. | LXX. This same winter, the Potideeans finding themselves no longer able to hold out’, and that even the irruptions of the Peloponnesians made the Athenians not at all more dis- posed to raise the siege; their provisions, too, having utterly failed them, and many other afflictions befallen them there 2 Naupactus.] Of this city the most complete account may be derived from Palmer’s Antiq. Gr. p. 497-501. Yet there there is little solid infor- mation. We find from 3,102. that it was a city of no inconsiderable extent, with a suburb not fortified. The origin of the name is evidently from its being a place for ship-building; but the period of its foundation is not known. Its antiquity may, however, be imagined by the opinion that it obtained its name from being the place at which the Heraclide built the ships wherewith they passed over into Peloponnesus; though some, as Kphorus, maintained that it had defore been used for ship-building. It is said by Anthon. ap. Lempriere to be now called Enebect, or Le- panto. But the name it at present bears among the Greeks is Nepactus. Lepanto is only a corruption of the Italians and other foreigners. 5 Melesander.| Several MSS. have Melisander; and Duker, observing that it is not easy to determine which is the true reading, confirms the latter from AXlian V.H. 11, 2., to which may be added Melisippidas in Plut. Ages. But Melesippus occurs in Thucyd., Melesermus in Suid., Me- lesios in Pindar Olymp. 8, 71,, and elsewhere. Moreover, the common reading is defended by Pausan. 1, 29, 6. cai MeAjoavdpoe éc¢ Ti}v dvw Kapiay vavoiy avarhstoac dia Tou Mataydpov. Though there the learned antiquary has erred by trusting to his memory. If he had inspected the present pas- sage, he would have seen that it was on Lycia, not Caria, that Melesander disembarked ; and certainly did not ascend the Meander, a river of Caria. The error seems to have arisen from confounding this circumstance with a very similar one at 2,19. where Lysicles is said to have made a descent vavol apyvddyo Tij¢ Kapiag te Mvotytoc davabac dua rov Matayvdpov mediov, &C. | Hold out.) Literally, “ hold out being besieged.” There is a very similar expression in Herod. 2, 157. A. éai mXeisroyv ypdvoy roduopKoupévy dvrecye. Hence may be emended Zosim. 1, 55, 1. éaei dé: dyreicxovTo mo\topKkotpevot. Read aveiyor, CHAP. LXX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 463 through distress for food *, insomuch that some had even fed upon each other®; then, indeed, they made proposals for treaty to the Athenian generals in command, Xenophon son of Euripides, Hestiodorus * son of Aristoclidas, and Phanoma- chus son of Callimachus, who accepted the proposals, seeing the distress of the army, in a bleak and winterly spot, and that the state had already expended two thousand talents on the siege, and came to a composition on the following terms: “That they should depart, they, their wives, and their children, and the auxiliary troops, with one garment each; but the women with two°; and that they should have each a certain 2 Distress for food.) Literally, “in respect to such food as they were constrained to eat ;’’ as, for instance, horses, dogs, cats, rats, mice, and even more loathsome food. 3 Fed upon each other.| This must, of course, be taken in a popular sense, and not be interpreted too rigidly. The passage is imitated by Liban. Orat. 503. B. @Anrwy iyedoavro. Procop. p. 14, 11. é¢ Bowcac anSetic éhSovrec — redevt@vrec Kai aANAwY éyedoavTo. Also p. 93,41. ot ye Kai @Ajrwv Hon éyetvovro. where read éyéyevoyro, as in this passage of Thu- cydides. Reimar, on the passage of Xiphilin, remarks, that history is full of such horrible recitals. He might have added that Herodotus 3, 25. tells us the first instance was on the expedition of Cambyses to Atthiopia. Lots, he says, were cast for one out of ten to be eaten by the rest; therefore Cam- byses, dsicac rv addAnrogayiny, antic Tod éx AlSiomag oTddov, dricw éqopevero. which passage is had in view by Liban. Orat. p. 507. Strabo, l, 4. p. 282, 5., says, that eating of human flesh is a Scythian custom. 4 Hestiodorus.| Liban. Orat. p. 503., who has reference to this passage, says Airwddwpoc. But that seems to be an error of the scribes, partly pro- ceeding from itacism. 5 With one garment each; but, §c.] Such treaties generally included some condition as to the quantity of apparel to be taken. So Polyen. 7, 48. ovyxwpioat abroic Eve warip &ehsety. Pausan. 9, 1, 3. deSeiy ohae apo iAtov ObyToc, dvdpac piv ody Evi, yuvaikag Oé Oto Yara Exdorny ~xovcay Appian 1, 400, 19. duefehSeiv Oud yerwviccov povov. Livy, “ cum binis ves- timentis ab Sagunto exire.” See also Appian 1, 52,21. and Xen. Hist. 2, 3, 6. , By the iwarip is meant, as regards the men, the palhum, mantle, an outer garment or wrapper. The women, it may be observed, were allowed to take two garments, because they always wore two, as appears from Herod. 2, 356. where, mentioning the points of opposition between the Egyptians and other nations, he says: ciara roy piv dvdpGy Exaorog exer Obo, THY Oz yuvakay tv éxaorn. Thus, upon the whole, it was only permitted them to take one suit of clothes, the yirwr, &c., being included. It was rare that two suits were allowed. The only instance I have remarked is in Appian, 1,585, 23. dudcayrec oby Ovo mariou exaoToy amodvoey, The auxiliaries here mentioned were, I imagine, chiefly Corinthians, formerly sent to garrison Potidaa, as we find from 1,60. seqq. 464 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. sum of money to bear their travelling expenses® :” and on the guarantee of this treaty they departed to Chalcidice, or wherever else they could find an abode.’ The Athenians, however, imputed much blame to the generals for concluding the treaty without their consent and authority; thinking that they could have obtained possession of the city on what terms they pleased. And afterwards they sent colonists of their own people to Potidzea, and there settled them. Thus was con- cluded the aeeane peat of the war pire Thucydides hath 8 ed a c Uncle -ec kK — composed. an rahe $ hg eS oer Wad “YEAR IIL LXXI. On the return of summer, the Peloponnesians and their allies made no irruption into Attica, but went on an expedition to Plataea, under the command of Archidamus son of Zeuxidamus, king of Lacedeemon. After encamping his forces, he was proceeding to ravage the territory. Whereupon the Platzeans immediately sent ambassadors to him, with re- presentations to the following effect: — “‘Archidamus, and ye Lacedzemonians, ye act neither justly nor in a manner wor- thy of’ yourselves and your forefathers, by thus making war upon Platea. For Pausanias son of Cleombrotus, the Lace- dzemonian, after having, in conjunction with such Greeks as were willing to take part in? the peril of the battle which was fought in our territory, freed Greece from the Medes; and having in the market-place of Plataea sacrificed victims to 6 A sum of money to, §c.] ’Egdduy is here not an adjective, as some take it, but a substantive in apposition with dpytpuy, as denoting the purpose. The word properly signifies provision for the way (so Herod. 6, 70. éxddta Kabwy éwopevero éc EXty.), what is called in Genes, 42, 25. and 45, 21, émvowriopoc cic THY 006M. This was a very rare condition. The only instance I have remarked is in Zosim. 35,18, 9. pnroy dpyiptoy Kai iwadrioy éyovra. 7 Orwherever else, §c.] Such is, | conceive, the true sense of the-words kai Ekeaoroc 7 éObvaro, which are ill rendered by Smith, “ where every one shifted for himself.” 8 Thus was concluded, §c.] A mode of speaking which occurs, with slight variations, at the end of each narrative of a year, and has been imi- tated by Procopius, as p. 176, 3. 1 You act, §c.] So Xen. Anab. 2, 3, 35. afr ein Baorret, &e. 2 Take part in, EvvapacSa.] This construction with the accusative is rare; but it occurs in Dionys. Hal. 527,35. ot cuvapdpevor ra bara. Eurip. Orest. 765. ovynpdpay pdovoy cou parpoc. CHAP. LXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 465 Jupiter the Deliverer, and called together all the confederates, he gave back* to the Plateeans their city and territory, to be possessed and inhabited in independence® granting to them that none should war against them unjustly, nor so as to enslave them®; otherwise all the confederates present should _afford them succour to the utmost of their power. These immunities, then, your forefathers bestowed on us for the courage and alacrity which we displayed at that perilous crisis; but you do the very contrary, coming with our bitterest enemies, the ‘Thebans, for our ‘enslavement. But, by the gods, who were invoked as witnesses of the oaths’; by the tutelary deities *, both of your own country and of ours, we earnestly charge you not to injure the Plateean territory, nor violate your oaths, but to suffer us to enjoy the independence which Pausanias was pleased to grant us.” 3 Sacrificed victims to, §c.] Wesseling on Diod. 11, 29. (referred to by Goeller) says that the Greeks ever afterwards observed the anniversary of the battle of Platzea as a holy day, and sacrificed ra éXevSépra (scil. igud} to Jupiter "EXevSepiv. On the worship paid to Jupiter the Deliverer, Gottleb. refers to Bach on Xen. Ciécon. p. 54. 4 Gave back.| Such is the sense of azecidov, and not gave or conferred this privilege, as Hobbes and Smith render. The azo has reference to its having been before occupied by the Persians. 5 To be possessed and, §c.| The construction is: (#ors) abrode txovtac auriy oixeiy, &c. This addition may seem not necessary; but the words are really important, as adverting to that claim of sovereignty which the Beeotians pretended to have over Plateea, and which was thus set aside by the general voice of Greece, and the independence of Platzea es- tablished. 6 Granting to them that, Sc.) Here we must supply the simple out of the compound verb a7zeo. preceding. This it was necessary to add, since otherwise the Platzeans might have soon been deprived of the independence which had thus been so solemnly granted them. 7 The gods, who were invoked as, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of Seode rove dpkiove Tore yevopivove rowotmevot. Wasse observes, that the form of the oath by which confederates mutually bound themselves, occurs in Lycurg. ady. Leocr. p.149. And he refers to Plutarch in Miltiad. I add Adschin. p. 16,16. éxopdcac rovc bpxtoug Osovs. Theophy!. Simoe. p. 14. C. rove re rarppove Biovg Spnoxetav, cai robo GAwy Tdy boswy aicyt- VETSAL. 8 By the tutelary deities, §c.] On the Oso'¢ ztarpeouc, Goeller refers to the commentators on Eurip. Elect. 666. Seid. On the Ozode éyywpiove (on which the commentators have omitted to treat), I would adduce Adschyl. Theb. woke 7 dpnyev, cai YeOv Eyywpiwy Buwpoior; where Dr. Blomfield refers to Heyne on Virg. Georg. 1, 498. See also my note on Acts, 24, 14.— “VOL. I. HH 466 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. LXXII. Thus spoke the Platazeans ; to whom Archidamus made this reply: — “ Ye say, Plateeans, what is very right and just, if ye only do as ye say}; and, as Pausanias granted you, be both yourselves free, and give your assistance to liberate others, who, participating with you in those perils, and uniting in those oaths, are now in subjection to the Athe- nians. It is for the liberation of them and others, that such immense preparations have been made, and so great a war undertaken; in which we especially enjoin you to partake, and thereby abide by your oaths. But if you decline this — why then (as we have already before proposed to you) keep quiet, and attend to your own business; side with neither party, receiving both as friends ; but, for any hostile purposes, neither. And with this we will be satisfied.” * Thus spake Archidamus. Now the Platsean ambassadors, having heard him, went to the city; and after communicating to the people what was said, brought back this answer: — ‘‘ That it was not possible for them to do what he advised, with- out the concurrence of the Athenians; for their wives and children were with them. ‘They had fears, too, lest their 1 If ye only do as ye say.) Literally, “ if your words correspond to your works.” Here we must subaud gpya, which is supplied in Dionys. Hal. 1, 503, 41. drt obk Ear bBmota Toc A6youg adbTov Ta Epya. 2 With this we will be satisfied.] It is very many years since I came to the conclusion that dpxéca (not the vulg. apéoxer) is the true reading. Indeed, it is not only found in most MSS., in Dionys., and Valla, but yields a far more suitable sense; for their neutrality, we may suppose, was not so much pleasing to Archidamus (since he would have pre- ferred their alliance), as that he thought it better than their hostility. This view of the sense is confirmed by the preceding formula, paduora piv —«i 0& py, the former of which denotes what is thought the best; the latter, what may otherwise be acquiesced in. And this use of dpx. is con- firmed by a kindred passage of Xen. Cyr. 8, 3, 45. dpkicer poor 6, Te Kal ov Exyc, TOUTWY METEXELY. The sense of vepdspevor rad dpérepa adréy is not, as Hobbes and Smith render, “enjoying what is properly your own,” but “ minding your own affairs only ;” as 1, 120. vem. ra idua. I must not omit to observe, that the zporandkioSe, a little before, signifies, not “advised you” (as Hobbes and Smith render), but proposed to you, and offered as a condition. So infra, rpodcadotpevor tokAd. Pausan. 2, 13, 1, roic piv, & mpoekadsiro P. t¢aivero apeord. Hence in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 742, 7. & O& mpoakadobpeda ipic— radra ~oru read zpoxadobpeSa. In this phrase there is, as Matthiz in his Gr. Gr. § 413. observes, an ellipsis of éc, And | would add that the complete phrase occurs in 5,45. Aaxedaysdrroe 08 dudc TpoKadovyrar tc orrovOdc. CHAP. LXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 467 compliance might endanger the safety of the whole city, and were apprehensive lest, on their return, the Athenians should not permit them to remain neutral; or the Thebans, as being comprehended in the oath to receive both parties, might again attempt to seize their city.” But Archidamus, to re- assure them on that head, said, “ Do you then deliver® the city and its houses into the keeping of the Lacedzemonians ; point out the boundaries of your territory, show the number of your trees, and whatever else may admit of numeration *; and go ye, and retire where you please, so long as the war continues ; and when it shall have ceased, we will restore them to you. But until that period, we will keep them as a deposit, cultivating the ground, and paying you such a rent for it as may suffice for your support.” LXXII. Having received this offer, the ambassadors again went into the city; and after consulting with the people, brought back this answer: — that they wish first to commu- nicate with the Athenians upon these proposals; and if they could induce them to give their consent, they would accede to them. Until that time, they demanded a truce, and that their territory might not be injured. Whereupon a truce was granted them for as many days as would be likely to elapse before they should return’; and meanwhile they forbore 3 Do you then, §c.| A most extraordinary proposal this, which Archi- damus could hardly expect would be accepted, since it would leave them wholly in the power of the Lacedzemonians, should they succeed, and incur the almost certain loss of that which was now only in jeopardy ; and if the Athenians should gain the upper hand, it would involve the certain loss of their possessions, since the Athenians would regard them as betraying their cause, 4 Admit of numeration.) Literally, “come into number ;” with which I would compare Aschyl. Pers. 16. dv doSpod Badizer. By “ whatever else” are meant, houses, barns, hovels, and other immovable property. By the trees are meant, principally, fruit trees, but also timber. As to the cattle, it might be removed, or sold to the next occupiers. Certainly the expedient was practicable; though I do not remember any correspondent example, except that of a whole people occupying a ter- ritory from others supposed to be the proprietors, and, therefore, paying to them what is here called #op¢. Thus, in the case of Lesbos, mentioned at 3, 50., where the Lesbian lands are said to have been allotted out to Athe- nian shareholders, to whom the Lesbians were to pay two mine each per annum, . 1 Return.] At xopucSivar some substantive in the accusative must be HH 2 468 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. to ravage their territory. ‘The Platzean ambassadors having proceeded to the Athenians and communicated with them, went back to their fellow-citizens with this message: — ‘The Athenians say, that “neither at any former period since we have been their allies have they suffered us to be injured, nor will they now permit it, but will succour us to the utmost of their power.” They also entreat you®, by the oaths which your fathers sware, not to make any change in the alliance. LXXIV. The ambassadors having made this report, the Platzeans came to the resolution not to betray the Athenians, but endure, if it must be so,,to see their land ravaged, and to suffer whatever else might befall; to go forth no more, but to make answer from the walls that it was impossible for them to do what the Lacedamonians required. As soon as they had returned this answer, king Archidamus then set himself first to make solemn attestation’ to the tutelary gods and heroes of the country, in these words: — “ Ye gods” and understood; not, however, responsum, as Portus, Smith, and others, but rather avrove, i. e. the ambassadors; and xopucSHvas is for dvaxop., as in 6, 29 and 37. Andso the Schol. 2 Entreat you.| Not adjure, as Smith renders; which would be too pleonastic. ’Exwsximrey signifies to urgently enjoin, earnestly entreat, which senses seem here combined. ‘The latter is found in 3, 59., and in Aschin. : kdalovrac, éxereboyvrac budc, émuckymrovrac. and Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 636. On this word see also Dr. Blomfield on Aschyl. Pers. 107. This passage is imitated in Basil ap. Steph. Thes, éaisxcnrrw dpiv mpdc Trav waréowy. There is a very similar one in Herod. tpiv rade érioxyarw Séove robe Baowniove étruaréwr. 1 Attestation.] Or protestation, as Hobbes renders. ’Exyaprupia denotes a solemn appeal to any person to bear witness to what shall be said. 2 Ye gods, §c.] On the tutelary gods of the antients, see a copious ac- count in Spanheim on Callim. t. 2. p. 669. referred to by Duker. Wasse aptly compares Eurip. Pheen. 501. Mapripac dé révde daysdvag caro, ‘Qe ravra mpacowy Edy ding, &c. *Exyeaprupia, | would observe, is rare; nor have I met with it elsewhere except in Dio Cass. 919, 50. r7 Oey émruyucip= tupia. The verb is used in Liban. Or. 502. Ocode paprupopévn Kat ipwac. Dionys. Hal. Ant. 649. émyt. Gsove TE Kai Oaipovac. and 676. tx. Geode Kai mpooyover Oaiwovac. I would also compare Dinarch. p. 98, 18. papr. rove ipwac tobe éyywpiove. Dio Cass. 487, 3. praptvpac Osodve Kai Howac rode éyxwploug roinooua. Kurip. Hec. 79. & ySéviot Ocot. Adschyl. Theb. 69. 6 moduscovxor Ceol, where see Valckn. and Blomfield, also Valckn. on ER i 7,55. Who those tutelary heroes were appears from Wasse on I. 24. This was thought an important religious duty. Thus Xen. Cyr. 3,3, 22. Ozove Svoiatg Kai ijpwac ’Acovpiac otkhropag sbmevifero. And Onosander seems to bear testimony to the custom, by introducing a form of protest- CHAP. LXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 469 heroes, who preside over® Plateea, we take you to witness that we have not invaded this country (wherein our fathers, after invoking your aid, overcame the Medes, and which you made propitious for the Greeks to fight in*) for lust of dominion, but only after these had deserted their sworn compact ; nor, whatever we may now do, shall we be guilty of injustice. For though we have made them many and equitable proposals, all have been rejected. Grant us, therefore, this supplication, that those who began the injustice may be punished, and that those who are lawfully bringing vengeance for injury may obtain their purpose.” © ation in his Strateg. p.27. This solemn aétestatio, too, was used by the Romans on declaring war. Thus Liv. |. 1, 32. “ Audi Jupiter, et tu Juno, Quirine, Diique omnes ccelestes, vosque terrestres, vosque inferni, audite,” &c. 3 Preside over.| "Exere answers to Ae\Syxace in a kindred passage of Herod. 7. 53., and to eAjyacwy in one of Dinarch. p.98. These words properly denote only occupancy, but therein are implied the correspondent notions of honour on the one hand, and of protection on the other. 4 Made propitious for, §c.| The epithet edyevq, properly belonging to the gods protecting (as in the passage of Xenophon above cited), 1s given here to the country protected. Kai airjy is put for its equivalent iy, as often in the Attic writers. “Evaywvicacta does not depend upon zapé- oxere. Nor must roic tvaywrisapévore be supplied at evperh, as Goeller directs; but évay. is dependent upon ore, and airode is to be under- stood. This passage is imitated by Plut. Alex. c. 34. (cited by Goeller), ray Xopay ot Tarépsc avTGy ivaywvloucsai Totc "EXAnow Urép Tijc éevSeplag Tap= éoyov. Ladd Plutarch ap. Steph. Thes. rézo¢ edpvicrarog tvaywvifeoSat. So in éupdyecSa. Bauer, indeed, denies that ev in such cases has any force; but such a doctrine has been exploded more than a century ago. 5 Grant us, therefore, this supplication.] Literally, “ consent or assent (to us) in this, that,” &c., a signification of Zvyyvepwr eivai ru very rare. The commentators adduce no examples; nor can I furnish more than the following : — Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 47,36. (the whole of which passage is plainly imitated from the present), Geode kat Caipovag ot KaTéXoVEL Thy O€ THY YY Tapatroipevot cuyyvwpovag npiv yeveosar Kai wy nvayKa- opévor OpGpev, TEpacspesa Todépov dpxovrag imac &pivacsat. ‘The verb is so used in Herod. 5, 94. évodpeov—ot piv arraréovrec THY Ywpay, AInvatot d& obre ovyywoskdpevot, And so Genes. 34, 22, “ Only herein will the man consent unto us for to dwell with us,” &c. . 6 That those who began, &c.| Such is the sense, which is somewhat darkly expressed, and the construction tortuous. Tij¢ ddutag depends upon Tog UTaPXOVEL TpoTépotc; aS 1,76. UTapEavTeg pGrot rov rowodrov, and without the zpér., supra 67. At érepépey subaud riypwpiar, from rimwpiac, and also rest. There is much spirit, and more than usual fidelity, in Gail’s version: “ Daignez, tous unanimement, faire retomber la punition de l’in- justice sur ses auteurs, et accorder le succés de la yengeance a ceux qui la poursuivent legalement.” HH 3 4.70 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. LXXV. Having made these solemn protestations to the gods’, he put his army in motion for hostilities. And first, he palisaded® the place round with the wood of the trees which they proceeded to fell, that there might be no further egress. ‘They then raised a mound against the place*; ex- pecting that it would be quickly taken by the constant labour of so great a force. Cutting down °, therefore ®, timber’? from 1 Having made these, §c.] The passage has been imitated by Philostr. V.Ap. 4, 6. rowatra éreYedoacSe. Joseph. 548, 12. rar’ éarerdoac, kK. Tr. Procop. 62.18. 7roAX\d érSerdoac. Appian 2, 378, 63. wohda éwYedoac. 2 Put his army, §c.] On this siege (the first, Mitford observes, of which any connected detail remains in the annals of mankind) Goeller refers to Manso Spart. P. 2. p.42.405. Folard. ad Polyb. P. 2. p.174. Gail Mem. p-183. Bredov. on this passage. The reader may every where consult with advantage Lipsius Poliorectes. | 3 Palisaded.| The word zepicravpdw is rare, and no example is adduced by Steph. Thes. It occurs, however, in Xen. Anab. 7, 4. 10,11. and 29. Hist. 3, 2,2. and zepryapaxow in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 172. 4 Raised a mound against the place.| So Herod. 1, 162. yauara yoy mpoc Ta Teivea. and 2,137. 4,76. Appian 1, 476,49, yopa éxov. and 1, 752. Joseph. 972,15. Though it may be very true that this is the first detailed account of a siege, yet the methods of assault here recorded are very inar- tificial, and such as not only would readily suggest themselves, but had been employed many hundreds of years before. Thus in 2 Sam. 20, 15. “ and they cast up a bank against the city (ééyeav mpdcywpa), and it (i.e. not the army, as Bp. Patrick understands, but the mound) stood in the trench.” So Joseph. p. 972, 15. rddpoy éyov, and 2 Kings. 19, 32. “ he shall not cast a bank against.” Sept. od jr) éexéy mpdc abriy mpdcywpa. Now the former of those events took place about B.C. 1022, 1. e. nearly six hundred years before this period. So also Jerem. 6,6. “ Hew ye down trees, and cast a mount against Jerusalem.” Also 22, 24, 26, 8. Dan. 11, 15. 5 Cutting down.| Smith renders, “ had cut down.” But no timber had yet been felled, since Archidamus had not yet proceeded to extremities. It is meant, that they employed the timber, as they felled it, on this erec- tion. And such is ‘the view in which the passage was taken by Hobbes, though he resorts ‘to an unnecessary license. of interpretation. Mitford says that the neighbouring forest supplied the materials for the palisade. But he confounds the palisade and the mound ; for the words of our author plainiy denote that the former was constructed chiefly of such wood, com- paratively of a light sort, as was near the place ; while the beams necessary for the mound would require the heavy timber of Cithzron. Indeed, pre- vious to any operations of a siege, it was always the custom (as it still is) to clear the ground around the place to be besieged. So Joseph. 1219, 52. Karabhysévroc 0& mavroc Eoxove Kai Tepibpayparoc, boa KHTwWY TpoavEoTH= cavrTo Kai OévOpwy ol otkHTopec, BANC TE HMEpOU THe pEeTakd Thon éxKoTEionc, averdyosn pey Ta Koi\a Kai yapadpwon Tov Té7ov. 6 Therefore.| Or hereupon. The use of péy ody is here continuative, in the sense porro, igitur. See Hoog. Part. 358. 7 Timber.] Zobda literally signifies such large planks or beams as are formed by squaring the trunks of trees by the use of the axe; from Zvo, cognate with gw. CHAP. LXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 471 Cithzeron, they built them up on every side of the mound, laying them crossways, so as to serve the purpose of a wall, to prevent the mound from falling away.* To this they brought materials of every sort, wood 9, stones, and earth, and what- ever else when laid on would accomplish the object.!° For seventy days and nights unintermittingly they heaped up the mound, divided into reliefs !', so that some should be carrying, while others took food and sleep. Meanwhile the Lacede- monian Xenagi, or commanders of the quotas !* of each allied 8 Falling away.] Or being dissipated and extended too far, as its base would, if not confined, and thus be the longer in attaining any considerable height. So Joseph. 1317, 41. drwe O& py toupévov rod epyov, yi Crayéorro. Popynody signifies crossways. Thus H¥ not x. For gdopunddy comes rom goppoc, a plaited mat, or piece of wattled or wicker work ; which is what the Scholiast means by WaSndov, &c. This passage is thus imitated by Dio Cass. 227,29. Zia éeobay —ororynddy éxtovvivnoav. So ARneas Tact. p. 574., speaking of a similar military work, represents it as composed && Opdiwy Kai TAayiwy ovyTienivoyv. where see the learned note of Casau- bon, who cites Vitruy. 1.10,20. and 7,3. What is there mentioned, how- ever, was somewhat different, being composed of wicker-work, formed of osiers. Sometimes, even walls of circumvallation were thus formed. So Joseph. 1517, 35-45. oicodopnodpervor reixog Erepoy— rode rpdmw KareE- oxsvacay. Ooxod¢ peyaddac emt mikocg mpooeyeic aNAHAaC KATA Tr)Y TopY ouviSecay. Oto © hoay orixot TapadXAnXor ToocovTOY SuEcTHTEC, Sooy Elva TAATOE reiyouc, Kai picov aupoity Tov yoy éveddpouy. bBrwc O& py bPovpévou Tod xXwoparoc 1 yi) Ciaxéoro, 7adw Erépate OoKoig éxucapoiaic Tac KaTa pijKog keyevauc Ovedeoy. iv ovv éxsivore péy oikodopia Td Epyov TapamthHovoy. 9 Wood.| The #dnyv denotes not so much wood, as twigs and brushwood bound up into faggots; as at c.77. 10 Accomplish the object.] ’Avirew (the sense of which has not been seen by the translators) is well explained by the Scholiast reXecoupyeiv. - Doubtless the materials were brought up by means of inclined planes. 1 Divided into reliefs.) Amnonpévor car’ avaradbdac is a blending of two phrases, and signifies “ divided into parties for relief’? ’Avaz. is put in the plural, because the word which it comprehends would have been in the plural. There is something very similar in Livy, 5,19. “ In partes sex mu- nitionum numerum divisit: senze hore in orbem operi attribute sunt: nocte ae die nunquam ante omissum.” 12 Commanders of the quotas.| I have here deviated from all the trans- lators and commentators, who take the Xenagi to mean commanders of the mercenaries. For this there is, indeed, the authority of the Scholiast, and nearly all the antient lexicographers, but not a single proof from any classical writer has been produced; and though I can furnish one from Max. Tyr. Diss. 55, 6. dud rotro Esvayol, did rovTo puoSdopot, &c., yet so little of a critic was M. T. that it is not decisive That such is not the sense, is probable from the circumstance that the Lacedemonians did not at this period employ mercenaries. I have no doubt that by Xenagi are here meant commanders of the quotas furnished by the allies of the Lace- demonian confederation, who are called Zévo. in contradistinction to the Spartans. And this sense is completely confirmed by the following passages HH 4 472 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. state, were set over them, to urge them to the work. But the Platzeans, when they saw the mount rising, formed a wooden frame-work of a wall }°, and placed it on that part of the city wall where the mount was raised; then they built up into it bricks from the adjacent houses 4, demolished for the ‘purpose. The timbers served to bind them together, lest the building, being high, should be weak.'? It was also covered Ne in front with skins and raw hides, both to defend the timbers against the shots of the fiery darts 1’, and for the security '® of the workmen. Thus was the wall raised to a considerable of a contemporary historian. Xen. Hist. 5, 2,7. Aaxedayudrie ereprov abroic Kata Kopny éxdorny Eevaydv. 5,1, 55. Oureume Kai Eevayovde tg Tag wédec. and 4,2. 19., the second of which passages will show that the name was applied even to commanders of the Periceci of the Lacedzemonians. See the dissertation prefixed to this work on the different orders of the Lacedzemonian nation. I mean not, however, to deny that gevaydc after- wards came to denote a commander of mercenaries; for this the antient lexicographers show; and that is all, none excepting Suidas (who copies our Scholiast) adverting to this passage. To Max. Tyr. above may be added Posidippus ap. Athen. 376. and Polyen. 5,17. 13, Wooden frame-work of a wail.| Formed like the one above described in Joseph. 1517. by which the whole of this passage from £iAuvor to oikodd- pena is exceedingly illustrated. ’Eowxodéuovy (which is ill understood by the commentators) signifies, “ built up in the interstices of the wood- work.” 14 From the adjacent houses.| This passage is imitated by Auneas Po- liore. 33. fin. é« rot éyybrara oixtéy, caSapotvra. And sach probably is the true punctuation. 15 The timbers served, &c.] This passage is imitated by Procop. 85, 12. and Arrian. EK. A. 2, 18, 7. 6 Covered.] TpoxdAvppa is rare in this sense. It occurs, however, in the whole passage, as imitated by Arrian EK. A. 2, 18. cited by Duker. Ladd Procop. 83, 52: éevdouy mpoxadippara éx rpaysiwy Tpiyav —- aprhoayrec tk EvAOy paxpdy évratSa yap obre rvpgdtpor dtoroi obre Ta dhAa Bidy tEucvEioSce ciyov. Polyeen. 5,17. rote broppurropévore O& Kai Tpokadvppara bwEperever we Bovdéusvoc NavSavev. See also 3,11, 13. On the déspee xcai oepSéoac (skins and raw hides) made use of for this purpose, I would adduce the following passages : — Agath. p. 73, 11. dsppetc & vrepsiv Kai OupSipag imxtbadroyrec révroYev. Procop. 68, 24. déppste Oé Kai Bipcac «7. and 198,2. Hence in Polyeen. 3,11,5. d&ipas caréhabe. | conjecture zapifade. So also Pollux, 1,93. mentions among the tackle of a ship dépere. ee 17 Fiery darts.) Of these much use was made in antient warfare; for a full account of which I beg to refer to my note on Ephes. 6, 16. 18 Security.] For év dopadeia one MS. at least has év déogadei, which appears to me the true reading. The phrase occurs in the best writers, as Xenophon, Polybius, &c., who yet never, as far as I know, use év dopadeia eivat. ‘The reading in question was certainly in Dio Cassius’s MS., since it occurs at p. 227. ina passage closely imitated from the present. The raw hides, it may be observed, were well adapted to quench and resist the fiery darts. CHAP. LXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.73 height, and the mound opposite to it ascended '? with cor- responding celerity. The Plateeans, too, devised another con- trivance; they perforated the wall at the place where the mound bore upon it, and drew to them the earth from it.?° LXXVI. On discovering this, the Peloponnesians thrust clay into straw hampers ', and cast them into the perforation ; which, not falling through, could not be drawn in as was the earth. Thus cut off from success, they desisted, indeed, from the attempt *, but proceeded to dig a subterraneous trench from 19 Ascended.] ’Avravne. A word which I have not found out of Thu- cydides. Dio, Cass. 333, 44., in a passage imitated from this, has dyravioraro. See my note on Ephes. 2, 21. 20 Perforated the wall, &c.| This very expedient is mentioned by Procop. p. 84, 22. also 10, 19. 72,17. In écepdpovy the ée¢ signifies towards them; éow, within the city. So a little further on igeiAcoy rapa obde roy your. 1 Thrust clay into straw ata Such is, I conceive, the sense of this passage, which has occasioned no little perplexity to the commentators. All the older ones explain the rapootg caddpou wnddoy évethrovrec (after the Schol.) “ hurdles of reed, daubed over with clay.’ But it is difficult to imagine how such could effect the purpose in view; nor can évei\\ew signify to daub. The recent commentators, and Mitford, take the words in the sense which I have adopted, and which I very many years ago assigned. That raposde may denote basket, is certain from Zonare Lex. Col. 640. These rapooi, however, seem rather to have been hampers than baskets. That the word will denote either, is plain from its use in Homer, Theocrit., &c., where it is employed to denote a cheese-vat, in which cheeses were placed to be dried ; and that could not be a mat, but a basket. On the sense of «idyev, éveiMtey, and the cognate words, see the very learned re- marks of Ruhnken and Hemsterh. on Timzi Lex. p. 69—7z. By the cadduov must be understood, not reed (which would not be pliant enough), but straw, a signification of the word which occurs in the best authors. Goeller refers to Herod. 1, 179. pera 08, réhpware ypempevor aooarty Sepuy Kai Ova rornKovTa Odpwv wou Tapoots Kadapwy OvacTot baZovrec, edeysav, &c., which passage I had myself, very many years ago, resorted to. But if it has any correspondence to the present, the sense must be very different. On that passage (which has been most erroneously translated by Larcher and Beloe) [ have treated at large in aseries of notes on that historian, which I propose, ere long, to lay before the public. For this to have any similarity to that passage, it is necessary that éveidovrec be taken like the dtacroiSaZovrec there. But I can hardly think that the word admits of such a sense. Besides, rapcote radkdpou must then denote tops of reeds, which is not the sense in the passage of Herodotus, nor would here be suitable; for tops of reeds would, if they could have been found in any tolerable quantity, have been too weak for the purpose. And yet that the present passage was so taken by some antient commentators, appears from Phot. Lex. in rapooi, which he explains ‘ the tops of the reed,” and says that so it is used in Thucydides. And such is the expla- nation given by the Etym. Mag. 747, 5. and Suid. 2 Desisted, indeed, from, $c] For rotro Steph. would read rovrov, which may be confirmed from Procop. 84, 28, ot 6: ‘Pwpeatoe rodrov piv drioxovro, 4.7 4 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK It. the city? to whereabouts they conjectured the bottom of the mound was, and again drew away the earth to them; and for a long time eluded the observation of the besiegers, who, though still heaping on matter, were the farther from accom- plishing their purpose; the mound being drawn away below, and the upper earth continually settling down on the vacant space.* Fearing, however, lest even by this means they should never be able to hold out — so few against so many? — they contrived this additional device. Abandoning the erection of the lofty edifice over against the mount, they proceeded to build on the inside, and towards the city, wall in the form of a half-moon®, commencing at either end 122,19, 196, 21. and Dio. Cass. 623, 87. rovrov piv éxecys. where the conjecture of Xyland., avecye, is, without reason, approved by Reimar ; nay, in the above passages, there is little doubt but that ézeoye is to be ‘read. With respect to the accusative rotro of the present passa it is not only supported by all the MSS., but by a kindred passage at 5, 46 and 63., and hence may be emended Dio Cass. 1072, 42. éeaye O8 ob Tort. 3 Dig a subterranean trench, &c.]| So Appian 1, 691. ’Apyehaov dé 76 Yopa VropbTTOVTOS Kal THY yiY a rodepeaT oe TEs Cols “Dio Cass. 1080, 9. Tor TO xovy vroptacoyrec Ud 7d reixog’ b¢deiixkoy. Heliod. 2, 278, 8. avAdva TWa OTévoy TE Kal UTbyELOY amd THE TowE emi Ta X@pa TOY TokEMioY duxvobmevor dpvrray aroxekrAnowro. Seealso Joseph. 1249. init. Nor must I omit to illustrate the sense of Zuvrexuypdpevor, as it has been neglected by the commentators. There is an ellipsis, which I have supplied, and which the Schol. has very well explained. So in a similar passage in Appian Mith. 56. (imitated from the present) ry yijy é¢ rad rein, Tekpatpopevor diopurrov. The word occurs in a similar sense at Xen. Symp. 2, 8. Thu- cy dides seems to have had in mind a very similar expression in Herod. 2, 150, 13. ék Oy @ WY TOY operepwy otkioy apEapévot ol KAOTEC, WTO YY OTADPEW- prevot, é¢ Ta Baownia oixia dpvocoy. also 9, 37. This use of oraSp. has been imitated by Procop. 227. and Pausan. 7, 21. 4 The upper earth continually, §c.| This passage is imitated by Appian 1, 691. Arrian H. A. 2. 27, 6. Procop. 84, 28. > Fearing, however, &c.| For thus it would be a contest of strength between the two parties, i. e. whether the Plataeans could draw the earth away under, as fast-as the Lacedeemonians could heap it on above. Now though the labour of the former would be much less than that of the latter, yet it would not be in proportion to their disparity of numbers, which prevented them from using reliefs, as the Lacedemonians could do. This shows the folly of the Athenians in garrisoning so ill a post of such consequence. Had the garrison been three or four times as numerous and well provisioned, it is probable that the place would not have been taken. 6 A wall in the form of a half-moon.] This expedient was, on other occasions, adopted. So Appian 1, 694, 80. ra werrwxéra rod retyoug (KOOO[EL, pgvoeier abroic Tod mepideie Sadan Diod. Sic. 9, 222. wKodd- pinoa rpiroy Téiyoc pyvosléc, TEpttapbavoyToe TH TWEpipipea TavTa TOY KW- Ouvebovta réroy Tov retyovg. Arrian E. A. 1. 21, 8. OX ebSynoav yap dyri TOU TEeTTWKSTOS TELYOUC, ErwIEV TivsivoY pHVOELig AYTOLKOOOPNOAMEVOL. CHAP. LXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. A475 from the lower part of the wall; so that if the great wall should be taken, this should hold out, and put the enemy to the necessity of erecting another mound against that, and, as they proceeded inward, have a double trouble, and be yet more exposed to missiles, and that from either side.?, The Pelopon- nesians, however, in addition to the raising of the mound, brought up their battering engines ® against the city; one of which, planted on the mound, was played against the high part of the wall, and shook it violently 9; throwing the Plateeans into great alarm. Others they applied in different parts against the wall; and these the Plateeans drew upwards by throwing ropes '° about them, or else, suspending huge beams by strong iron chains fastened to either end, and hung from two poles like yard-arms"’ inclining forwards and stretching over the 7 Exposed to missiles, and that, §c.] Suchis the sense of éy appibddy eivar, The words are illustrated by Appian 1, 694, 83. capvdy 6& wo ty orevy, Kai BaddAopevoc dvwSey tk TE peTwWTOU Kal THY KEpawY, WE éy junvoEidect xwptoc. Arrian E. A. 1, 21,12. cai ob Kard pérwroyv povoy iKpoboXiZorvro é¢ Tove TPOMaYopévoUE THY pNXaVGY, AAG Kal éx THY TIPywr, Ov 01) ExaTEpwSeEV TOU éonpiupévou TELXoUC avTOL trodeheyupevoe x 7aylov TE Kat povovod Kara vorou Tapstyoyv akpobodiZeoSat é¢ TOvE TY AVTPKOOOMNMEVY TELYEL Tpocayovrac. 8 Battering engines.] ‘The first decided mention of these is in Juvenal _ 4, 2. about B. C. 595. Calmet remarks that they are not mentioned by Homer, though, according to Pliny, they were invented by Epeus at the siege of Troy, Vitruvius says they were first invented by the Carthaginians, at the siege of Cadiz. 9 Shook it violently.| i. e. from the bottom; for such is the true sense of karéostoev, as in AXlian V. H. 3, 16. i0 Drew upwards by throwing ropes.] So Livy 36, 23, “ laqueis exceptis declinebant.” Pausan. 1, 21, 8. ceypaic wepibddovrec (read mepi€addovTec) ray roAdspiwy drdcoc. Ropes were also thrown out, to divert the effect of other military engines; as Appian 1, 269. Bpdxorg O& Ta Opérava Teptiorur. and 323. 22. ra dpérrava Bpdxyowe TapHyov. The dvardé¢y is rightly explained by Goeller reflectere ; but the examples he adduces are not apposite, except Thucyd. 7, 25. tx 0& rév dkdrwy wrevoy dvadobpevor Tove oravpode Kai avichwy. I add Appian 1, 751. rode xpiove hiSore. awexatdUZor. Dio. Cass. 1080, 11. rove Kpiove rode piv Bpdyote dverxov — Tove O& dpTayae avecTOY. Procop. 335, 2. roy kpiov—idedve, 11 Suspending huge beams, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the meaning of this sentence, which has been more or less misapprehended by all the interpreters. The difficulty chiefly rests on the terms following. Toy) is here used in a rare sense; and as in Hom. Il. a. 235. érewd) mpéra TOpIY év Opecot NéXoLTE it signifies the place whence it was cut (compare Isaiah 51, 1.), so here it denotes the place whence the beam was cut from the tree either way. The only example of a similar use known to me, is in Joseph. p- 1312. 41. Odxovg péyarag emi pijKoc TPOTEX Ele adAnXaueg kara THY TONY ouveseoay, By repay are denoted certain poles protruding like horns, or sail-yards, or yard arms of ships, to which the beams were suspended by very long 4.76 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. wall, they drew them up obliquely’®; and as often as the engine was going to fall upon any part, they let go the beam at slack-chain from their hands; which falling violently upon the beak of the engine, broke it off.’ LXXVII. Upon this the Peloponnesians, finding that the machines were of no service, and that a counter-work was erected over against the mound, concluded that it would be impracticable to take the city by any of the present means of terror ', and therefore began to make preparations for com- pletely investing the city. First, however, it seemed advisable to try if it were possible, by the aid of a brisk wind, to set the city on fire (especially as it was not large). For their thoughts were turned every way to devise means” whereby the place chains, which admitted of being raised and tightened, or lowered and slackened. Of these we elsewhere read. So Plutarch Marcell. 15. azd TOY TEHYOY byw bTrEpawpobpevat Kepaia, Athen. 208. C. Kepaiat, td’ ov Ka- TaoksvacTo garvapara Ov wy ydicro Ni9o1, K.7.. On these see the remarks of Casaubon on Adneas Pol. p. 577. 12 They drew them up obliquely.| Were I read éycapsiae from almost all the MSS. and the recent editors. And this I am enabled to confirm from the following imitations :— Appian, 1,321. rove xpiove rite dppie e&édvov, émtbaddovrec émixapciag Odxove. Procop. p. 10,14. rv éubody aei SoKotg tioiy éyxapoiac avioreddov. 197, ult. Odcove éykapoiac. also Polyeen. Stratag. 6,3. ddxoug—- mayiac wapéreve. ‘hese sail-yards could not well be drawn up otherwise than obliquely, since that gave them a greater length of chain. Tv doKdy yarapaic raic adiceot Hobbes has not well rendered “ slacking the chains ;” nor do the words seem to have been. properly understood. They form a phrase for an epithet, and are elliptically put for (27) yaXapatg raic adboect (otoav). And cai—éyorrec is for kai ciyoy or éxovrec. 13 Broke it off.] On amecaidZe Goeller refers to Procop. B.P. 1, 18. I add Aristoph. ap. Pollux, 10, 144. ASyyae 0 ExavdriZovro, Kai Evory Kapak. and Equit. 825. cai rove Kcavdote rév oSvvdv ixkavrtiZwy, rarabpoySiZe. where the Schol. truly says this is a metaphor taken from the lopping off the heads of vegetables. The word also occurs in Hippocrates and Appian, and was with reason restored by Markland to Eurip. Suppl. 717. cazuret- flevoy Kapa Kuviac Sepifwy caroKavdiZwy. 1 By any of the present, Sc.) Such is the sense of avd réy rapdvrwy dstvéy, which words are most erroneously rendered by Smith, “ amidst so many obstacles.” Of the above signification of ded» there are examples at 5,45. amcrpomiy tye 1) vpwy icyvt ) GAD TH Seer. and in Isocr. 3543. mavrwv Tov ty Aakedaiponr Ceway dd\tywpyjoac. Hence is illustrated Pausan. 1,6,6. Alyurroy aipnoey ée roy rapévTwy cideuiay eiyey éhrida, 2 Their thoughts were turned, §c.] Such seems the full import of racav ideay éxevdouy, with which I would compare Aristoph. Thesm. 456. rdcac 0” sidtag tEyracey’ mavra © i€doracey opevi. CHAP. LXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 477 might be reduced without the expense of a blockade.? They therefore brought faggots of brush-wood*, and threw them from the adjacent mound °; first into the space between it and the wall, which, by so many hands, was soon filled; they then heaped them into other parts of the city, as far as they could reach from the height; tossing also fire®, with sulphur and pitch, which soon caught the wood; and such a fire arose as had never been yet seen kindled by human hands’; though sometimes mountain-forests have taken fire, by the mutual attrition of dry branches agitated by winds, and have sent forth fire and flames of their own accord.? ‘This, however, 3 Expense of a blockade.| In avev Sardyne cai wodwpkiacg there is a hendiadys. And so, I find, Hudson takes it, who refers to Casaubon on Polyb., from whom, indeed, his note is almost wholly derived. I cannot, however, but suspect that by damdyn¢ Thucydides intended not only expense of money, but of lives, and perhaps labour. And this is supported by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 539, 4. imitated from the present passage: paduora plev dvev payne Kai réovov Karadvecdat Tove TohEpmoug Et O& pn Ye, CVV thayiorTy TOU oTpaTwriKov. TANHSovg daravy. So also damayvyn in Synes ap. Steph. Thes. and Hesych. dardyn- rpogh. 4 Faggots of brushwood.] Such is the sense of tAng dakéddove. By tAne are meant the boughs and twigs of trees, and brushwood, what we call kindling. ax. is explained by T. Mag. dedenévov gopriov, which corre- sponds to our bundle. The word seems derived from ¢gakéc, which Zonaras explains shoulder, and that from ¢acw, cognate with gakde or gackdc, fascis and fasciculus. It is often used of fire-wood. So Plut. Fab. Max. 6. ppvyaver dak. Eurip. Cycl. 241. ¢ax. fdAwy. Appian 2,169. dak. Ebdwy é¢ tiv Tagpoy iwbddgwy. Joseph. 208. dak. UAnc Enpac. Herod. 4, 62. gov- yavwv pak. 5 Adjacent mound.| The word zpécyworg is rare; but it is tound in Joseph., and zpdcywua in Aschyl. P. V. 872. 6 Tossing also fire, §c.] The passage is imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. 642, 40. of piv ydp ard THy TAHOLOY OlKLY AodaXTOV Kal TlooNE TETUPWpENC, ayyéia opevddvaic tvapporrovrec ewéebaddov UTED TOY Adgoy —ol GupPopodYTEC avtey gaxddove povydvwy—Advipw mapaddyTEeg Tac ordyac, ixipdpy. See also Herodian, 8,4,26. Dionys. Hal. Ant. 192, 5, Hence in Polyzen. 4, 7, 4. Tip tubarwy dye Tijyv widny, read Any. 7 And such a fire, &c.] ‘This passage is closely imitated by Joseph. p- 142, 41. éédapwe 0& xiip rosovToy booyv obdE yYELpOTOINTOY ioTdpHoe TIC — obdé yiSev dvadoSiv Kara vrodpopny Kabparog. ovre Kata Biay rvEevparwr" tne mode abtd waparptbeione abroparwc é&expdvoSn. where for boo odd: I read cov ovdérw; and for odd: yer, obre yHSev; finally, for rpd¢ adré, mooc abri}y, with the antient interpreters. 8 Sent forth fire and flames, Sc.) -Such is the literal sense of azd ravre- pdrov zip kai dAdya. As the phrase has not been illustrated by the com- mentators, the following passages will probably be acceptable: — Athenzeus, p- 19. of Callisthenes the conjuror: d¢ wip re abréparoy éoie avapiersat Plutarch Alex. 35. azé rabroparov hapa re wip. Athen. 233. HE. abroparwe dhyy iuronodeionc. Herod. 2, 180. 6 vnd¢g abropdrw¢ karexan. Dionys. Hal. Ant. 260, 25. gumpycSévrog rov 0& vaot — axd rabroparov — amd Tov Tupdc. 478 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. :?> WOO. was exceedingly fierce, and was within a very little of destroying the Plateeans after they had escaped the other perils. _ Indeed, to a considerable distance in the city, it was impossible to approach the flames; and if, as the enemy expected, the wind had blown strong towards the city, they could not have escaped. But (as it is said to have happened) a heavy rain, with thunder, coming on, quenched the flame, and thus the danger was averted. LXXVIII. This contrivance having also failed, the Pelo- ponnesians, leaving a certain portion of the forces, but dis- missing the remainder ', drew a wall of circumvallation round With the use of XEtporroinroc here I would compare Liban. Orat. 937. XELPOTOINTOC Tp — adromaroc. Gottleb. aptly compares Lucret. 1, 896. “At seepe in magnis fit montibus, ignis, ut altis arboribus vicina cacumina summa terantur ‘inter se, V validis facere id cogentibus austris, donec fulserunt flammee fulgore coorto.” To this cause, indeed, Vitruvius de Archit. 1.1. refers the origin of fire, saying, “ arbores ab initio ventis agitatas inter se terentes ramos ignem primum excitavisse.” This subject is also treated by Scaliger on the Aitna of Severus. 1 Leaving a certain portion, c.] I have seen no reason to accede to the opinion of the recent editors, that the words, 76 0é Norby agévrec, are to be cancelled, since the authority for their omission is but weak, there being far more MSS. that have than which have not the words. Of the latter class, indeed, there are only four MSS. of any account; and even two of those have the words in the margin: and, as to the Cod. August., its autho- rity is neutralised by the discrepancy of its _counterpart the ‘Cassel. In the former case, then, the evidence is positive, in the latter only negative. The words, too, might be omitted per homeoteleuton. It is true we just after read of the army going home, and dispersing to its cities; but that may very well be understood of the army eft behind. Poppo remarks, that they would not venture to permit the whole army to go, until the circum- vallation was effected, for fear of the Athenians. But a much smaller force than the whole might be sufficient to remove that apprehension, and the Lacedzemonians would, of course, have a force large enough for all the purposes in view. Besides, if the words be cancelled, they, or something similar, must be understood in the sense adopted by Poppo and Goeller, namely, that the rest departed into Beeotia. But such an omission would be very harsh, Moreover, the words are required by the prodosis in pépo¢ pev, &c.; for to say, with Poppo, that the apodosis is found in ra¢poe 62, or, with Goeller, in kai dudtSnoay, would be using an argument by which almost any thing might be proved. If, however, it should be thought that the whole _army would be neces- sary to accomplish the circumvallation, and maintain the defence of the works against the Athenians, we may (with Hack) suppose that the words To 0& Nowrdy adevrTec have the sense, “ dismissed them to some adjacent place,” as Beotia; which, I grant, seems more agreeable both to the words themselves, and the following ones, dvexwpnoay rp orparp Kai OudvSnoay CHAP. LXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.79 the city, a certain space being allotted to each state.2 There was a ditch both on the inside and outside *, from which they made the bricks. And when the work was accomplished, about the rising of Arcturus*, leaving a garrison for half of kara 7odstc. The remaining part of the army, not wanted for immediate guard, would be more easily and comfortably subsisted in Beeotia. 2 A wall of circumvallation, §c.] For the preceding was only a palisade. With respect to the distribution of space here mentioned, something similar is mentioned by Polybius of Lilybeeum. 8 Inside and outside.] i. e. both against the besieged, and against any in- vading enemy. 4 Rising of Arcturus.] September 19. On the use of: ézurodde, and such like words, Bredov. has here a long and able note, the substance of which I shall detail. “As with us time is commonly denoted by festival and saints’ days, so among the Greeks and Romans it was customary to com- pute the time of the year from the first appearance of certain bright stars* in the heavens, while they emerge from the sun’s_rays, or from their set- ting. These were chiefly Arcturus, Pleiades, Orion, and Canicula. But since the import of the words rising and setting 1s so various, it were to be wished that the antients had used some distinction of sense. Now, a star rises and sets. daily; and this the Greeks expressed by dvariA\New and dvvey, dvarody) and dio. But that daily rising and setting seems gra- dually more and more to precede the sun, until at certain times in the year it coincides with it, when the star becomes no longer visible to us. A little before it disappears the star sometimes rises after sunrise, and sometimes sets after sunset. Now, that setting of the star which takes place imme- diately after sunset, and is last visible to us, the Greeks call («ar’ éoynv) the duo; or, as Geminius, codfic. After that time the star is overpowered by the sun’s rays, and for forty days is not visible, At the end of that period its rise is a little before sunrise, and then it again comes into view ; which, first rising to view, the Greeks express by éaerohy) and émiréhdev, words never applied to the sun. At length, after some months, the star rises a little before sunset ; and then, after some weeks, it sets a little before sun- set. ‘These periods they also apply to the marking of time; and thus they speak of the éztro\) both eastern and western of each star, more by the use of the term ézcroX), without any addition, leaving it to be determined by connection which ézivod\)) was meant. And so of the toc and kpiiic of each star. ° Now, in Hippocrates de vict. rat. 3. p.34, 36. (as in our author), by the éxurody) of Arcturus is meant the eastern éxcrohy, which, we collect, hap- pened about the autumnal equinox, whence they reckoned the beginning of autumn; i. e. according to the calendarium Romano-Julianum, on the 12th or 17th of September. Yet Hippocrates, at p.36., uses the dpxrovpov étrodr) of the evening rise of Arcturus. Aristophanes often uses dvaron:} in an extended sense, to denote the rising of stars, in reference to the sun. Theophrastus sometimes uses avarods), and avaréd\New, of the rise of stars ; though elsewhere he uses the more accurate terms éztrohi), and été, A distinction which was insisted on by Hipparchus and Geminius, and * By this the learned Commentator seems to deny that the antients reckoned time by festivals. But that is sufficiently apparent from Theophr. Char. Eth. 3. Thy SdAdarrnv ek Avoyvolwy TA@imoy eivat, See more in my note on Acts, 27, 9. 480 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. the wall (for the other half was guarded by the Boeotians), the army departed and separated each to their cities. ‘The Platee- ans had, previous to the siege, removed to Athens their wives and children, as also the most aged and otherwise useless crowd.° Those who were left, and stood the siege, were four hundred of the Plateeans, and eighty Athenians, and, more- over, one hundred and ten women, to prepare their food.° This was the whole number of them when the siege began ; nor was there any other individual in the place, whether bond which began to prevail, when, by the more accurate observation of the stars, various risings were discerned; and especially as it seemed improper to confound the rising of a star not visible (as when it coincides with that of the sun), and the rising of a star which happens a little before the sun. In recent astronomy the former of these is called the cosmica/, and the lat- ter the heliacal rise, which the antients, for better discrimination, called ouvavaroN\r and érirohy.” . See also Dodwell’s Annales in loco, and Gail. + Useless crowd.) Or, useless population, turba inutilis, 1. e. ad bellum ; what Diod. Sic. t. 6, 64. calls réyv dypeioy dyXov, as also Xen. Anab. 6, 17. Hist. 7, 2,18. Herod. 1, 194. and 3, 81. oty r@ axpniy rod orparov. And so elsewhere in the best antient writers. Hence I cannot approve of the introduction of dypnoroy from several MSS., by Hack and Bekker. As to what they allege, that dypeioy isa gloss, the contrary is nearer the truth. Morever, dypetoy is not only defended by half the MSS., but was read by Dio Cass., as appears from a close imitation of the present passage at 248, 77. Of the active sense in éxcexopropévor, of the partic. perf. pass., see the ex- amples adduced by Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. Agam. 252. 6 To prepare their food.| ‘This is an expression by which a part is used for the whole; for we may suppose that these women discharged not only all other domestic duties, but (as appears from Diod. Sic. 1, 584. and Polyzen. 8, 70.) employed themselves in carrying the food, arms, and am- munition to the ramparts, dressing wounds, nursing the sick, and probably rendering such other services to the commen cause as they were able, nay, sometimes even above their strength. See also Zosiin. 5, 22, 7. To the exam- ples adduced by Duker, I add Eurip. Troad, 494. Hec. 566. Herod. 7, 187. We may imagine that, in determining the number of the women (who would, of course, be the youngest and strongest), the proportion was one woman to four men; though Herod 3, 150. relates that, at the siege of Babylon, one woman was assigned to each man, 7))y 6& piny Exaoroc otre= mov éEawéero. Certainly their duties were not a little laborious ; for they had to grind the corn into flour before they made the bread, and that bya very rude and toilsome process; namely, by hand-mills composed of two huge stones. See my note on Matt. 24,41. So Homer Od. v. 105. yur) aXerpic. Pollux, 7,180. pudracpida ry adéoay yvvaica ékeyov. Hence may be understood Lycoph. Cass. 5, 8. Mudy@drou yAoto datradevrpiac. Theo- phr. Char. Eth. c. 8. says, kai rijy cirorowy repay, from which, and the above passage of Pollux, it appears that the labour was generally such as to occupy one person, That this office fell very heavy on the women in times of siege, we may infer from Zosim. 5,22, 7., where he mentions an adeTSpic yuv7) making bread in the dead of the night. CHAP. LXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 481 or free. Such was the mode in which the siege of Plateea was conducted. LXXIX. This same summer, and about the same time with the expedition against Plateea, the Athenians, when the corn was in full ear, assembling two thousand heavy-armed and two hundred horse of their own people’, undertook an expedition against the Chalcideans of Thrace and the Bot- tizeans, under the command of Xenophon son of Euripides, assisted by two colleagues. They, coming under the walls ® of Spartolus, in Bottiaea, destroyed the corn. It was thought, too, that the town would have been brought to surrender by the intrigues of a faction within. Those, however, who were of the opposite party, had sent beforehand to Olynthus, from whence came a body of heavy-armed and other forces? to garrison it. These making a sally, the Athenians were brought to an engagement close under the city, in which the heavy-armed of the Chalcideans, supported by some auxilia- ries, were worsted by the Athenians, and retreated to Spartolus. But the horse and light-armed of the Chalcideans, with a very inferior number, defeated the Athenian horse and light- armed (for they had a few targetteers from the district of Crusis‘); and after the battle had begun, some other target- 1 Of their own people.}j i.e. Attica. This is not put pleonastically ; but we may infer (what, perhaps, was meant to be zmplied) that the light troops (for such there must have been, and, indeed, these are afterwards men- tioned) were of the allies. 2 Under the walls.| For the izé does not merely mean éo (though Diod. Sic. substitutes for it é¢), and the Athenians are just after said to be wpdc avrg moder. Of this use other examples occur in Polyen. 4, 6. i7d ry BoXov. Pausan. 4, 54,1. bd rod Il. 76 ordua. The phrase is borrowed from the Homeric 7d ‘Duoy siva, id Tpoiny, t7d aréduv. The situation, too, of Spartolus was probably high, on a chain of hills which skirt the coast. On the situation of Bottizea I have already treated, supra, 1,57. Spar- tolus has place in few maps, nor is it easy to fix it; but I agree with Poppo Proleg. p. 359. that from Thucyd. 5,18. it was probably on the west of Olynthus. Certainly it was not far from that city. Hence in Iseus, . 55, 18. gu\apywy Tijc ’Ovaiac tv ZrraprwHdry, I conjecture ’OAvySiac. 3 Other forces.| Such must here be the sense of orparia. By other is meant a force of light-armed, or rather, as we find from what follows, targetteers, for it is just afterwards said, that other targetteers came to their aid from Olynthus. 4 For they had a few, §c.] By they (as Hack and Goeller rightly remark) are meant, not the Chalcideans (as all the other commentators under- VOL. I. jh 4.82 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. teers from Olynthus came to their assistance. And now the light-armed of Spartolus, emboldened both by this accession of force [to their friends], and that, even before it came up, they 5 had not had the worst of the battle, ventured again to attack the Athenians, in conjunction with the Chalcidean horse and the auxiliaries. ‘The Athenians now retreated to two bodies of troops® which they had left with the baggage; and whenever they advanced, the enemy gave way; but when- ever they retired, pressed upon them, and annoyed them with missiles. The Chalcidean horse, too, rode up, and charged wherever an opportunity occurred’; and throwing them into no little consternation, put them to flight, and pursued them to a considerable distance. The Athenians fled for refuge to Potideea, and after fetching away their dead by truce, returned with the remainder of the army to Athens. ‘Their loss amounted to four hundred and thirty slain, including all the commanders. The Chalcideans and Bottiseans set up a trophy, and, taking up their own dead, separated each to their respective cities. LXXX. This same summer, and not long after these events, the Ambraciots and Chaonians ', wishing to subdue all Acarnania, and detach it from the Athenian alliance, urged the Lacedzemonians to equip a navy from their confederacy, and stand) but the Athenians. The words are parenthetical and explicative, serving to show that the Athenians had some light-armed, though they brought none from Athens ; namely, a few targetteers from Crusis. Of Crusis the commentators only say that it was a district of Mygdonia ; referring to Herod. 7, 123. To which authority may be added Steph. Byz., Strabo, 1. 7. Kpovoic poupa rije Mvydoviac. and Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 38, 10. ésvoc Kpovoaioy. Hence it appears that in the passage of Herodotus, Pauw and Wessel. rightly correct Kpovcain. 5 And that they had, &c.| By they must be understood, not, as the com- mentators imagine, the Spartolians, but the Chalcideans. By accession of strength is meant that to the Chalcideans. Throughout this chapter, indeed, our author has been blamably negligent in not making the subject of the words clear. Thus just after at dvaywootor must be understood ee Athenians, not, as the construction would lead us to suppose, the Chal- cideans. 6 Two bodies of troops.) These were doubtless in the rear, where the baggage was always placed. 7 An opportunity occurred.] At 7 dédxor subaud Karpde. ‘1 Chaonians.| ‘These had been associated with the Ambraciots, on the Occasion mentioned supra, c. 68. CHAP. LXXx. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 483 send it, with a thousand heavy-armed, to Acarnania; saying that if they would co-operate with them, by proceeding thither — with both a fleet and army (the Acarnanians on the sea-coast not being able to muster together with the rest ?), they might. easily seize Acarnania, and make themselves masters of Za- cynthus and Cephallenia; and thereby it would no longer be so easy for the Athenians to sail round Peloponnesus. ‘There was hope, too, they thought, of taking Naupactus. The Lacedzemonians, persuaded by these arguments, sent Cnemus, who was yet admiral ®, with the heavy-armed on board a few ships immediately, and issued orders to the confederates to equip their ships as speedily as possible, and sail* to Leucas. Now the Corinthians had been especially zealous in forwarding. the desires of the Ambraciots, who were a colony of theirs ; and the naval quota from Corinth and Sicyon, and those parts, was in preparation; that from Leucas and Anactorium and Ambracia, coming up first, waited for the rest. But Cnemus and the thousand heavy-armed, having effected their pas- sage undiscovered by Phormio (who commanded the twenty Athenian ships watching about Naupactus), immediately made preparations for the land expedition. ‘There were with him, of Grecians, the Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Anactorians, and the thousand Peloponnesians whom he brought with him; of Barbarians, there were a thousand of those Chaonians not subject to regal government.° These were commanded by 2 Not being able to muster, §c.] It was, indeed, at all times difficult for the Acarnanians to muster for mutual and general defence, until (as we learn from Diod. Sic. t. 8. 549. te rév dyupdy Kai ppbv xwplwy eic ddjJtyag TodELC pETOUKOAL, STTWE ju), OUEsTappEvne Tij¢ oiknoswe AdvYaTwow adijrotc Bondeiv. A similar use of £vu€onSeiy occurs in Xen. Hist. 7, 4,27. Polyb. 4, 67,4. So also Aristoph. Lysist. 247. otcovy ty’ ide Evplonsnoey oir Tove dvopac sbSvc. 3 Yet admiral.| Duker thinks it clear by the ér: (yet) that the office of admiral was, at Lacedzemon, limited to a certain period. Some say it was annual; but that, he thinks, is not easy to be proved; nay, it would appear from the chronology of our author, and from Diod. Sic., that it at last ex- ceeded this period. But, perhaps, it may be accounted for by supposing that, though the office was only an annual one, yet it might be lengthened, at pleasure, by the same authority which erected it for the first period. 4 Issued orders to, §c.] Literally, sent round orders to the fleet to equip itself and sail; the ships being, by a common figure, put for the sailors, or the states who furnished them. Attention, also, is due to the reciprocal sense iN trapackevacpévy. 5 Not subject to regal government.| The term ataow. deserves attention IeIeg 4.8 4: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. Photius ® and Nicanor, who were of the families that were eligible to govern’, and who then held the annual office of . archons. With the Chaonians associated the Thesprotians, also not under regal government. Some Molossians, too, and Atintanians ° came, led by Sabulynthus, guardian to their king Tharyps, who was yet a minor; and some Paravzeans 9, of which the following are examples. Xen. Hist. 5, 2, 12. Opdaxeg ot a€aowr. Plut. Alcib. 26. and Lucull. 26. Joseph. 855, 39. And it should be restored to Herod. 4, 6. It occurs also in Diod. Sic. 3, 346. and Lucian, 2,55. Artemid. On. 1, 8. oddéy ESvo0c dvSpirwy dSeov— dorep ode aAbaci- Aevrov. But there it merely means without a governor. 6 Photius.| This spelling I retain; though the recent editors give Photeus, which is supported by four MSS. And ®wrvoc may be thought to deserve the preference, as being less usual than Swrioc; yet it not only is unusual, but nowhere occurs, (nor indeed, I apprehend, any word in tvoc.) In short, it seems a mere error of the scribes. 7 Eligible to govern.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of ézernoiw mpoc- rareta ; and this is most agreeable to the context, and well supported by authority. The recent editors, indeed, read ix’ iryoiw mpooracig. But apoorarsia is, 1 conceive, somewhat better adapted to the sense ; and it is supported by at least five MSS., and also by Dio Cass. 666, 82. rpoorareiatc éreTyoiow yowpévorc, and 715, 22. robe apxovrac éiwernoiove. This writer, too, often elsewhere uses ézerjovoc, as does Homer 7. 118. Thus there is strong authority for ézernoioic, at least all that so minute a variation, in which MS. authority is of little or no weight, requires. And this reading I prefer, on account of the sense ; for if ia’ érnoiw be adopted, ézi must be taken to signify “ on condition of.”” However, I would not be positive ; especially as I think éx’ érnoiw was read by Appian. Thus 1, 7, 4. dpioro- Kparia éxpnoayro, Kai rpocrdratc dpxovow érnoioic. ‘That heread rpoorarei¢ is plain. And that also occurs in Xen. Mem. 3, 6, 10. and 6, 2, 6., and is here read by Valckn. on Herod. 7, 101. This government, Hack says, was like that of the Haluades at Larissa in Thessaly. 8 Atintanians.] So I read, with the recent editors, for Atitanians. To this, indeed, the MS. readings mostly tend; and it is also supported by Aristotle, Polybius, Appian, Lycophron, Steph. Byz., Polyzen., Livy, and Pliny. Scylax, p. 10. has ’Ariravec; but there must be read ’Arwy. The situation of this place it is not easy to fix; but from the laborious researches of Palmer, Antiq. p.249. seqq. it appears to have been in the very farthest corner of Epirus, and near Apollonia. See, however, Poppo’s Proleg. p. 130. The Chaonians and Thesprotians occupied the sea-coast from the Acrocerania to the gulf of Ambracia. 9 Paraveans.| The situation of this tribe is involved in no little ob- scurity. Thus Duker says: “ Paraveei quinam sint mihi non liquet.” It is by Danville placed at the north-east corner of Epirus. Steph. Byz. makes them a tribe of the Thesprotians: which is somewhat confirmed by Arrian cited by Palm. Antiq. 335. And yet Palmer (from Rhianus ap. Steph. Byz.) thinks they were so called, from dwelling by the side of the Anas, which runs into the Ambracian gulf. To me it seems that they were situated on the back of Molossia; though, as appears from Arrian, on the CHAP. LXXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 485 commanded by Orcedus, their king; with whom also joined in the expedition a thousand Orestians !°, placed under the orders of Orcedus by their king Antiochus. Perdiccas, too unknown to the Athenians, sent a thousand Macedonians, who, however, arrived too late" to be of any service. With this army Cnemus set forward, not waiting for the navy from Corinth; and passing Argeia!?, ravaged Limnzea, an unwalled village, and came to Stratus '°, the largest city of Acarnania, thinking that if they could first take this, the others would easily be brought to submit. | LXXXI. But the Acarnanians, seeing a large land force invading their country, and hearing that their enemies would quickly be upon them by sea also, made no disposition for joint resistance, but stood each on their defence separately, and sent to Phormio, urging him to come to their assistance. He, however, declared that he could not possibly leave Naupactus chain of hills which divide Epirus from Thessaly. At all events, the above, which is the orthography of our best MSS., is abundantly confirmed. 10 Orestians.| ‘These are placed, by almost all geographers, at the furthest N. W. corner of Epirus. But Poppo thinks they lay far more to the east than the maps represent. And Steph. Byz. reckons them as a Molossian tribe. . \t Arrived too late.| It is strange that none of the translators, except Gail, should have seen that torepor Aor is for tarepor HAYoY OF doTépnoay. So torepoy ijcey at 7,27.and Aischyl. Agam. 1656. torepoc EASy TOU onpeiov. Hom. Il. o. torepog tASHy. Aristoph. Vesp. kdv brepoc XSy. Xen. Anab 2, 2,17. vorepor mpoodvrec. Livy, 27, 17. qui serius profecti. 12 Argeia.] Palmer here would read Agrea, which has been adopted by Gottleb., but rightly, I think, thrown out by the recent editors. And Poppo, in his Proleg. 2, 147., has satisfactorily shown that Agraea cannot be the true reading, since that district was out of Cnemus’s way to Stratus, and, indeed, was out of Acarnania. 13 Stratus.| This was the capital of Acarnania, and from Xen. Hist. 4, 6, 4., we learn that the general council of the nation was there held. It is proved by Palmer Antiq. from Polybius and Strabo, to have been on the right bank * of the Achelous, ten stadia from that river, and two hundred stadia from the sea. Poppo thinks it may be the present Serobagl. It is half an hour’s distance from Lapenus, and Pouqueville, Graec. 3, 152. says that the city walls, turrets, and gates, as also its long walls to the Achelous, are yet remaining. It seems to have derived its name from being originally the place of muster for the armed population of Acarnania. * This is quite clear also from Thucyd. 2, 82. I cannot, therefore, but wonder that Dr. Butler alone should place it on the Jef bank. In all the maps, however, it is placed not far enough up the Achelous; and in those of Boccage the Anapus is brought far too near to the Achelous. I1m3 A486 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. without defence, when a navy was ready to sail forth from Corinth. The Peloponnesians and their allies, disposed in three columns, marched towards Stratus, in order that, should they not be able by words! to persuade them to submit, they might by deeds? attack ® the wall. In their advance the Chao- nians and the other Barbarians occupied the centre.* On the right of them were the Leucadians and Anactorians, and their confederates. On the left was Cnemus, with the Pelopon- nesians and Ambraciots.> The divisions kept at a distance from, nay, were sometimes out of sight of, each other. Now the Greeks marched forwards in regular order and with caution, until at length they encamped in a commodious situation.© But the Chaonians, confident in themselves, and, indeed, having a reputation among the people of that part of the continent for superior prowess, would not stop to occupy a camp, but, together with the other Barbarians, pressed forward impetuously ’, thinking that they should take the place on the first onset ®, and carry off all the honour. The Stratians, 1 By words, &c.) I here read éyoc, with the recent editors ; not only because it is found in most of the MSS., but because it is most correspond- ent to usage, (Adyoue being for Zvpbarnpior Adyouc, as, 5, 75.) as also to the phrase 2\Seiy 2¢ Adyoue. And although in the antithesis it does not so well answer to tpyw, yet such a perfect correspondence is seldom aimed at by our author. 2 Indeed.| ”Epyw is used as in a similar paronomasia at 2, 40. add pur) moodwayShvat parrov AOyp TpdrEepoy 7 ei A Ost Epyw eEhdeir. 3 Attack.] Literally, make an attempt to scale. So weipgy réy rexdv at 7, 12. 4 Centre.} A prudent disposition, since those somewhat weaker would be kept in better order and supported by the wings. ‘ 5 On the left was, §c.| They took the deft in order to oppose the best troops of the Acarnanians; for the Greeks usually placed such in the right wing. 6° Convadieus situation.| Both the Greeks and Romans chose even an encampment for a night with singular care, and always fortified it regularly. 7 Impetuously.] Literally, “ with a rush;” for I cannot agree with Benedict in adopting the reading poy, though it is found in almost every MS. The two words are so often confounded that MS. authority is very slight. Besides, the following passages will sufficiently defend the common reading. Hesych. pipyn. dppr) Biawa. Heliod. |. 4, 4. rod dpdpuou ripyv pipny. Pollux, 4, 90. dipy woAg cai Spdpp. Other examples, and the emendation of several similarly corrupt passages, I must reserve tor my edition. 8 On the first onset.] Such is the sense of the zdiomatical term avro€oei, which, contrary to all rules of translation, Hobbes and Smith render literally. Suidas says it is used by Theopompus for xara kparoc. But perhaps he meant what is expressed by the phrase cowp-de-main. And that may be the sense here. at CHAP. LXXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 487 informed of their approach, and thinking that if they should master them thus separated, the Greeks would be no longer so eager to advance, planted ambuscades on the parts around the city®, and when they were near, advanced upon and charged them, both from the city and from the ambuscades ; and being thrown into consternation, many of the Chaonians were slain, and the other Barbarians, seeing them give way, no longer stood their ground, but betook themselves to flight. Now neither of the Grecian camps !° had any knowledge of the battle, because the Barbarians had been considerably in advance of the Greeks '’, though they had hastened forward in order to occupy an encampment. But when the Barbarians came pressing upon them in hurried flight ’*, they received them into protection, and, drawing the camps together, rested there for the day. ‘The Stratians, meanwhile, did not venture to engage with them, because the other Acarnanians were not yet assembled ’* for defence, but annoyed them at a distance with their slings (in the use of which the Acarnanians are held to be very expert), and much distressed them; for it was not possible to stir from the camp without armour.'* 9 Planted ambuscades, §c.] Literally, “ beset the ground with.” At ra subaud xwpia. IlpodoxiZw is a vox solennis de hac re, occurring in Dio Cass. 228, 85. 870, 70. Dionys. Hal. 62, 8. 66,36. Joseph. 208, 6. 183. Menand. Hist. ap. Corp. Hist. Byz. 1,109. C. Heliod. A‘thiop. p. 289. 10 Camps.] Not armies, as Hobbes renders ; nor bodies, as Smith. They are called camps, because the columns in question encamped apart, and by the time of the attack on the Chaonians had occupied their encamp- ments. 11 The Barbarians had been, §c.| These words, Barbarians and Greeks, I have supplied, in order to clear the sense, which our author has left not a little obscure by neglecting (as he often does) to mark the subjects of the verbs or participles. 12 Came pressing upon, §c.] Such is the literal sense of évéxewro (which Hobbes and Smith have not expressed.) It is, indeed, a very rare one, the word being always used of the pursuers, not the pursued. 13 Were not yet assembled.| The not yet seems to imply that urgent requisitions had been sent out, immediately after the battle, to the sur- rounding country, to muster, and destroy their half-subdued invaders. 14 Stir from the camp, §c.] i.e. “ none could stir from the camp but heavy-armed.” By ken Siva is meant to go out to forage, in order to procure food, water, fuel, and other necessaries; services upon which the light-armed were always sent, and for which the heavy-armed were very unfit. Hence the distress here mentioned. Hobbes and Levesque take bz\wy for drdurGy, “ without their men-at- arms.” But that sense would require the article. And it were vain to appeal to a similar use of 67Awy at 3, 1. because there the article is found. Il 4 eS g 2 ee ZS 488 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. we LXXXII. As soon as it was night, Cnemus made ‘a hasty retreat with his forces to the river Anapus’, which is eighty stadia distant from Stratus, and on the following day fetched away the dead by truce; and the Ciniade having, out of amity’, come up and joined them, he fell back thither * before the posse of the Acarnanians had come up; and from thence each departed homewards; the Stratians setting up a trophy for their victory over the Barbarians. LXX XIII. Meanwhile the fleet from Corinth, and the other allies of the Criseean gulf, which was to have joined Cnemus, in order to prevent the maritime Acarnanians from assembling for the defence of the country, arrived, but was compelled, about the same time as the battle at Stratus, to come to an engagement with Phormio and the twenty Athe- nian ships which were on guard at Naupactus. For Phormio had watched them sailing along outside of the gulf, intending to attack them in the open sea,’ Now in this voyage to Acarnania, the Corinthians and their allies had been not so much prepared for a sea-fight as for land-service?; never In the whole of this passage Smith has most egregiously mistaken the sense ; which is the less excusable, as his jidus Achates, Portus, did not here fail him. 1 Anopus.] In order to place a river between himself and the enemy, for better defence. This river, in all the maps, but especially in Boccage’s, is placed too near the Achelous. 2 Amity.) And, indeed, alliance ; for the Giniadze were in the Lacede- monian league, from an hostility which they had long entertained towards the Athenians. See 1,111. Hence we may see how erroneous is Hobbes’ version, “ come in of itself.” 3 Fell, §c.] Cnemus seems to have made a very able retreat. And his only mistake was in not waiting for the junction of his allies from the Criszan gulf.. Probably, however, he could not restrain the ardour of his barbarian allies, whom, perhaps, had he waited for the rest, he would have lost. 1 Open sea.] Literally, “ the open space,” év r7 evpvywpia. So Arrian, 2,6,5. and 7,6. 5,17,11.. Polyb. 12,19,6. 15,13,10. and 30,4.- But the most apposite passage I can cite is Plato Epist. pootpevog riv ixadovy OY TPOTEOOKWY fap OL OTEVOE ylyvoLTO avT evpvxwptac. Probably the present passage was in the mind of the writer. 2 Not so much prepared, §c.| _ Such is clearly the sense of the words of the original, in which the recent editors have rightly given ody He. This, indeed, I had myself many years ago seen to be the true reading, both from the nature of the phrase, and from parallel passages at c. 85, 86, and 87. Navpaxiay, too, is probably the true reading; and it is supported not only by parallel passages in 85, 86, and 87, but by Dio Cass. 625,66. Nay, I CHAYP. LXXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 489 * a” ~ supposing, that against their forty-seven ships the Athenians would ever venture to come to an engagement with twenty. When, however, they saw them coasting along the opposite shore, as they were steering along® their own, and as they were crossing over from Patrse* in Acheea to the continent have remarked one passage, in which both are found imitated, as Arrian, E. A. 2,18, 9. & re (1 read ire, quippe) éx’ {oyacia paddoy ref) we evi payry éoradpivor. This, however, rather proves that though both the accusative and the dative may be used after the ii taken dy itself, yet when united with we, the dative only was employed. One cannot, however, but observe a certain harshness in the term. Why, it may be asked, did not Thucy- dides write ézi orpareiay, which would have better corresponded to é7i vavpaxiay ? I answer, because he is fond of variety, and affects unusual and startling constructions; and also because in orparwricwrepoy there is an allusion to vavticwrepoy, which is included in éi vavpayiav. Of course orparwriu. has reference to orparwrne, a soldier, as distinguished from a sailor. As to the reading of three good MSS. orparwrar, it is from the margin. 3 Steering along.] i.e. Mitford says, (according to the nautical phrase) hugging the shore. Perhaps the expression xopiZopivwrv rapa yijv imports a greater caution than was employed by the enemy. At least their creep- ing along the coast so long, and not making for the opposite coast sooner, implied a distrust in their naval skill.* Perhaps, too, they would have ventured across sooner, had they not seen the enemy on the opposite coast. ‘They must, too, it should seem, have stopped some little time at Patrze, otherwise the Athenians, who had sailed from Naupactus, doubtless after they had cleared the narrows, could not have reached Chalcis. It appears, too, from what follows, that they attempted to pass over from Patree under cover of the night. They had, therefore, probably waited for that time. 4 Patre.| An important city and harbour, of which, though little or nothing is said by the professed writers on geography, even up to the pre- sent day, a very learned account is given by Wasse on the present passage, from which I shall select the principal particulars, and subjoin a few illus- trations of my own. According to Eusebius, it was founded in 1071. B.C. On its origin, see Pausan. 7. p. 568., which writer and Steph. Byz. deduce the name from that of its founder. Strabo, 7. p. 519. says, it was formed from seven vil- lages. It was ruined in the wars by which Greece was enslaved to Rome, but was afterwards restored, and made a colony by Augustus. The singular form, Patra, Pathra, or Badra, occurs in the later Byzantine historians, though the plural is preserved by others. For further particulars see Aristid. 1, 540. Dio, 424. Lucian As.115. Sil.15. Cic. Epist. Ammian. 19, 12., and especially Polyb. 2,41. 4, 7,83. and p. 1478. Liv. 38, 29. Plutarch Alcib, 198. and Cato, p. 543., also the Byzantine historians. On its pre- sent state, see Wheler Itin. p. 304. I add that it is here called Patree in Achzea, because there was another Pateze in Thessaly. It derived its name, not, I shouid conceive, from that of its founder, but from some circumstance relating to its foundation. * My learned readers will call to mind the Horatian ‘ Neque, dum procellas Cautus horrescis, nimium premendo Littus iniquum.” 4.90 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II, opposite, descried the Athenians making towards them from Chalcis° and the river Evenus°, and found that they had not escaped observation while they had slipped anchor and put to sea during the night.’ Then, indeed, they were com- pelled to come to battle, about midway in their passage.* The commanders of the lesser quotas were such as had been Perhaps it was so called by the people of seven villages associated to form the town, and the name was selected as expressing what would be the common country or state of all. Its plural form seems to have reference to the seven villages from which it was formed. — The following remarks are from Poppo’s Proleg.:—‘‘ We learn by Pausan. 7, 22,7. and Strabo, p. 387. that it was fifty stadia by the sea-coast from the promontory of Rhium, though only forty in a direct line. It was also eighty stadia from the river Pirus, and near it the Glaucus runs into the sea, though the maps make it forty or fifty stadia distant. On its present state consult Chandler’s Grec. c.71. Pouquev. Morea, 1.c.12. Grec.3. c.97. and Danvill. 1. c. 4. p. 153. seqq. See also Gell’s Itinerary. 5 Chalcis.| Of this name there were many cities; chiefly, I imagine, so called from the most antient Chalcis in Hubwa. ‘The name must not be derived (with some) from a daughter of Asopus; but, with Pliny and others mentioned by Steph. Byz., from the brass-works carried on there. 6 Evenus.| This river (like the Eurotas and the Milichius) seems to have been so called, from the gentleness of its stream, with which, in the words of the poet, “ silent and chaste it steals the glades along.” The very opposite to what is signified in the Achelous, now called Aspro Po- tamo. Indeed, most of the rivers of the antient world derived their names from some quality inherent in them, or some circumstance connected with their discovery ; as I shall, perhaps, be enabled to prove and illustrate by examples on some other occasion. 7 Found that they, §c.| Such is, I conceive, the true sense of this pas- sage, which has perplexed the translators and commentators more than they will confess. Hobbes renders: “ and also knew that they had come to anchor there the night before;” Smith, “and found they had observed their anchoring the night before.” But such cannot be the meaning, since the Peloponnesians could not expect to conceal their having taken port at Patree the night before. The Schol. and Portus take ’ASnvaio. to be the subject of é\aSov. But such a change of subject would be extremely harsh, and moreover yield a sense even less apposite than the former ; though I perceive that Levéque has taken up with this stale fancy. Reiske and Coray here resort to conjecture; the former reading ddoppsodpevor, and the latter égoppicduevor. But neither yields any tolerable meaning. The true sense, I have no doubt, is that which I have adopted; and I now find that Kistemaker assigned nearly the same; but he does not say how it arises. It cannot be elicited from the words as they now stand. I sus- pect, however, that this is one of the very few cases in which all the copies are wrong, and I confidently propose to read adopynodpevo. This, indeed, is placed beyond doubt by a kindred passage at 1. 8,10. wapeokevaZovTo © dTwe ph) Ahoovow abrove at vijec tx THY Keyypedy apoppySeioat. 8 Passage.| Namely, over to the coast of Atolia (as in Eurip. Iph. Taur. 1379. 7opS. vawy); not strait, as some render; still less the Criszean strait, as the Scholiast understands ; for they were then out of the strait, and éy r@ evpvxwpia, which Phormio had waited for. CHAP, LXXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 491 appointed by each state, of the Corinthians Macheeon, Iso- crates, and Agatharchidas. And now the Peloponnesians ranged? their ships into a circle as large as they were able, so as not to give any passage through, with their prows outward and their sterns inward.!° Within they also placed the barges which accompanied them as transports, and disposed five of the best sailing ships to be near at hand, to start forth at intervals, whenever the enemy should charge."? LXXXIV. The Athenians ranged in line, one deep }, sailed around them, and gradually compassed them into a small space, perpetually brushing past* them, and making feint as though they would charge them. ‘They had, how- ever, been ordered by Phormio not to attack before he should give the signal. For he expected ° that their order would 9 Ranged.] "Erdgavro is a vox pregnans, including the two senses, ranged in order, and made or formed ; for as to woujsayrec, it has been with reason thrown out by the recent editors, as ex interpretamento. With respect to the number of ships, which we were before told was forty-seven on the side of the Peloponnesians, and twenty on that of the Athenians, Diod. Sic. entirely coincides with our author. But Polyzen. 3, 4, 2. assigns to the former fifty, and to the latter thirty. I suspect, how- ever, that for \ should be read« (twenty). As to fifty, it is plainly a round number. In the above passage Polyzenus has recorded (upon what autho- rity I know not) several circumstances which merit the attention of an historian. \0 Prows outward, and, §c.| Because thus they would be less liable to be injured by the charges of the beaks. ' 11 Within they also placed, §c.| A similar contrivance is mentioned by Polyen. 6, 16, 3. rac piv orpoyytXag TOY veGy KiKhw TEpLoTHoaYTEC ETépaY ard Tijc érépac ixavoy dutornpa’ Tac 62 TeLnpEg é¢ TO pévOY abToy d3poicayTec, svyvove & Téy avipHy émi Tac Kddac ExibebaoayTec, NpvvYoYTO Tobe TOAEMiOVUE imudyrac Kai Toy OvaoTnparwy raic Tpinpece OvexTéovTEc, K. T. r. In that case, however, the transports formed the circle, and the triremes were received within; perhaps because the transports were large heavy ships, not like the ones here mentioned, which were small barges, or tenders, suitable to so short a voyage. 1 One deep.| Such is the sense of card piay, as éri resodpwy, c. 90.; which I should hardly have mentioned, had not the meaning been egre- giously mistaken by Bauer. The vavy is supplied in Polyzen. p. 502. Masv. 2 Brushing past.| Such is the sense of ty yp@ wapamXéovrec, which Wasse seeks to illustrate by phrases quite remote from the one in question. Abresch has, however, adduced two passages from Appian and Procop., where év ypq zapa7eiy is used in the sense of “ sailing so close by any object as to graze its surface.” The phrase occurs also in Dio Cass. 686, 26. 628, 86. Procop. p.31, 18.év xp@ a@Anrog Evvaydpevor. It is derived — from év yp@ xsipw or Z0pw, as in Herod. 4. 175., to cut to the quick. 3 Ewpected.] i. e. well knew.; Hobbes and Smith wrongly render hoped. 4.92 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. not long continue, like that of a land force, but that the ships would fall foul of each other, and the barges cause confusion ; and if the wind should blow from the gulf (waiting for which * he had kept sailing round), and which was accustomed to spring up about daybreak, they would not remain an instant”? steady in their places. He considered, too, that the period for attack would be in his power to make when he pleased °, his ships being the better sailers; and that ¢hen it would be the most convenient for him. As soon, therefore, as this wind sprung up’, the vessels being already compressed by each other into a small space, were thrown into disorder, both by the wind and the barks pressing upon them; and now ship fell foul of ship ®°, the men. warding off with poles %, and, 4 Waiting for which.] A similar shrewdness was displayed by Themis- tocles, at the battle of Salamis. So Plut. Themist. c. 14. po) mpérepoy avrTimpwpouc Karacrioa Taic Bapbapikaic Tac TpLnpEtc 7) THY ElwIviay Wpav Tapayésversar, TO TrEvpa haTpoy éK TeEAayOUE aéi Kai KUpa Oia THY OTEVOY karayovoay. So also in his Camill. 54, 63ev eiwSev padtora mpoorinrew 6 avEwog —— AveMELvE THY WoaY. The wind here spoken of is the dand wind, which about daybreak suc- ceeds the sea-wind that usually prevails in the night. Hence may be illus- trated Plutarch Mar. 37, aypic ob gopa yéivnrat, yiyveoSa Oé ciwSviay dpa (I conjecture eiwSvia wpa) rou medayiov (scil. avépouv) wapatvopévov, i. e. when the sea-wind dies away.”’ Indeed, even on land the wind generally springs up about daybreak ; to which Gray beautifully alludes in the line, “ The breezy call of incense-breathing morn.” Thus I cannot but accede to the opinion of those etymologists who derive aurora from aura, not aurum. 5 Would not remain one instant, §c.] Such is the sense of ovdéva ypovor, and not “ for any time,’’ as Smith renders. There is here a sort of hyber- bole often occurring both in the classical and scriptural writers. 6 He considered, too, that, §c.] This passage is imitated by Onosand. p- 63, 6. gay 2 eavT@ vopity, To OTE BovETar 7b oTPaTEYpAa TPde paxnV EKTATTELY, ELVA. 7 Sprung up.|- Literally descended, blew from the land ; for cara signifies to tin as ava to landward. This passage is alluded to by Aristid. 3, 349, U. 8 Thrown into disorder, §c.] So Herod. 8, 16. rapaccopévwy re tov vewr, Kal WEPLTLTTOVOWY Epi AXAAHAaC, 9 Pushing off with poles.| AwSeicSa is rare in this sense, and Pollux, 1, 120. has roig kovroicg arewSovvro. But the common reading is defended by the following imitations of the passage. Dio Cass. 628, 94. roig kdvrowc spac SwovvTo. Procop. 99, 11. orpatwrwy spor roic vatraic adAndorg éycadsvopivwy Kal Totg Kovroic OwSovpéivwy. and 108, 42. Boy Kai mardyy TOA KPwpEVOU Kai TOG KOVTOLE CUvIOUpEVOL. CHAP. LXXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.93 amidst their endeavours to keep clear of each other 1°, making such shouting, cursing, and railing '!, that they could hear no orders, whether of the officers or ship-masters '*, and being unable, inexperienced as they were, to bear up their oars in so billowy a sea’*, thus made the ships unmanageable ** to the pilots; then, at that very crisis, Phormio gives the signal, and the Athenians making a charge, first sunk one of the 10 Amidst their endeavours to, §c.] Such is, I think, the full sense of xpwpevoe modc adAnHdrove ayrupvracy. For dyripvacy Reiske conjectures avSuvhacgj. But that is a vox nihili, and that sense is included in Boj. Besides, the common reading, though rare, occurs in Dio. Cass. 1288, 45. and Lucian, 2, 37., avriupudarrecSae in Xen. Cyr. 2, 5, 2. 11 Shouting, cursing, and railing.) So Liban. Or. 664. B. cai kpavyy oA Kai AowWopia, &c. See also Isocr. Paneg. Wasse aptly refers to Hor. Sat. 5. and Eurip. Hec. 12 Officers or ship-masters.] By wapayyeopéivwy (which is by the Scholiast taken of persons, but by the commentators of things), are, I con- ceive, denoted the orders of the officers, who directed the military opera- tions of the ship, as opposed to the ceXevoréy, or persons who superintended the working of it, as pilots and boatswains, or directors of the rowers. The latter are well described by Ovid Met. 3, 618. (cited by Bauer). Qui requiemque modumque Voce -dabat remis, animorum hortator. On the various officers of Grecian ships I have fully treated in my Recensio Synop- tica, vol. 4. This passage is imitated by Appian, 1, 328. kai réyv mapayysd\Aopivwy ob KaTNHKOVOY. 13 So billowy a sea.] This scems to be the most accurate version of kAvdwviw, which has reference to the short breaking waves which curl back, and dash over. The passage is imitated by Arrian E. A. 6, 18, 11. 76 Te rvedpa KaTpe péiya, Kai ai Kora év Kidw yarerde avepéporro. and Appian, t. 2. 240. we O2 6 ouvnSne rod mopSpov Kdidwy émeyiyvero — ot piv yooor édySouv, Ud EXoue Tod Krvdwroc, ot Oé obTE EoTHTEC BEbALwE UTS aNSelac, obTE Tac KwTag Eri dvagépery Ovvapévot. With respect to the phraseology, év cAvdwviy or kAvdwve Was a not un- common phrase. So Eurip. Pheen. 866. év chudom ceiweSa. It was, how- ever, chiefly used in a metaphorical sense, as in the proverbial form wozep éy kkbdwm, which occurs in Themist. p. 43. A. 164, c.180. c. 199. Eunap. p. 149. Plut.in Coriol. The term avagépew is a vox propria de hac re, and occurs not only in the above passages of Appian and Arrian, but in Polyen. 5, 22, 4, kwrac dvagcpev, and 3, 66. dodevag Tac KoTaC avépEpor. also 5,22. The thing itself is illustrated by a passage of Pollux, which, indeed, may receive emendation from the present. It is]. 1, 117. @AicSawor ai yeipec — Tapepipovro tx THY Kwrby, texinroy ovK EvnY avaKkdrTELY, TAC xwmac. where for dvaxérrev read, from a MS., avadipev. The other reading makes nonsense. It stands, however, for something ; and, if I mis- take not, for dvaxayrrev. The stages of corruption were dvaxdyrrey, avakarrey, dvaxorreyv. It seems to be a gloss, 14 Unmanageable.] i. e. (to use our sea-phrase) they would not obey the helm; as is the case when a ship is not properly worked, whether by oars or by sails. The passage is imitated by Dio Cass. 624, 29. (vaiic) amede- orépac. and Pollux, 1, 112. dredéorepar roig kubepyyjracs Hoay ai vipec. 494: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. admiral-ships, and then destroyed all, wherever they bent their course}, and reduced them to such a condition that, from their confusion, they made no resistance, but fled to Patree and Dyme’®, in Achea. The Athenians, pursuing them, captured fourteen ships; and having taken 7 up most of 15 All wherever they bent their course.| I have here adopted the reading wacac, from all the best MSS. and the recent editions; though the vulg. rac d\Xacg may admit of defence, and was perhaps read by Diod. Sic., who thus paraphrases the passage: rijyv re orparnyida vay Karédvoe, Kai TOY dw wohdde drove éxoincs. He has well interpreted the duépSeype, which does not denote the utter destruction of all, but the being put hors de combat ; a signification on which I have before treated at 1, 50. And I cannot but think that the fourteen ships said just after to have been captured by the Athenians, were such of the ships here mentioned as were not sunk. Otherwise, indeed, the loss would have been too great for them to have been able so soon to raise, as they did, a fleet of 77 ships. 16 Dyme.] So called, as we learn from Steph. Byz., (though the modern geographers are silent on this point) because it (or rather the district from which the city obtained its name) was situated in the farthest ex- tremity of Achaia to the west. We may compare the name of Fimisterre, the most western promontory of Spain, and those of several places in modern geography. Hence it will appear that the spelling Dyme@ is erro- neous. This city was distant 40 stadia from the Pirus, and 40 from the Larissus. Dodwell fixes its site at some ruins near the village of Caramortu. ‘St. Byz. has an interesting article on this place. 17 Taken up most of the men.| On the sense of this passage there has been no little difference of opinion. The cdvedépevor is usually interpreted, “having put to death.” And so Mitford. ‘im. Portus, however, observes, that it may signify, “ took up and removed into their own ships;” but he would understand it of their own men who had fallen in the battle. This, however, cannot be admitted; since, from the- nature of the engagement, very few Athenians could have fallen, and even those would not be in the enemy’s ships, for the Athenians used the zpoc6ods), not the gu€oAy, Aum. Portus also mentions the opinion of some who refer the taking up to the Peloponnesians. And this has been recently adopted by Goeller, who ren- ders the passage thus: “Sie nahmen den grossten Theil der Mannschaft und brachten ihn anf ihre schiffe,” “they took the greatest part of the men and brought them to their ships.’ He further remarks, that the sense, Killing, would have required the active. ‘This last argument, indeed, would seem to be unanswerable. Otherwise there would have been no reason to reject the common interpretation ; since the warfare between the Athenians and Lacedzemonians was carried on by both parties with circumstances of the greatest atrocity. Thus, in 2, 92., it is said of six ships: dydpac Tove piv amexrewav, Tivacg dé &wyopnoay., and 2, 90. of nine ships, yet the Pelopon- nesians slew all they found. But, it may be asked, why should not the Athenians have taken them all? It is probable that the ships were in so sinking a condition that they could not with safety tow them off, or remove more than the greater part of the men (whom they made pri- soners); not to mention that a considerable number might have effected their escape in boats, or on rafts, &c. See Acts, 28, 44., and my note in’ loc. In the above sense, dvédeoSat is very often used in Thucydides. CHAP. LXXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.95 the men from them, sailed off to Molycrium'®, and, after fixing up a trophy at Rhium, and dedicating a ship to Nep- tune, returned to Naupactus. As to the Peloponnesians, they immediately coasted along with the remainder of their ships from Dyme and Patre to Cyllene, the naval station of the Eleans. And now Cnemus, and the ships at Leucas, which were to have formed a junction with them, came, after the battle at Stratus, to Cyllene.?° LXXXV. Then the Lacedzemonians send out Timocrates, Brasidas, and Lycophron to the fleet, as counsellors! to 18 Molycrium.] Or Molycria, according to the orthography of Scylax, Strabo, Polybius, Diod. Sic., Plutarch, Pliny, and Steph. Byz. Yet the ium is defended by Pausan. 9, 51, 5., and Plutarch, referred to by Wasse, on Diod. Sic. 12, 60. And, as this is the most antient, so itis probably the true spelling; especially as one may suspect that the name was derived partly from the promontory to which it was so close. Poppo observes, that the site of the old city is, by Melit., referred to Caurolemne, by Pangier to arivulet at Calio Castron, one hour’s distance from the north-east of Castro Lepanti. 19 At Rhium, §c.] Where, it may be suspected, there was a temple of Neptune, since most of the temples of that god were situated upon high promontories. So Scylax, p. 14. says, of the strait of Rhium, cai éx’ abot ieodv. Goeller here refers to Herod. 8, 121. Procop. B. G. 4, 32. Scheffer d. milit, naval. 4, 2. 20 And now Cnemus, §c.] There is here some obscurity (though the commentators notice it not) respecting Cnemus, and the ships with him. By the ai — vijec one would imagine that something had _ before been said of Cnemus, and those ships having reached Leucas ; which is not the case. We must, however, suppose the fact. The squadron would probably pass from Peloponnesus to Ambracia by Zacynthus, Cephallenia, and Leucas ; and, afterwards, pass to Leucas in its way to join the fleet from the Criseean gulf, where it waited till it heard of their having passed the straits. In the mean time happened the sea-fight, on the news of which reaching Cnemus at Ciniadz, whither he had retired after the battle of Stratus, he, after the disbandment of the forces, thought Ciniade no longer a safe residence, and therefore went to Leucas, probably with those Leucadians who had formed a part of his forces; and when there, hearing that the Peloponnesians had gone to Cyllene, lost no time in joining it there, and reinforcing it with the ships under his command. 1 Counsellors to Cnemus.] i.e. to be council, to form a council-board. “This unwise practice (observes Mitford) of directing military command, ordinary with most of the other Greeks, was little used with the Lacede- monians.” Be that as it may, it afterwards became very general with them, as we find by the frequent mention of the counsellors in Polybius, Appian, and Diod. Sic. See Schweigh on Appian, 1, 193., and on Polyb. 6, 35, 4. The custom was frequent with the Romans. So Livy: “legati a Senatu missi, quorum ex consilio imperatoris decernerent vel compo- nerent res.” Hence is confirmed the conjecture of Sylburg and Kuhn ap. Paus. 7, 16, 5. cvpbovdog for éubodrouc, 496 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. Cnemus, ordering him to contrive* another and better- planned engagement, and not be excluded from the sea by so few ships. It did, indeed, seem to them (especially as this was their first trial of naval warfare) a most unaccountable and unexpected circumstance; and they were not so much inclined to think their navy inferior, as that there had been some cowardice; not balancing the skill of the Athenians, attained from long practice, against their brief and recent experience.? They therefore sent them off in anger; who, on their arrival, sent out orders, conjointly with Cnemus, to the states, to prepare ships. They also set themselves to refit those they already had, as for an engagement. Phormio, too, on his part, sends messengers to Athens, to give notice of these preparations, and to announce to them the victory that had been gained; urging them also to send him with all speed as many ships as possible, being in perpetual and daily ex- pectation of being brought to an engagement. Hereupon they dispatch him twenty; giving, however, further orders to the commander in charge of them to first proceed to Crete.* 2 Contrive.] I have seen no reason to follow Bekker and Goeller in reading TapackevalecSat for KATAOK., from some MSS., and those some of the worst. Though I find this is also done by Schneider on Xen. Anab. 3, 2,24., who has some learned remarks on the difference between the two words. Here I cannot but suspect zapack. to be a gloss, since it is difficult to conceive why any alteration of zapack. should have been made. Cer- tainly, carace. is the more difficult reading, and yet not so but that it admits of a good explanation. The word may signify adornare, of which sense see examples in Steph. Thes.; and it will, in a metaphorical sense, denote to plan, contrive. Karacr., too, is perhaps used with reference to the ships, caraoxevaZeay vaic being a common phrase. 3 Not balancing the skill, §c.| Such seems to be the sense of this pas- sage, where the translators are somewhat at fault. On the construction of dvrirdooecva with the genitive, Goeller adduces an example from Thucyd. 3, 56. I add,. Eurip. Iph. Taur. 358. rijv0 évSad Athy dyri8eioa rijg ext. And so elsewhere in Eurip. Thus, Markland ought not to have con- jectured 77 y’. With the sentiment in r1)y é« zoddod éureipiay We May com- pare 1,142. ot0& yao ipeic pederGvrTec adbra eve dd TH Mydiwdy, éeZeip- yaost ww. The orator speaks of the Peloponnesians as likely to be eipyopevor cil. rij¢ Saddoonc, agreeably to what is here said. And what he there says, pic pév yap ddtyac vate éhoppotcac Kay dtaxivdvvetoeay TANSE TY apaviay Spacvvorrec, was exactly fulfilled in this affair of Phormio. In- deed, the foresight of Pericles was shown in many other instances. 4 Further orders, §c.| This would seem very ill judged; and here, Mitford observes, “ we first discover the importance of the loss of Pericles, and the want of those superior abilities for the direction of public affairs which had hitherto, in so great a degree, obviated misfortune, and com- CHAP. LXXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.97 For Nicias, a Cretan of Gortyn*, and a public host or re-. sident ° of the Athenians, had persuaded them to send a fleet against Cydonia’, a state in hostility to them *, representing that he could bring it over to the Athenian interest. This he had urged merely to gratify the Polichnits °, who bordered upon the Cydonians. He, therefore, that had charge of the fleet, took it to Crete, and with the Polichnitz ravaged the territory of the Cydonians; and what with winds and other hindrances to navigation 1°, he there spent no little time. manded success.” This, however, is judging from the event. Indeed we cannot pronounce with certainty, without a fuller knowledge of all the circumstances. Considering how widely they doubled the promontory of Malea, Cydonia in Crete was very little out of the way; and the con- ductors of atfairs (who seem to have been influenced by economical motives) might think that no long stay would be necessary. The wind, too, might, when the expedition was about to set off, be favourable for Crete, but not for the doubling of Malea. 5 Gortyn.| Or Gortyna: not Gortys, as Smith and Hobbes spell it; still less Gortynium, as Mitford; forms which never existed. See Cel- larius, and especially the ample account of Gortyn, in the Crete of the in- defatigable Meursius. The antiquity of this place is evident, from its being said to have been founded by a son of Rhadamanthus, or, according to some, Taurus, It is by Homer called reyidecoa. In after times, however, its walls were beaten down, and never rebuilt ; nor did it attain to any celebrity until long after the time of Thucydides. It had, then, however, many splendid temples, especially that of Apollo; and, in after times, flourished exceedingly, and came to be a very large city. Indeed, Strabo says it was fifty stadia in circumference ; and, to this day, there remain extensive ruins, which sufficiently prove its antient grandeur. 6 Resident.| On this signification see the note at 2, 29. 7 Cydonia.| Another of the chief cities of Crete, of which there were three, Gnossus, Gortyn, and Cydonia. This also was an antient city, the foundation of which was referred to Minos, or Arcas. It was, as we learn from Diod. Sic. and Strabo, situated on the sea-coast at the north end of the island, and opposite to Peloponnesus. It is now called Canea. According to our Scholiast, its distance from Gortyn was one thousand stadia. Strabo says it was eight hundred, and represents it as equidistant from both Gnossus and Gortyn. 8 In hostility to them.] i.e. of the Lacedemonian confederacy. The Scholiast wrongly takes the zoXseuiay to refer to the Polichnians ; though there is no doubt but that the Cydonians and the Polichnitz were then at war. ‘ 9 Polichnite.| Not Polychnite, as Smith and Hobbes spell it. Polichne was, we find, situated in the vicinity of Cydonia; but the exact place is not known. It is mentioned in Herod. 7, 170. 10 Other hindrances to navigation.] Such seems to be the sense of kai ind a&mdoiac, which may refer both to calms and to tempestuous weather. I have added other, because &z)oia denotes, in a general sense, any thing which is a hindrance to navigation. Thus it is used in the plural by Herod. 2,119. dworhew yap wpynpévoy adbroy toxuy ardout. Adverse winds cannot here be included in the term, since they are adverted to in VOL, I. K K 498 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. LXXXVI. During the time that the Athenians were thus detained about Crete, the Peloponnesians, being prepared for battle, coasted to Panormus in Achezea, whither ‘the land force of the Peloponnesians had gone to aid their operations. Phormio, too, coasted along to the Rhium adjacent to Moly- crium ', and rode at anchor on the outside of it, with the twenty ships with which he fought the late battle. Now this Rhium was friendly to the Athenians, and the other Rhium, namely that in Peloponnesus, is opposite to it; the dzstance between them is about seven stadia of sea, and forms the mouth of the Criszean gulf. At this Rhium of Achzea, then, which is not far from Panormus? where their land force was, the Peloponnesians, with seventy-seven ships, took their anchorage, on seeing the Athenians bring to: and for six or seven days they occupied opposite stations, practising ® their men, and making preparations for battle; intending— these, not to sail out of the Rhium into the open sea, fearing their former disaster — those, not to sail into the narrows, conceiving that an engage- dvipov. That the word might denote such, is plain from Adschyl. Agam. 146. py Tivac dvtimvdovg Aavaoic ypoviac éyerpoacg ATdoiac TedEy. See also 181-—190. From what is said we are left to infer that the attempt against Cydonia was unsuccessful. So different was the state of things to what had been represented to the Athenians, and so inadequate their force, that they did not even venture to attack the place. 1 Rhium adjacent to Molycrium.] Otherwise called Antirrhium. The word Rhium properly denotes no more than a promontory, and in this sense it is often used in Homer and Theocritus. It seems to be cognate with pir, the nose; and both words came from fiw, cognate with péw, to flow, run. It signifies, then, what runs or juts out, like our ness and the Italian naso. Much to the present purpose is the observation of Helladius ap. Phot. Bibl. p.1591. ploy piv NEyopey ray dpove axpwrhpioy tue dé Modixpwoy. 2 Panormus.| There were several places of this name, which always denoted a port, perhaps what we call a free port. The place in question, however, is not mentioned by the antient geographers; and is omitted in most maps, and wrongly placed in others. Pausanias alone shows its site, 8, 22, 7., where, he says, it is fifteen stadia from Rhium. The port was, no doubt, formed partly by the promontory, and partly by a small river which there runs into the gulf. So Strabo, p. 488, 17. rd ‘Pioy wai "Avrippioy door On mésvTEe oTadiwy aroraTovea (scil. ai &krat) wépSpov. Hence it is plain that the geographers are wrong in affixing the name Drepanum, not to this promontory, but to another which they lay down a few miles further on the shore of the gulf. 3 Practising.] Such is the sense of pederévrec (which is omitted by Smith, and rendered meditating by Hobbes); on which see Schweb. on Onosand. p. 25. This signification occurs also in 1, 80 and 142., zorsioSat peehérag In 1,18. and per. roy wodeuiKwy at 2, 59. CHAP. LXXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.99 ment in a small space would be favourable to the enemy. At length Cnemus, Brasidas, and the other Peloponnesian com- manders, wishing to come to an engagement with all speed, before any reinforcements should join the Athenians, called their men together, and seeing most of them dejected from their former defeat, and without any alacrity for battle, endea- voured to animate their courage by the following address : — LXXXVII. “ The event of the late battle, Peloponnesians, (if any of you, indeed, on account of that should fear the issue of the one at hand,) affords no just grounds of alarm!: for it was, as you know, engaged in without sufficient preparation ; we set sail, too, not so much for a sea fight, as for a land expedition.” Not a few, too, of the circumstances of fortune happened to be adverse to us; nor were there wanting points in which our inexperience occasioned a failure in our first attempt at a sea fight. So that the defeat did not befall us from any our cowardice: nor is it just for those who are not defeated by strength®, but have somewhat to allege in defence 4, 1 Affords no just, §c.] Literally, “ affords by no means any such con- jecture of results as to fill us with alarm.” At 76 éego€joar subaud sie 7d or dore. The passage is imitated by Procop. p. 124, 18. payne Tipe mpdTEpov yeyeynpévnc pondsmia dpdg sioiTw pynpn. ob yap KaKkia apETépg HnoonSnper, aKa TbxNC EvavTWWpacr TpOGETLATAaLKOTEC éodadouer. Where for éopadoper, read iogadnpev. The word réxpapeoic is rare: I have only elsewhere met with it in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 475, 53. Dio Cass. 420 and 525. and Marc. Ant. 2, 13. 2 And we set sail, §c.] 1. e. it was unexpected ; for, as Thucydides before says, the Peloponnesians never expected that the Athenians would venture to engage with them. $3 Those who are not defeated by strength.] ‘The neuter vucnSév is put for the masculine (as 7d vucejoay in Herodian, 4, 5,4. where examples are adduced by Irmisch.); and the rij¢ yywpne (with which the commentators have been more perplexed than they acknowledge) may be taken, perhaps, for zepi rij¢ yvounc, and thus for ty ry yvwpy, in animo, at heart, what is not defeated at heart; or it may be taken for 76 rijc yywmne ro py, &e., the mind or spirit that is not utterly defeated. And thus card xpdrog¢ must be taken in the sense utterly, entirely, which occurs in Thucydides and the best writers. So Hesych. explains it reAciwe. It seems preferable, however, to take it in the sense “ by mere strength,’ as opposed to the sleight of superior skill. 4 But have somewhat, §c.] Such seems to be the true sense of éyow 62 twa ty avr@ aytioyiay, which Goeller renders thus: “ et qui rationis aliquas habent, quas adversariis objiciant,” i. e. something to urge in refu- tation. But the former is the more natural sense. Keke 500 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK iT, to suffer their courage to be daunted® at the occurrence of calamity; but to reflect, that though by fortune men are accus- tomed to be disappointed, yet that in their own minds the truly brave are ever the same; nor, so long as their courage remains, will they be likely, under pretence of want of skill, to in any thing act the part of cowards. However, you are not so inferior to them in skill as you are superior in valour, Whereas this /nowledge of theirs, which you especially dread, if, indeed, it have bravery united with it, will also have presence of mind in danger to perform what it has learned ®: but without courage art avails nought in time of peril; for fear drives out the memory’, so that skill without valour is utterly useless.* ‘Thus against their greater skill set? your superior valour; and against the apprehension arising from defeat, oppose the reflection that you met it for want of preparation. You have, moreover, not only a superiority of ships, but the advantage of fighting near a friendly coast, with your heavy-armed at hand; and victory generally accompanies 5 Daunted.] Literally, dlunted. So Soph. Cid. Tyr. 688. rodudy — rar- apbriver cap. Joseph. 869,16. roy Sipov nubdivSy. Hence may be con- firmed the emendation of Porson on Adschyl. P. V. 891. awapbrouvSjoerat yvepny. So also Pind. Pyth. 1,160. azo yap képoc apbddiver. Dio Cass. 1123, 50. Herodian 5,19. Agath. p. 23,3. Soph. ap. Athen. 592. A. Herod. 3,134. Plato, p. 646. ‘The metaphore ratio is plain from Adschyl. Theb. 712. reSnypévoy roi pw obx anwapbduveic N6yp. Of the same kind is the metaphor in our daunt, which word does not come from domitare, but the Ang. Saxon Syncan, to dint, or dunt. The words rq@ azobarvrt ric Evppopae are for ry arobacy Evppopa. 6 If, indeed, it have, §e.] So Livy, 1.6, 7.“ Simul concurreritis, quod quisque didicit ac consuevit, faciet.” 7 Fear drives out the memory.] Gottleb here (after Hemsterh.) adduces imitations from Plutarch and Ach. Tat. Of the numerous ones which I have noted, I select the following: —Dio Cass. 7d zapddoyor prijuny éxmdnjooa. Procop. 70,33. ore yao pdbog asi rove abr mEpiTEeTTWKOTACG ixmrAnoowy, ok iad THY Ovavoiay EicSae Ta Kpsioow. and 119, 16. deriac abroic éeaAnoootone Tov vouv. Joseph. 1315. ri pobspdrntt maoay sbrodpiar éxadiea dvvapésyvnv. Livy 2,65. “In increpando ignaviam, pudore metum excussisset.”’ 8 Skill without valour is utterly useless.] Goeller thinks this is an imitation of Homer Il. n.412. Here I would adduce the just remark of Artemid. On. 1,12, 1. éwei bc Tic ye Tixyny olerat dvev pboEewE évTikyn éioéoSat, aTEdHE Kat amépavroc. This proves the necessity for both to be united. So Val. Max. 2, 3,5. “virtutemque arti, et rursus artem virtuti miscent ; ut illa impetu hujus fortior, heec illius scientia cautior fieret.” 9 Set.] Or oppose. So Appian t, 2, 247, 37. T@ piv vemwre rbxny ayadny avrivévrec, TY O bdLydTyTL TOAMAY. CHAP. LXXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 501 superiority in necessary equipment. So that in no one respect can we discern any probability that we shall be worsted ; for as to the points about which we before erred, these being remedied '° will now afford us instruction. With alacrity, therefore, let both masters and mariners mind each his-own business", not leaving’? the post which has been assigned to him. For ourselves, we shall plan the attack full as well’® as the former commanders; nor will we leave to any one an excuse for being a coward.'t Should such be found '’, they shall receive condign punishment; but the brave shall be honoured with the suitable rewards of their valour.”?® LXX XVIII. Such were the exhortations addressed to the Peloponnesians by their generals. But Phormio himself, also fearful of a dejection of spirits in his men, and perceiving that they got together into clusters’? apart, and seemed to stand in awe of the enemy’s numerous fleet, thought it expe- dient to call them together, in order to inspirit and admonish 10 The points — being remedied.] Literally, superadded. How these afford instruction, is not very clear; perhaps by teaching them self-distrust and caution not to fall into any such like errors again. 11 Mind each his own business] This is wrongly rendered by Hobbes, * follow in his own order,” and Portus, “ follow his leader.’ Valla and others have better discerned the sense, which is the above. “EzeoSa here is put for zpaoceyv, as in a not dissimilar expression zpdocey rd iota at 1 Thessal. 4,11. where see my note. When the word has the sense of moascey, it also takes its construction; and consequently when it has its construction, it may be presumed to carry its sense. At 7d Kad’ éavrov subaud péyoc. It signifies, “ what is before us, or is appointed for us to perform.” 12 Leaving,] Or deserting, according to the reading of several MSS. men has been received by the recent editors. Perhaps, however, it is a gloss, 13 Full as well.| The commentators have failed to perceive that ot xéipor is either a modest way of saying xpeiocoy, or rather an ironical ex- pression. it Nor will we leave to, §c.] ‘There is a similar passage in Xen. Anab. 3,2,351. rove ob0 Eve éxerpébovrac Kak@ eivat. 15 Should such be found.] Literally, “ should any one, indeed, even be such.” The BovdrnS% merely stands for our should, and sivat caxdg must be supplied from the preceding. 16 The brave shall, §c.} Similar sentiments are found in Themist. p. 19. B. 205. A. Diod. Sic, t. 3, 125. 17 Got together into clusters.] So 2,21. kara Evordosuc yeyydpevor. where see the note. The very same expression occurs in Aristoph. Lysist. 578, Kal rove ye cuyioTapévouc Kai Tobe ToAOUYTAg EaUTOvCE, &c. By not perceiving the construction, Smith refers the Zur. to the ships. . KERs.o 502 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. them on the present occasion. For he had before prepared their minds for such an event, by continually telling them *® that there was no number of invading ships so great but they might sustain their attack.'9 Nay, the men had themselves of a long time taken up this opinion”, that, as Athenians, they ought not to decline contest with any number of Pelopon- nesian ships.®? Seeing them, however, somewhat dispirited at the present aspect of things, he thought fit to remind them of the courage which became them *’, by the following address :— LXXXIX.! “ Having, comrades, observed you? to be in fear of the number of our enemies, I have called you together, because I would not have you terrified at what ought not to excite alarm. For, in the first place, it is because these our foes have been before defeated by you, because they themselves are conscious of their inferiority to you, that they have fitted out this vast and unequally numerous fleet.’ Then again, as 18 For he had before, §c.] Such appears to be the complete sense, which is imperfectly unfolded, and one clause inserted out of its natural order. (9 No number of, §c.] i. e. they need not retreat before them, but might withstand them by the exercise of all those evolutions in which the Athenians were so superior to the Peloponnesians. And even thus it is a sufficiently bold assertion, somewhat hyperbolical. 20 Opinion.| Not presumption, as Smith renders. 21 Ought not to decline, §c.] This construction of tzoywpeiv, with the accusative is rare. It occurs, however, in Hom. Il. v. 476. we péver dovpi- kduToc ove Yrexwper Aiveiay éxiovra. imitated by Lucian, 2, 545, 91. droxwe- povpev éxiovrac. ‘There is a very similar passage in Herod. 7, 104, 22 Remind them of, §c.] Or, remind them of being courageous. Compare 4,95. The passage is imitated by Procop. 137, 6. Bovdspmevog brournow abToicg ToLnoacIat Tod Japoeiv. 1 With this oration, Goeller says, may be compared one of Sallust Jugurth. c. 49. 2 Having, comrades, observed, §c.] This mode of commencement is imitated by Arrian. E. A. 5, 25, 6. dpav imac, & dvdpeg M.— Evyhyayor éc ravro, &c. and Agath. p. 23, 7. 6p roivuy ipic, dvdpec, wrEoY 7 KaTa 7d oupbav avuvpévovc kat Oroy «. 7. A. Where for rotyvy I conjecture ravur. And so, just after, rd viv. With respect to the address, comrades or soldiers, it may be observed, that those to whom he was speaking were, with few exceptions, sailors. But the term was sometimes employed to denote those who were employed in an expedition, whether land or sea forces. So Aristoph. Ach. 546. nv & dy % qwédtc Tia Jopvbou orparwrby, — 3 Have fitted out this, §c.| There is some difficulty connected with az rov isov. I have expressed what seemed the most apposite sense, and such as was adopted by all interpreters, until lately excepted to by Doederlin, on the ground that azo rot iocv would thus signify no more than is found in the preceding. But this appears to be a frivolous objection; for it is not CHAP, LXXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 503 to the point on which they especially rely in venturing to at- tack us, namely, as if bravery appertained to them only*, they have no other ground for their confidence than this, that having, from their skill in land warfare, been therein generally successful, therefore they may expect that the same success should attend them in sea service.® But surely that may in all justice be here expected to attend ws, as in the other case it would ¢hem® (for in natural courage they have, at least, no superiority over us), and we all, in proportion as we have more skill in any thing, are more daring therein.?, The Lace- dzemonians, too, bearing sway among their confederates by the same, though nearly allied to it. As to the sense he proposes, it is too absurd for me to notice. Goeller would take the expression to refer to the naval and military forces, and all the other apparatus apart from the ships. But that would require zapackevdcayro to be taken twice; and the second time, in a sense not only different from the first, but, I conceive, unexampled. 4 As if bravery, §c.] It should seem that Phormio had received, from some spies, intelligence of the substance and arguments of the speech of Cnemus. 5 That having, from, &c.] Such seems clearly to be the sense, though there is some difficulty in exactly reconciling it to the words. See the commentators. ‘The only real difficulty is in ofio1, which seems so little suitable to the context, that Kistemmaker would read, from four MSS., éray re. But that is exchanging one difficulty for another and a greater; since the whole turn of the sentence requires otovrat. Hack would refer o¢ucr to 7d avr rovty ; which will yield the sense, “ to do the same for themselves.” But that is very languid and frigid. Goeller would remove the difficulty by taking ri)jy tprepiay tv rp wet as the subject of wouncew, in the sense they think that this skill in land service will cause them to do the same (i. e. to succeed) in sea service. But that is doing the greatest violence to the construction. It is better at once to suppose a synchysis, or blending of two constructions, i. e. cai olovrat odiot €. T. v. EceoSat 7d abo and kK. o. O. € T. Ve. TOLNOELY, 6 That may in all justice, §c.] Such is the simple sense of the original, which has been strangely misconceived by the recent interpreters. The 7d 0” is by Hack referred to rd vavricdy; by Goeller, to rd Sapoeiy contained in Sapooter; both methods equally forced and inadmissible. It can only relate to 7d caropSotyv, which is alluded to in the words immediately preceding mrouhosty 7 ard. The chief difficulty is, that viv is used for éyv rotry, since it corresponds to éy éxeiyy. Those words respectively refer to the iv rp wel and éy r~ vavree@ preceding. Finally, the eizep does not quite concede the thing, but has the sense siquidem. 7 And we all, §c.] Here Hobbes and Smith have totally missed the sense, which is plainly that above expressed. The scope of the passage is well illustrated by Goeller thus: “ Indicat his verbis, quare Atheniensibus major in preesentia quidem fiducia esse debebat: nam magno animo et for- titudine Lacedzemonios prestare negat; utrosque se alicujus rei peritia se antecellere, eoque se audaciores esse ait. In prasentia autem id adesse, quo ipsi, Athenienses, excellant, rei navalis prudentiam demonstrari posse,” K K 4 504 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. | BOOK Il. their reputation among them, have brought most of these men into danger against their wills; since otherwise they would never, after being so utterly defeated, have ventured * a fresh engagement. Ye need not, therefore, fear their valour; nay, you rather inspire them with a greater and juster ground for terror; inasmuch as they have been before defeated by you, and because they fancy that you would not resist them unless you meditated the achievement of something memorable.” For adversaries superior in number (as these are) make their attacks with more reliance on strength than on counsel; where- as, those who attack with inferior force and unconstrained, must run the hazard from the influence of some great and and sure design.’° awe of us for this apparent inadequacy of our forces, than they would for any preparation which might be more in proportion. Many are the armies that have been overcome by even inferior numbers, through want of skill’*; some by cowardice; neither of which can be imputed to us. As for the battle, I shall not willingly hazard it within the gulf, nor 8 Ventured.] Literally, taken in hand, ventured to undertake. Here I read, with Hack, Bekker, and Goeller, for éveysipeoay, iweysionoay: for though éyxeipey is sometimes used for étyeio. in the sense conari, éxvy. is used of earnest endeavour, and such as is exerted in difficulties, as is ob- served by Sturz. in his Lex. Xen. : 9 Memorable.| Literally, something decidedly remarkable. Here for row read roy, and subaud Adyor, which is supplied by Dio Cass. 646, 52. Iapa ond is by the Scholiast well explained dzepbaddAdvrwe. This, it may be observed, is almost always joined with comparatives and superlatives ; very seldom, as here, with a positive. Goeller at rod supplies povericy- kévat. But that is exceedingly harsh. 10 For adversaries superior, §c.] Goeller gives the following as the con- struction: ot wAsiove avTizadot, Worep ovo, &c. And he adds that the sense is the same as if it were written, dytizadoy byra ry Ouvdwe Td Tio” TH yvOmy tisvvoy irépyscdat, wArEtbvwr tort. At ot te roddq bwodeearépwr (sc. érEpyd-= pevor) Kai dima otk avayKalopevor aytirohp@ow (ob ry Ouvaps TO méEov miovvot). ) OTe piya TL TO Bebatoy Tij¢ dvavotag Exovot, I would add that émrepx dpevot is to be repeated from the preceding ézépyeoSar. 11 Reflecting on this, §c.] Goeller interprets thus: ‘“ hanc nostram peritize et fortitudinis prestantiam reputantes isti, nos magis extimescunt propter id quod non expectabant, non verisimile erat, quam propter equa- lem sive justum apparatum, quem non habemus.”’ I would add that od card Adyoy is for wapddoyov, So 3, 359. rd Kara Abyoy ebrvxotyTa aopadéorEpa i) mapa Odgay. ; 12 Many are the, Sc.) So Pindar. Isthm. 4, 56. cai xpéocov’ davdpav xepdvur écpadre rexva karapapbao,. Herod. 7, 10, 55. pirée yap 6 Osd¢ Ta UTEPEXOVTA TAaVTA KoAOVELY, OUTW 01) Kal OTpaTdg TOAADG HzO bdiyou Cut PrEipEerat, Reflecting on this'’, they stand more in * “= CHAP. LXXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 505 will I sail thereinto; being well aware, that to a few dexte- rously managed and swift-sailing vessels, opposed to a multitude unskilfully managed, want of sea-room is a disadvantage.'® For unless they take their views of the enemy from a distance, they can neither sail up to the charge as they ought, nor can they retreat at the proper time, when hard pressed. There is, moreover, no possibility for cutting through the enemy’s line, nor tacking!* and back (in which consist the advantages of better-sailing ships), but of necessity the sea fight will become a land battle. Now under such circum- stances the greater number of ships must have the advantage. “‘ Respecting these matters I shall use the best forecast and all the provident care I am able. Do you, on your part, keep in exact order on board your ships, and execute orders with celerity; especially as the enemy’s station *° is so near us. In the engagement itself account order and silence ‘as of the utmost consequence; for great’® is their importance in all military operations, but in sea fights especially so. Charge, then, your foes in a manner worthy of your former achieve- ments. The combat which awaits you is indeed momentous, since on its issue depends, either for ever to extinguish all the hopes which the Peloponnesians have formed of raising a navy, or to bring nearer to Athens apprehensions for her maritime dominion. Again I remind you that most of these your foes you haye already defeated; and when men are once van- guished, their minds do not feel an equal alacrity towards the same dangers.” '7 ) ae 3 To a few dexterously managed, &c.] So Appian 2, 622, 63. %) pév iurrecpia CuepSapro br0 Tijg oTEvoxwpiac KEKVKAWpEVOLC. : \4 Cutting through, §c.] On these sea-terms I must refer to the notes on 1, 49. to which may be added the following passages: Appian 2, 622, 56, vavoi Kovoaic dumdeov Te Kai mepreTrEoY, Kai éravddoig éxpGyvro. ‘The pre- sent passage is imitated by Dio Cass. 624, 56. prre OuexmAkiy pyre mepuTdsiv (imep mov vavpayiac tpya tort) Ovvapévotg. 15 Station.] Or moorage. ’Edoppycewc is for épdppov, as 3, 6. See note on 6, 48. 16 For great, §c.| Here I read, with Hack and Bekker, 6 é¢ ro (for wore), from the conjecture of Steph. Goeller edits é¢ re, which may be the true reading, though it involves great harshness. 17 And when men, &§c.] The passage is imitated by Dio. Cass. 625, 57, pbos ray TO avSpwrsvoy, bray év Toig TWToLE dyGot Thay, Kai TPO Ta oa aSuporepoy yivera, and Procop, 328. gpdynpa dovAwsiv tak wadwopopsiv - 506 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. XC. Thus did Phormio exhort and animate his men. But when the Peloponnesians saw that the Athenians would not sail into the gulf and the narrows’, wishing to draw them thither, however unwillingly, they weighed anchor with the dawn of day, and sailed, ranged in files of four, towards their territory within the gulf?, in the same manner as they had Jain at anchor, the right wing leading the way. In this wing they had ranged twenty of their best-sailing vessels, in order that, if Phormio (supposing them to be sailing against Naupactus) should himself sail along the opposite coast to their succour, the Athenians might not escape their charge, nor get beyond their wing, but that these ships might enclose them as in a net.’ Hora eiwiev. and 208, 10. rév yap méd\AaKig HTYyHnKdTwWY ijKicTa avdpa- yasiZerSat prrovow at yvopat. 1 The narrows.| So the Latin, angustie, fauces. This signification is of frequent occurrence in Xenophon and Atrian, and is found in Joseph. 1104, 10. 2 Sailed, ranged in, &c.) There are few passages that have been less understood than the present. The sense assigned by the translators is neither permitted by the words themselves, nor is agreeable to the context. *Ezt, with an accusative, will not admit of being taken for zapda, as is done by the interpreters; that would require ézi ry yy. And even if such might be supplied, how could their coasting along their own shore alarm the Athenians for Naupactus? I am persuaded that a very different sense is required; namely, that “ they made towards the Athenian territory.” And such will arise, if for éavréyv or abréyv we read airéy, their. In no other way, indeed, can the words following (any more than those a little further on, “ in order that if Phormio, supposing them to be sailing against Naupactus, should himself sail along the opposite coast”) be understood. The meaning of them is, that the line of battle was formed from the line ofanchorage ; what made the right and left in the latter, making it also in the former. Now this was done to prevent any unnecessary motion and stir, which would put the Athenians on their guard. Moreover it is men- tioned that the right wing took the lead, because the column might have moved on its deft, as it would have done, had it intended to go out of the gulf; whereas it must move on its right, to proceed to the Naupactian territory. 3 The Athenians might, §c.] Such, after repeated examination, I must decide to be the sense of this obscure passage, which has been but im- perfectly understoed by the translators, and by the commentators wholly neglected. By roy éxiadovy whéovra is meant, the charge of the squadron (or wing) sailing upon them. The words ¢%w rot éavréy képwe are obscure from brevity; but the sense seems to be, “ so as to get beyond or out of the reach of the wing,” which should thus suddenly turn as it were upon a pivot, to cut them off from Naupactus. "E&w, as Sturz., in his Lex. Xen. in y., observes, is used of a coluinn so broad as to stretch beyond the enemy’s wing. And he cites from the Anab. wapH\Sev éw rot ebwvipov xéparoc. Enclosed and caught the Athenians would certainly be; for, as the right wing of the Peloponnesians would cut them off from Naupactus, * CHAP. XC. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 507 As they expected, Phormio, seeing them weigh and advance, and alarmed for the safety of the place, left destitute of help, embarked (though unwillingly) with all speed*, and coasted along his own shore, the Molossian forces proceeding thither to cooperate with him. ‘Then the Peloponnesians, seeing the Athenians coasting in line, one by one®, and, as they wished, already within the gulf and near the shore, suddenly, on a signal, turned about their ships °, and moving from the front’, made all sail possible upon the Athenians, hoping to have intercepted the whole. But eleven of the leading vessels con- trived to avoid the movement® of the Peloponnesian wing, and effected their escape to the open space.? The rest, how- so would the left cut off their retreat, and prevent them from getting back out of the gulf. (See the plan.) + Embarked, §c.) Such seems to be the true sense of dkwy kai cara orovcdryyv, where I suspect that the cai should be cancelled, originating, it should seem, as in many other cases, from the cara following. 5 In line, one by one.] The phrase, éai xéowe wdeiv, is used when the line moves in the direction of one of its wings, either the right or the left leading the way. It occurs also at 6, 32 and 50. and 8, 104, Plutarch Lys. c. 10. Procop. p- 19 and 22. Xen. Laced. 2, 8. Hist. 1, 17,10. 6, 2,18. Hence may be emended Appian, t. 2, 822, 47. dravra psdsic bbc t¢ Zucshiay Era, where Schweigh. cancelled the words ix kéopwy, after vainly endeavouring to cor- rect them. It is strange that not even Musgrave should have seen that ézi kéowe is the true reading. It may be proper to remark, that the phrase was not confined to nautical matters, but extended to land service, in the sense “ in a file, in a row.’ So Arrian E. A. 2, 8, 3. nyev. Onosand. p. 69. Hence in Max. Tyr. Diss. 123. worep orpardéredoy imi Kiopwe Badifov. where éxi képwe is adopted by all the recent editors for ézi caiopwc. The same method is (ex emend. Casaub.) to be employed at Euseb. ap. Athen. 568. E. mwrovue KUmpiwoc tEnoxnpévac Tupvac idelijc éxucaipwe reraypévac. Hence is illustrated Aristid. 3, 575. A. roy LepikXea rpoornodpevor side BovrAer Ogpt- oToKNEa OlTED Hpiy éETi Kipwo THY PNTOPwY. 6 Turned about their ships.] In éxvsrpiavreg rac vate we have another nautical term, used in Polyzen. 5, 36. ééorpeWe rv vaiy. Polyb. 1, 50, 5. imuotpiac mpoce Td 7édayoc; and 1, 25, 2. émisrpiPayrec avToig amHyTwr. 7 Moving from the front.] Or, in columns, as opposed to sailing from either wing. So Lucian 2, 40, 54. ézi képwe O& héyety TO ATO peTwTOU aGyew. Polyzen. 5,10. kai pavepde yevdmevog roig émtxhéovot, peTeoTpEeve oTPATWTECOY. where for peréorpeWe I conjecture éxéorpeve. Our author seems to have had in view Herod. 7,100. rag Ci viag—avayayovTeg—Tacg mpwpacg éc yiy TpiWarvTeg TAVTEC MEeTWTTNOOY. 8 Movement.| Or, turning about, wheeling. 9 Effected their escape to the open space.| Not the open sea, as Portus and Hobbes render (for they were still in the gulf); but that which might be so called in comparison with the narrow strait which they had passed, and the place in which their consort ships were cut off and enclosed. This bud 508 . THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. ever, they came up with, and running them ashore, disabled them; slaughtering such of the Athenians as had not escaped by swimming to shore.1! Then they took in tow and hauled off some of the empty vessels (one of which they had taken with the crew on board); others, the Messenians '? going to their succour, after wading into the sea, and climbing’® on board, and fighting from the decks, recovered '*, when they were already in the act of being towed away. XCI. Thus far, then, did the Peloponnesians gain the victory, and cut up the Athenian fleet. But those twenty ships of theirs from the right wing, went in chase of the eleven ships of the Athenians, which had escaped the wheel or turn, and got into the open space.’ They were, however, before- hand with them, and all, except one ship, escaped into Nau- This passage is imitated by Plutarch Camill. 18. s. f. rd 08 deZtdy (Képac) drexdivay tiv énupopay éx Tov mediov mpdg Tog édove, I conjecture émLoTpogiyy. 10 Disabled.| Not destroyed ; otherwise they could not have afterwards towed them off. On the above signification see note supra, 1, 49 and 50. 11 Swimming to shore.] In éévevoay there is an allusion to the ships which they left ; and it may be rendered, “swimming out to shore.” There isa similar use of 2£:évae at Acts, 27, 44. 12 The Messenians.| ‘These are here introduced in a somewhat obscure manner. Our author naturally supposes his readers to remember what was said at 1, 101, 4., by which we learn that the expelled Messenians were fixed at Naupactus. These, therefore, were Naupactians. But nothing was before said as to Phormio’s having any of these with him; though, from 2, 25., we find that they did act on board the ships like our marines. Such must have been the case here; and they had, it seems, been stationed at Molycrium ; but when Phormio embarked his men on board, to succour Naupactus, it appeared to him expedient to detach the Messenians by land for the relief of their town, should his endeavours to succour it by sea fail of success. Besides, they could thus pass to Naupactus across, by a much nearer route than by sea, In their way, however, they espied the peril of the Athenians, and advanced to their aid. 13 Climbing.] The ézeo€aivoyrec is a very forcible term, from the accu- mulation of the two prepositions in composition. This elegance is imitated by Appian: rove éxvéovrag iobaivovreg t¢ rijy Sadarray avypovy. Xen. Hist. 1,1,6. wapebindea cai ireaobaivwy ry imap sic THY Yddaccay, Arrian E. A. 1,6,17. ie picov rod mordpou éxrogebeyv, éimecbayrae Kai rovroue (read ézeo€aivoyrec). Dio Cass, 554, 7. tc abroy roy BuSoy éreioebaver. 14 Recovered.| Mitford has here fallen into an error by saying that the Messenians recovered ad/ the ships. Thucydides only says réc¢ dé revac, some of them. \ Had escaped the, Sc.) The iretipvyoy must be taken, per dilogiam, in two senses, as referring both to éx:orpodyy and é¢ ry etpvywpiar, CHAP. XCI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 509 pactus; and anchoring off the temple of Apollo, with the beaks turned towards the enemy, prepared for resistance, in. case they should make sail against them, and attempt to land. But they came up too late, yet began to sing the pzan, as having obtained their victory; though at the same time one Leucadian vessel, much further advanced than the rest, was holding in chase the hindmost? of the Athenian vessels. Now it happened that a merchant-vessel® lay at anchor before the harbour, which the Athenian ship first came up with, and got round; then, suddenly turning about, made a charge about midship at the Leucadian vessel which was chasing her, and sunk her.4 At this occurrence, so sudden and unlooked- for, the Peloponnesians were seized with fear ; and, moreover, having chased as victors, in some disorder, certain of them backed their oars and stopped in their course’ (a very pre- 2 Hindmost.] Literally, that which alone was left behind (being a heavy sailer), and had not reached Naupactus. 3 Merchant-vessel.| Literally, @ ship of burden; from tre to carry. Such were therefore of a roundish form, in opposition to ships of war, which were long and narrow at the bows. 4 Turning about, §c,} The mode in which this manceuvre was effected is not very clear; nor is it explained by the commentators. It should seem that after turning round one of the ends of the vessel, the Athenian ship suddenly stopped, and abruptly facing about (leaving, at the same time, a way for the Leucadian vessel), waited till it was in the act of turning round the end of the vessel, and struck her with the beak amidship. A well con- trived and well executed manceuvre, which is included by Polyzen. 3, 4, 5. among the stratagems of Phormio. That writer also adds other circum- stances, not here mentioned, as that the ship was the Paralus, and was pur- sued by two vessels That the ship belonged to Phormio is very probable ; and that it was the Paralus is possible; since, though that and the Sala- minian were reserved for particular state services, as conveying messages, yet sometimes they accompanied a fleet for ordinary purposes. Thus, those ships formed part of the squadron sent to Corcyra by the Athenians. See 5,77. With respect to the circumstance that two ships were in chase of the Athenian, that is not at variance with Thucydides. That others were also in pursuit, appears from the words following. 5 Backed their oars and, &c.| Hobbes renders, “let down their oars, and hindered the way of the rest of the galleys.” And so Smith. Portus seems not to have understood the words. I would observe that ézéornoay row z\od is in some measure meant to explain the preceding, and does not sig- nify “stood in the way of the others,” but “stopped in their course.” ’"Egiornp, like our ¢o sfop, is in this sense used either as a neuter and abso- lutely (as often in Polybius, Appian, A¢lian, and Themistius), or with a genitive, as here and in Diod. Sic. t. 6, 225. éxtorijva rije wopeiac. It some- times has the accusative in Xenophon, Arrian, Polybius, and Dionys, Hal. ; but then it has an active sense. Indeed here vav¢ must be understood, At the genitive an dd may be supplied. The 510 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. judicial® step, considering that the enemy was so near’), with an intent to wait for the main body; others, through ignorance of the coast ®, ran on the shoals, and were stranded. XCII. The Athenians, on seeing this, recovered their courage, and with one general shout rushed upon them, who, from the blunders which they had committed, and disorder into which they had fallen, made no long resistance, but turned and fled to Panormus', whence they had set out. The mode in which this stoppage was effected is expressed by raSeioat rac kwmac, namely, by letting down the oars perpendicularly like poles, whereby the effect of the current would be prevented. This our sailors call backing the oars. Mitford has wrongly rendered the expression “ resting on their oars.” 6 Prejudicial.| Not inutilis, as Portus renders. The later commentators have seen that aZépdopoc, like dypsiog and advotred))c, is here used to denote not only what is wseless, but what is hurtful, by a meiosis. This signification occurs not unfrequently in Aristophanes, Polybius, Diod. Sic., Dionys. Hal., Joseph, &c., and sometimes in the earlier authors, as here and in Eurip. Troad. 491. Xen. Cyr. 5, 2. Other particulars I must reserve for my edition, only adding that the earliest authority I have met with is Hesiod. Op. par’ dotiudepoc tort guroiow. Nor is the idiom unknown in the Latin. So Hor. Sat. 1, 4, 24.“ an hoc inhonestum et inutile sit nec ne dubitas 2”? See Clarke on Hom. Il. 1, 269. 7 Considering that the enemy, &c.] i. e. were at so short a distance from which to attack them. A sense which is expressed in avre%éppnow, for which I formerly read dyred, which is supported by several MSS.; but Iam now induced to prefer the common reading, as being more significant, and as being acknowledged by Dio Cass., who, at 562, 577, 626, and 1044, uses avreoppéw of a naval attack. And so also Plutarch ap Steph. Thes. IIpéc here signifies quod attinet ad. 8 Ignorance of the coast.| Strange, indeed, that they should have gone without pilots who knew the soundings; for, from the perpetual commu- nication of Corinth with the eastern parts of Greece, Italy, &c., by this gulf, we can hardly suppose but that there must have been many such. (And this, perhaps, induced Hack to propose cancelling ywefwr.) But though there might be many who had some slight knowledge of the coast, yet there were probably few good pilots among the Peloponnesians, inso- much that they were, perhaps, obliged to hire Phcenicians and other foreigners. This, indeed, seems implied in what Pericles says at 1, 143., where, enumerating the advantages which the Athenians enjoyed, he says, Kai, OTEp Kparioroy, Kubepynrac Exopey TOIT AC. ' 1 Fled to Panormus.] One cannot but be astonished at the seeming supineness and inefficiency of the main body, which ought to have pro- ceeded to the support of the right wing. Mitford here desiderates the usual accuracy of Thucydides, in not accounting for this ; and suspects there was some mismanagement of which he was uninformed. But, whatever be the accuracy of the historian when he narrates occurrences, or his judg- ment in accounting for them, yet, as he wrote for the learned, reflecting, and sagacious, he often leaves his readers to collect the causes of events from his narration of them. Thus, in the present instance, he has before CHAP. XCII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 511 The Athenians made chase, and took six of the ships which were nearest them, and recovered their own, which the enemy had before disabled and were towing off. ‘The men they partly put to death and partly made prisoners. On board the Leucadian ship, which was sunk alongside of the merchant- vessel, sailed Timocrates, the Lacedzemonian?, who, when the ship was perishing, slew himself®, and his body was wafted into the harbour of Naupactus. Then the Athenians retiring, erected a trophy on the situation whence they had pro- ceeded to gain this victory.* | ‘They then took up such of the corpses and the wreck as had been driven on their own shore °, told us that the right wing of the Peloponnesians was composed of the swiftest-sailing vessels. Now, after passing the strait, the Athenian squa- dron, especially on seeing the manceuvre of the enemy to cut them off, would advance as rapidly as possible to Naupactus, which we are to remember is, according to the best maps, eight or ten miles distant from Antirrhium. Therefore the right wing, which advanced so rapidly almost up to Naupactus, might well be taken (especially as we find they made but a short resistance) before the main body of slower-sailing vessels could come up, even supposing every exertion to have been made on their part ; end if Brasidas was there, we may be assured that every thing possible would be done. Yet, without knowing the exact position of the main body, and of the right wing, at the commencement of the engagement, and at its close, it is impossible to pronounce with certainty. It is probable, that the squadron which composed the right wing, altogether left the main body in the middle of the gulf; and, seeing several of the ships stranded, and not perceiving that so many escaped, would suppose that there could be no need for its co-operation, and when it did perceive it, could not reach in time. But here again, without knowing the soundings of the gulf, which, we find, had several shoals, we cannot pronounce with cer- tainty. 2 Timocrates, the Lacedemonian.| Not a Lacedemonian, as Hobbes renders. The article is, indeed, not usual in this phrase, but it here has reference to the previous mention of Timocrates, who was one of the counsellors sent by the Lacedemonians to Cnemus. See c. 85. 3 Slew himself.) Such Brasidas would probably have done, under the same circumstances. Of this action, done, as Mitford says, in a fit of pase sionate despair, Smith certainly judges too harshly, and does the greatest injustice to the motives of this brave, but misguided, man. “ He could not,” says he, “endure the thought of perishing in a whole skin, and, therefore, snatched the moment, and killed himself for fear he should be drowned.” He rather, it should seem, wished to show the last proof of courage and contempt, and to fall by his own hand rather than that of the enemy. Though, as we find, the corpse floated into the harbour of Naupactus, the Athenians had not magnanimity enough to give it any honourable burial. 4 Situation whence, §e.] i. e. some part of the shore near the temple of Apollo. ) ; ’ Took up such, &c., as had been driven on their own shore.) This, as it seems, was all that was required. So 1, 54. dveAopevor Ta Kata opag abrove vavdyta Kai vexpove. 512 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK It. and gave up to the enemy theirs, under truce. ‘The Pelopon- nesians, too, erected a trophy as conquerors, because of their defeat of those of the enemy’s ships which they disabled on the shore; and the ship which they took they dedicated at the Achean promontory, near their trophy. After this, however, fearing the reinforcement which was expected from Athens, they, on the approach of night, sailed, all except the Leu- cadians, towards the Crissean gulf and Corinth. Not long after their retreat, arrived at Naupactus those twenty Athe- nian ships from Crete which should have joined Phormio before the battle. Thus ended this summer. ; XCIII. But before the fleet, which had retired to the Crissean gulf and Corinth, separated, and just as the winter commenced, Brasidas and the other Peloponnesian com- manders were induced ', at the suggestion of the Megareans, to make an attempt on Pirzeus, the harbour of Athens. Now it was neither guarded nor shut up; probably on account of their naval superiority. ‘The plan was, that each sailor should take with him his oar, his cushion, and his thong*, and go by 1 Were induced, §c.| Into this project they would readily enough enter, as striking a bold stroke, and, if at all successful, calculated to lessen the displeasure which their late defeat would procure them from the Lace- dzemonians. 2 His cushion and his thong.] “The thong, or loop, to fasten the oar to the rowlock, is not unknown with us, and I have seen the cushion used by Thames wherrymen; yet, that the cushion should have been so indis- pensable an implement as the account in the text would make it appear, we do not readily conceive. Though, therefore, the Scholiast gives the ex- planation, which the Latin translator has followed, sanpéowy tort rd bac yp émucadnvrat ot ipsooovrec, Oud Td pr) ovyTpibecSa aitroy race mvyac, I can- not help having some suspicion that it meant another thing. A marble fragment, which, before the spoliations of the French, was in the Vatican museum at Rome, has been mentioned in a former note (24. s. 4. ch. 8.), as the most satisfactory representation known of an antient ship of war. In that curious monument the oars project from the side of the vessel through apertures, like the rowports of our-small ships of war; but, at the aperture, every oar has a bag about it, whose purpose apparently has been to pre- vent the waves from flowing in. I leave it for those who have leisure for the inquiry to decide whether the ixnpéiowy of Thucydides may have been such a case or bag, rather than a cushion to sit upon.” (Mitford.) Ingenious as is this interpretation, it cannot, I think, be adopted, since the use of the cushion appears from other accounts (besides the Scholiast) to have been so general that the utensil might very well be thought indis- ensable, at least such as no sailor would be willing to be without. Thus lutarch Themist. 6.4. w¢ dpa OguiorowAye TO Odpu Kai rHy aonida THY CHAP. XCIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 518 land from Corinth to the sea over against Athens, and pro- ceeding with all speed to Megara, should put off with forty tri- remes which happened to lie at Niszea, their naval station, and sail immediately for Pireeeus; for there was no naval force on TOMTwY Tapshdpevoc, tig bNpéotoy Kai KwWIHY CUvECTErE TOY THY ASnValwY djpoy. Isocr. p. 688. Lang. ot piv — brnpéovoy Exovrec tubaivovow. Pollux 10, 40. and 1,88. 7d 08 droKeivevoy Tote tpérag Urnpéiowy. Hermippus ap. Hesych. in v. tamcrdv. A. “Qoa roivuy per’ imod ywpsiv roy kwryrijpa da- bovra, kai TpooKepadauor, i’ ic THy vaby iuwndnoag poStalyc. B. A od déopat, TauviKroy éywy Toy TowKToy.* These cushions, however, I suspect, were often no more than pieces of a skin with the fleece on, i.e. axéac. Thus the edac is by Theocr. Idyll. 21,12. reckoned among the utensils of a fisherman. So also Procop. 150, 16. Kavevoovor O& émt Tie yije KWOLOY UTooTpwYYbYTEc, See also Appian 1, 797, 24. Aristoph, Thesm. 1180. Theocr. Id. ¢. 10, 17. As to the oar-bag mentioned by Mitford, I can prove its antient use from the Schol. on Aristoph. Acharn. 97. peyddoe raic roujpect d¢Sadpot yivovrat, Ov wy rag Komac éubaddéyrec txwrnrGrovy. ibparrovro Oé Kai Jepparivote TP6- Toc, TPE TO jun) ToibeoSar Ta cavwepara. And Etym. Mag. 155,17. doxw- para kahovyrat KaiTa Oéppara Ta irippanropeva Taig KwWTULG ty Taig TPLNPECL, Out TO pur) siodepety 7d Sadrdoowoy towp. And so déoxwpa occurs in Aristoph. Acharn.97. Then, however, it seems to have been fastened to the oar, and probably formed a part of it; and, therefore, would not require to be here mentioned. Besides, such were, perhaps, only used for the lower tier of oar-holes. The rpozwrijp is not what Hobbes calls the piece of leather in which the oar turned, but the strip or thong with which the oar was fastened to the piece of wood formed to contain and support it. See Hesych. and Etym. Mag. 671. and the passages cited by Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. Pers. 382. Aristophanes Acharn. 545. &c. speaking of the bustle occasioned by the launching of three hundred triremes, says the quay resounded with the noise doxGy, tporwrijpwy, &c., and the dock with that of cwzéwy marov-, péevor, Tirtwy, Sartapoy rporoupivwor. The cwxnrp of the above passage of Hermippus is the scalmus, or wooden frame-work to support the oar. See Hesych. Etym. Mag.715. Our oars, too, have @ kwanrijp and what are called tholes (the ridwy of the above passage of Aristophanes), to guide and keep them in their place, which tholes the rowers generally carry in their pockets. * On which passage, Dr. Blomfield on AX schyl. Pers. 402. annotates thus : — « Quid sit juxta cum ignarissimis scio. Forsan legendum myvixrdy.”? It was long my conjecture that the true reading is mavotinrdéy. So rodAdvoriKtos, KaTdoTI- KTos, and many other words, which may be seen in Steph. Thes. ; and especially épporuydortktos, which Hoog. Dict. Analag. says is used by Aristotle. Thus the sense will be wheaded. Such marks are called oriyyata, or dAvKTaivat, by medical authors and others. So Aristoph. Ran. 236, éya& 5& gAuKtalvas exw x@ TpwKTds idies wdAa. See also Vesp. 1119., to omit many other passages which I had noted. Iam now, however, of opinion that not even the conjecture of the learned editor above quoted was necessary ; since the common reading will of itself yield the very same sense, if the word be supposed to be put Dorice. And so in the same passage, the Doric form fodidtns ought to be restored for podidgns, which was introduced by Alberti solely on the conjecture of Junius. ~ VOL, I. I. L 514 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK If. guard therein, there being no expectation that the enemy would make so sudden an attack, nor any supposition that they would deliberately ® and openly run so great a risk; or, if they had thought of.so doing, that they would not pre- viously be discovered. ‘The Peloponnesians, however, set forwards immediately to the execution of what they had pro- jected; and arriving by night, and launching off the ships from Niszea, sailed forth, not indeed to Pirseeus, as they had planned, but (deterred by the danger, and also hindered, as it said, by an adverse wind) towards that cape* of Salamis which faces Megara. Here there was a fort®, and a guard- force of three ships, to prevent all communication with Megara. ‘The fort they stormed, and carried off the three triremes, which they found without their crews ; ravaging, too, the rest of Salamis, unprepared as it was for such an incur- sion. XCIV. War beacons if vere now raised towards Athens, which caused a consternation exceeded by none that was felt during the whole war. For the inhabitants of the czty supposed that the enemy had already entered the Pirceus ; while those of the Piraeus thought that the city of Salamis was taken, and that the enemy were on the very point of 3 Deliberately.| Such seems to be the true sense of ca’ jovxiav, which has been imperfectly understood by the commentators. They cannot conceive how the enemy should of set plan, or openly, undertake the attack, Nor, in fact, did they ; for the plan of proceeding to Nisaea was, it is pro- bable, only made known on the very evening of the march; otherwise it would have been communicated to the Athenians by spies. For the same reason the rowers took their necessary utensils with them, not because there were none at Megara, but because the procuring and getting them ready would have given alarm to the Athenians, and put them on their guard. 4 That cape.| Called the Budorus; perhaps from the form, it having some resemblance to an ox-hide. Many islands and promontories, indeed, had their name from similar circumstances; as the Morea (from its resem- blance to the form of a mulberry leaf’), the Ginignathos in Laconia, the Bucephalium in Corinthia, &c. 5 Fort.} So Steph. Byz. in Botédwpoy says that Ephorus speaks of Bu- dorus as.a fort. | War beacons] On these (passed over by the commentators) it may suffice to refer to the Schol. on Aéschyl. Agam. 3. Rittersh. on Oppian Cyneg. 4,128. Schwebel. on Onosand. p.36. also to a learned note of Valckn. on Herod. 7, 182, 8. and Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. Agam, 32, CHAP, XCIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 515 advancing upon them; which, had not their fears inter- posed®, and the wind proved adverse, might easily have taken place. ‘The Athenians, however, at break of day, advancing with their whole forces to Piraeeus, launched their ships in the utmost haste and confusion, and proceeding with their fleet to Salamis, left their land forces to defend Piraeus. But the Peloponnesians, on hearing of the advance of this succour, having now ravaged most of Salamis, carried off their prisoners and spoil, together with the three ships from Fort Budorus, and set sail with all speed for Niszoa. Indeed they were some- what alarmed on account of their ships, which had been launched out to sea after long lying in the dock®, and were exceedingly leaky.* Having proceeded to Megara, they thence departed by land to Corinth. The Athenians, on not finding them at Salamis, themselves also sailed away. After this, too, they looked with increased care to the defence of Pireeus, securing the ports by chains®, and using every other precau- tional attention.® ) _ 2 Fears interposed.] This absolute sense of caroxyijoatis rare, but occurs in Dio Cass. p. 788, 9. $ Launched out to sea after, §c.] Such is clearly the sense, and not, as Hobbes renders, “ had lain long in the water ;”? for that would not make them leaky; it was the lying long in the dry dock. The idiomatical use of dua ypdvov deceived him. 4 Were exceedingly leaky.| Literally, would keep out no water, were not water-tight. As this sense of oréyw is rare, and neglected by the com- mentators, the following examples may be not unacceptable. Theoph. Hist. Plant. 5, 1, 8. on the selection of wood fit for ship-building : bray cupriy cadedxvoSivra cuppdbe cai oréyet. Plutarch Philop. c. 14. vady wadrady ov itv Tecoapdkovra Karaordcac émAnpwoev’ Gore pu) oTeyovonc, KivdvvEevoat rov¢ mwoXirac. Plutarch 2,476. cai mapeoriy drovngecSan Tov owparog, WaTEp EMoAKLOV fir) OTEYOVTOC. The Scholiast here rightly understands jdwp. So Aischyl. Suppl. 142. Arwop- pagne re Obuog dda ortywy. The term is employed metaphorically in Kurip, Incert. frag. 11,1. Eurip.Elect.275. A&schyl. Theb. 202 and 796. Eurip. Iph. Aul. 877. It is more frequently used of vessels which will not, as we say, hold water. So Plato ap. Steph. Thes. od 76 towp ayyeioy oddéy aréyet. and Galen: phyvuvra ra dyyeta, Oud 7d pu) oréyey 7d tv abr@ aipa. 5 Chains.] Such were then, and especially afterwards, in common use for shutting up the mouths of ports, when narrow enough to admit of them. Thus we find from Book VII. that they were used at Syracuse, and by Appian 1, 4, 57. at Carthage. By the time of Strabo they had grown so common that that writer perpetually employs the expression Aiuny KAELOTOC. ; 6 Other precautionary diligence.] To this period may, perhaps, be referred what is related by Polyzen. 1, 40,3. ’AAKibiadyg wodvopKovyTwy Tag "ASivag Trév Aakedappriwy, Bovddspevog rode pihaxag Tou dorEOg Kai TOU 5g ae 516 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK IT XCV. About’this period, and at the commencement of winter, Sitalces! the Odrysian, king of Thrace, undertook an expedition against Perdiccas® son of Alexander, king of Tepae, cat Tov oxechOv THY aypt Sadtaoonce dypiTVoUg TEpi THY pudaKnY Karacksvaoal, TponyopEvoey, We avToc Tie akpoTdbAEwc VixTwp Tpic avacxHoOL Tov apTrihpa’ oc 0 ay py avacyor, we PuvdaKiy ékAiHY KohacSHoETat, OdTO On) wavrec aypuTvovyteg éptdarroyv. Ww’ aipovTog Tov oTpaTnyovU TO Tip, dyrdpa Sbvawro. onpaivoytec, we éypnyopérec pudarrouey. It is at least pro- bable that the caution was then employed; but not, it should seem, by the orders of Alcibiades, since he was not yet of age to hold the office of orparnyoc (see 6, 12.), though it might be by his suggestion. _ 1 Sitalces.| On the life, character, and actions of this extraordinary person, see an able dissertation in Gail’s Philolog. p. 372. His character is briefly, but ably, sketched by Diodorus, as follows: — XurdAxne 6 rév OpakGy Ba- orede Taperhoe piv Baoireiay Odiyne Xwpac, Oia dé THY Wlay avdpiay Kai obyveow éri Todd TiV Ovvacteiay HbEnoEY, EmtELKHC piv Apxwy THY VTOTETAY= pévwy, avopsiog 0 wy tv Taig payate Kai orparnytiKdc, Ere 0 THY mpooddwy peyadny rrodtpevoc éxipediay. The following genealogy of the royal family of Odrysze is by Gattererus, and inserted in Poppo’s Proleg.: — Teres. ; Sitalces, Teris filius A alle Filia anonyma, Filia (Herodotus, 7, 137. Sitalcz soror Sitalce. alia Teris, Thucyd. 2, 29. 95.) frater. (Thue. 2, 29.) mater auxit Odryarum im- (Thucyd. Nymphedorus, Octamasade, perium (Thucyd, 2, 2 OV Pythe filius, vir Scytharum 96, 97.) occisus in 4,01.) Abderita, regis, bello contra. Tribal- (Her. 7; 1872 (Her. 4,80.) los, anno octavo . et Thuc. 2,29.) belli Peloponnesiaci. fuit maritus (Thucyd. 4, 101.) hujus sororis Sitalcee. (Thue, 2, 29.) Sadocus, Sitalce filius, ci- Seuthes, Sparadoci, qui Sitalez frater vis Atheniensis per Nym- erat, filius (Thue. 2, 101. et 4, 101.), phodorum, Pythz filium, successor Sitaleze occisi (Thue. 2, 97, factus. (Thuc. 2, 29.) et 4, 161.), qui, Sitalcse adhuc vivente, potentia secundus a rege erat (Thuc. 2, 101.), et deinde, rex factus, imperii reditus ad summum perduxerat, (Thuc. 2, 97.) 2 Perdiccas.| I cannot but refer the reader to the accurate sketch of the history of the kingdom of Macedonia, from its foundation by Per- diccas I. to Archelaus II., successor of Perdiccas, presented by Poppo: Proleg. 2, 419. seqq. Perdiccas II. of whom we here read, was the eighth from the founder, who was an Argive of the family of the Temenide, and therefore of the race of the Heraclida. Some, indeed, carry the regal succession three reigns farther back, including Thyrmas, Ceemes, and Ca- ranus ; which is chiefly founded on the authority of Justin. But, as Poppo observes, it is plain from Herod. 8,157. that Perdiccas was the first king ; though the other three might be powerful chieftains. Up to the time of CHAP. XCV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 517 Macedonia, and the Chalcideans of Thrace, on account of two promises; one of which he intended to enforce, the other to perform.? For Perdiccas, though he had made a promise to him at the beginning of the war, on condition that he would reconcile him with the Athenians (by whom he was then hard pressed) and not bring back from exile his brother Philip (with whom he was at enmity) to occupy the throne, had never performed his engagements. Sitalces, too, had himself, when he had entered into alliance with Athens, covenanted to bring to a conclusion the war against the Chalcideans of Thrace. On both these accounts he made Amyntas I., when the kingdom submitted to the Persians, it was con- tracted within very narrow limits; for to the east it did not yet reach to the Lake Prasias, and the Strymon, but Mount Dysorus was its boundary, as we find from Herod. 5,17. But when the king of Bisaltia and Cres- tonia had fled, for fear of Xerxes, to Mount Rhodope, and Alexander, the successor of Amyntas, had, by giving his daughter in marriage to Bubaris, a powerful Persian, acquired considerable influence at the court of the king of Persia, he was presented by that monarch with all the region between Mounts Olympus and Hemus. To this period are therefore to be referred those conquests of the Macedonians mentioned in Thucyd. 2,99., when they expelled the Bottizi, Eordi, Edones, &c., and acquired the possession of Mygdonia, Crestonia, Bisaltia, and the greater part of the tract of country between the rivers Axius and Strymon, subjecting, or ac- quiring a predominating influence over, the Lyncestz, Elimiote, and other nations of Upper Macedonia. For the rest of the history I must refer to Poppo, from whom the above particulars have been derived. 3 One of which he intended, §c.| Or, “ one made to him, which he was resolved to enforce; the other made dy him, which he meant to perform.” This signification of avanparrw (i. e. ra dvwSev % srocyicewc Operopeva eiompdrrev) is perhaps the primary one. The mode of expression in the original has, according to our ideas, a very quaint and forced air; and the whole of the subject here is so little intelligible, that to my younger readers the following statement of Mitford may be not unacceptable : — « Philip, brother of Perdiccas king of Macedonia, dying, his son Amyn- tas claimed the succession to the principality which he had held in Upper Macedonia. Perdiccas, who had proposed to deprive his brother of that little subordinate sovereignty, seized it on his death. What the Mace- donian law on the subject may have been, we have no information, and perhaps it was not very well defined. Amyntas, however, resorted to the neighbouring powerful sovereign of Thrace, Sitalces. This prince, by his recent alliance with Athens, for what advantages in return is not said, had engaged to compel the revolted dependencies of Athens in Chalcidicé to return to their obedience. Ready, therefore, with his army, he took Amyntas under his patronage; and, Perdiccas refusing to reinstate that prince in the principality which had been held by his father, he resolved to dethrone Perdiccas, and make Amyntas king of Macedonia.’ See also c. 15. sect. 4. of Mitford’s History. Lola 518 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. the invasion in question, and took with him both Amyntas the son of Philip, to place him on the throne of Macedonia, and also the Athenian ambassadors, then with him for that busi- ness, together with Agnon as general. For the Athenians had engaged to cooperate against the Chalcideans, both with a fleet, and as large an army as they could. XCVI. Setting out’, therefore, himself from Odryseze, he summons? first to attend him such of the Thracians between Mount Haemus and Mount Rhodope as were his subjects, unto the sea-coast of the Euxine and the Hellespont; next, the Getz beyond? Hzemus, and such other nations* as 1 Setting out.| He was not deterred from making the expedition by the presence of winter; for, as Mitford remarks from Xen. Hist. 7., winter warfare was more common with the Thracians than with the Greeks. 2 Summons.] Literally, raises, or levies. A rare signification of dviornpe, of which the only example I have noted is from Arrian EK. A. 5,22. fir TH odérepy Ovvdpe Kai moda GdAa *8yn avacrhjoavrec. There is a similar use of excire in Latin. So Livy 5, 34. Is, quod ejus ex populis abundabat, Bituriges, Arvernos, Senones, Acduos, &c., excivit. On the kingdom of Odrysze Goeller refers to Arrian E. A. 1,2, 3. 3 Beyond.) In ireptdyr there is not (as the commentators fancy) any pleonasm. It is a participle which, by use, became a sort of preposition, and stands for izéo. This use of the word is very frequent in Pausanias, and occurs occasionally in other writers, as Herod. 4, 25. who employs the accusative at 5,17. So éguCavre in Scymnus Ch. p. 49., and diabdéyre in Herod. 4, 20. 4 Such other nations.| The words of the original are somewhat obscure, and have been not well understood by the translators. Hobbes renders, “all the nations between the Ister and the Euxine.” But the éyrdc (between) has reference, not to the Euxine, but to Hemus just before. Smith well inserts along; for after mentioning the north and south boun- daries of the country now spoken of (afterwards the Mesia inferior, at the present time Bulgaria), Thucydides adverts to the east and west limits. Of the west he does not speak; but to the east, he says, it extended down to the Euxine Sea. As to the ado, it is omitted by most translators, as if it were a mere pleonasm. But such paddov never is; here, at least, it has, I conceive, a sense, though not to be expressed without much circumlocution. In fact, it seems to refer to a sentence omitted, which may be thus supplied: “ and such other parts (of the country) as are inhabited (on the sea-coast chiefly) along from the west down to the sea-coast of the Euxine on the east.’ The paddqov stands for carootyrag 6& rpd¢ Sadacoay. Or perhaps the passage may be thus pointed: cai dca a. pw. €.7. 1. worapod (apoc Sddacoav parroy rig Tov Evgetvov wébvrov) carynyro. scil. pexypi Sadrdoonc. The meaning is, that those other parts of the country were chiefly towards the Euxine; the rest, it seems, being inhabited by the Getz. That the Getz did not occupy the country as far as the Ister, is clear from Herod. 4, 95 and 94. where, speaking of Darius’s journey from Byzantium to the CHAP. XCVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 519 inhabited within the Ister, and so along down to the sea-coast of the Euxine. The Getee and the inhabitants of that part are borderers on the Scythians, are armed and accoutred ° in the same manner, and all horse-archers.° He also called forth many of the mountaineers of Thrace, who are independent, and armed with swords’, are called the Dii, and mostly inhabit Mount Rhodope. Some of them he engaged for pay ; others accompanied as volunteers. He raises also the Agreeans and.Leeeeans 9, and such other Pzeonian tribes as were bridge on the Ister, he says: piv O& amticioSat imi roy "lorpor, rpwrove cipéee Térac. Those other people are adverted to just after by the cai ot TAUTY OpeEpot. 5 Are borderers on, §c.| The passage is imitated by Dio Cass. 762, 71. EKopdioxore opdporg TE ab’TGy Kai dpookeborc ovot. The word dpdoxevog is rare; but it elsewhere occurs in Lucian 2, 557. Dionys. Hal. Ant. Rhet. c.11. It refers not to arms only (as the translators seem to have thought) but also to accoutrements; for oxetoc is a very general term, and may denote the latter as well as the former. 6 Independent.| So Livy 42, 51. tria millia Thracum liberorum. Arrian K. A. 1, 1, 6. twbadeiv sig Cpdxny ry téy adbrovdpuwy Kadoupivwy Opaxdy. Xen. Hist. 5, 2,17. Opaec ot abacirsvrou. All, however, were not summoned, but only zodoi, those who are called Dii. Among the rest were the Satra, mentioned by Herod. 7,111., and highly commended for their bravery. 7 Armed with swords.| 1.e. who used the sword in their warfare, as did the Scottish highlanders. Xenophon Cyr. 6, 2, 10. says: peptoSwpévoug eivat TodMove Opaxdy paxatpopdspove. From which it appears that it was only some of the Thracians who were such; and, indeed, Thucydides 7, 27. uses Opaxéy 7Hyv payaoddpwy in the very same manner. See also Posidon. ap. Athen. p. 153. and Ovid Trist. 5, 7, 19. cited by Duker. The mountaineers, however, of Asia (as, indeed, do most mountaineers of every age) used the same weapon. So Aischyl. Pers. 56. 7d paxatpdgopoy rd &Svoe tx wdone’Aciac txerat. It is probable that these Thracians were, like the Swiss of Europe, ready to take pay from any who would engage them. ‘Thus some of them were hired for pay, though others came as volunteers, intending to pay themselves by plunder. 8 Volunteers.) This use of 2ehovrag occurs often elsewhere in Thucy- dides. And so in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 620,20. See also Demosth. ap. Steph Thes. It always denotes those who serve without pay. 9 Agreans and Lee@ans.] 'The best account of these tribes is to be found in Gattererus’s Memoirs on antient Thrace, inserted in the Commentationes Gotting. vol. 9. p.33., and detailed by Poppo in his Proleg. These tribes and the Graezeans just afterwards mentioned, were (it is plain from this pas- sage) all Pzeonian tribes, and inhabited the country about Mount Rhodope and the Strymon. Gatterer thinks the Agraans were situated the most to the north, perhaps as being mentioned first. We may at least, he thinks, collect from Herod. 5, 16. that they were situated more to the north than the Doberes and Peeopli, who inhabited to the north of Mount Pangeus. Such is, moreover, he thinks, quite clear from Strabo I. 8. re 6 Zrpypww rorapoc dpyerar tx rv mepi ‘Poddany “Aypiivwr. Thucydides, indeed, further on, derives the Strymon from Mount Scomius; and Pliny 4, 10. ih 4a 520 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. subject to him; and these were situated at the farthest parts of his dominions, extending to the Graezeans and the Leezan Peonians and the river Strymon, which runs from Mount Scomius between the Greeseans and Leeeans, and which bounded his territory on the side next to those Pzeonians who were yet independent. On the side towards the Triballi . (these also independent), the Treres and Tilatzeans ’’ formed the boundary.!? Those dwell on the north side of Mount from Hemus. All these, however, are so contiguous, that one may readily be put for another. Gatterer also subjoins another proof, and from all that he has adduced it does indeed seem that the Agreeans inhabited about Rhodope, and thence to the fountains of the rivers Oscius and Strymon. As to the Lewzeans and Greeeans, Gatterer thinks it plain, from this pas- sage, that the former were of two sorts; those who lived on the north bank of the Strymon, and were subject to the Odrysians ; and those on the south, who were independent. The Greezeans, he says, were all free, and not subject to Odrysee. Now this'supposes that the Strymon intersected the territory of both these people; and the words of Thucydides may seem to mean it. But thus, as the Graezeans are acknowledged to have been independent, it would follow that the Strymon was noé the limit of the Odrysian territory; and yet that is just after asserted by Thucydides, and, indeed, the words ov (sc. worapov) wpiZero 7 apy, &c., were meant to fix and explain the meaning of the preceding, showing that by dua Tpaaiwy cat Aataiwy is meant, “ runs between the two districts of the Grazans and Lzezans.” Such appears, too, from c. 97. “ to the Leezeans and the Stry- mon.” And this is confirmed by the nature of the appellation Lei, which designates those who lived on the /eft bank of the Strymon ; Aaraior coming from dave, levus, left. So Livy 5,35. speaks of the Levi Ligures, i.e. those who inhabited the left bank of the Ticinus. Poppo in his Proleg. here perplexes himself to little purpose, and resorts to conjectures which may very well be dispensed with. On the Pzonian tribes generally see Gatterer and Creuzer Frag. Ant. Hist. p. 63. note, referred to by Goeller in loc. ‘0 Tribalh.| ‘These were a people of considerable power, and inhabiting a country of great extent, on the west of Odrysia, and divided from it by the Oscius. ‘Their territory, Gatterer thinks, extended as far as Illyrium. \t Lreres and Tilateans.] These, it appears from the words following, occupied the north west parts of Odrysia. Of the former we have also mention in Strabo and Callimachus. Possibly the name may have been derived from rpfp-wy, with allusion to the sound of their dialect. For we sometimes read of the pronunciation of barbarous nations being somewhat assimilated to the tones of dirds. With respect to the Tilateans, here some MSS. have Trilateans. And Gatterer suspects some corruption, as not remembering the name in any other writer but 'Fhucydides. His memory, however, failed him; since it occurs in Steph. Byz. Taaraiog. Opakne éSvoc Bovr. devrep. As to the reading Tril., it deserves no attention, since the p plainly arose from the p in Treres. 2 Formed the boundary.] With the whole passage I would compare a very similar one in Aischyl. Suppl. 270—3. Schutz. where he thus marks the extent of Macedonia and Thessaly : ’OpiZopar 6: ri v0e Meppaibwr ySdva, Mivdov re raréxewa, atdywr midag,”Opn re Awdwvata’ ovyripver 0’ bpoe Vypac CHAP. XCVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. Scomius'®, and extend in an easterly direction as far as the river Oscius!*, which rises from the same mountain whence the Nestus and the Hebrus have their origin; a mountain large and desert, adjoining to Rhodope. XCVII. As to the size of the Odrysian kingdom, its ex- tent * on the sea-coast is from the city of Abderus up to where the Ister discharges itself into the Euxine. Now this tract is by the nearest way four days’ and nights’ sail? for a merchant- ship, with a continual fair wind. By land, the nearest way across from Abdera to the Ister would be eleven days’ journey for a light-accoutred footman.? Such was its extent of sea- Saraconce tév0¢ ravi rade koar®, where Abresch. cites Plat. Menex 405. C. THY aox?}Y woicaro pmexpi SevsHy. Other more critical matter I must re- serve for my edition. 19 Scomius.} Here the reading is doubtful; for the MSS. are divided between Xxd6pou and Lkdpboov, the latter of which, Wasse remarks, is confirmed by Aristot.. and Hesych; and also, I would add, by Steph. Byz. Leipbooc. yoouy Maxedorixov, w¢ Osdropmoe. where the true reading is XKdpEpoe Or Skdrpoc, as should seem from the order of the letters. And this is confirmed by Hesych. ‘4 Oscius.] This is also written Oscus, Escius, Escus, and Iscus. See Gatterer. 1 Its extent, §c.| This mode of marking the extent, namely, by measur- ing the distance on a sea-coast by the number of days’ sail, and on land by days’ journey for a good walker, is certainly a very rude and inartificial one, but such as we find in Herodotus and other antient writers. And this is, as far as the latter is concerned, still retained in the Kast, where distance is measured by the walk of a camel or horse. And, from the regular pace to which these animals are trained, and the number of hours of travel being fixed by custom, a computation of this kind may be tolerably exact. As to the former, that was yet ruder, and only adapted for the still seas and steady winds of the Levant, in the summer season, and on a coasting voyage where no tacking is required, and the course is from headland to headland; which is what Thucydides here meant by ra vvropwrara. If it be enquired, what were the estimated measures of a day’s sail and a night’s sail, the answer may be found in the words of Herod. 4, 86. pspérpyrar O& radra woe. vnve érimay padiorad Ky Kkaravise tv paxpnueply dpyvisag ixraxispupiac, vuKroe 0, Eaxiopupiac. On ov te pev Bao and Tov oréparoc (rovro yap éore rou Hévrov paxpérarey) npeepiwy tvvia mOOG tore KGL VUKTWYV OKTW. 2 Four days and nights’ sail.) The distance seems considerable, being about 280 miles; but not improbable, supposing a wind at poop the whole way. 3 By land the nearest, §c.] Smith renders; “ a good walker will also be eleven days in going the nearest way, by land, from Abdera to the Ister.” But though this may seem to be the sense of the words, yet I conceive it is notsuch. The distance measured by Arrowsmith’s map from Abdera to the 522 HE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK It. coast. In an interior direction, from Byzantium to the Leeeeans and the Strymon* (for there is its greatest extent from the sea inland*), the distance was thirteen days’ journey for a footman. The annual revenue which resulted ® from this Barbarian territory and from the Grecian cities amounted, in the reign of Seuthes (who ruled after Sitalces, and made the most of it), to about the value of four hundred talents in money, as far as respected? gold and silver. There were presents ®, too, made to him in gold and silver to an equal nearest part of the Ister is but 165 miles. Now it surely could not take a good walker eleven days to accomplish ¢hat distance, which would be but fifteen miles a day. Besides, just aftcr these words it is said, “ such is its extent of sea-coast.” This, therefore, cannot be the meaning. We must, I conceive, suppose that by 颔{orpoy is meant what just before occurs, é¢ voy Higewvoy movroy roy, pexpl “Iorpov worapov, the mouth of the Euxine. And so, J find, Hobbes translated. Yet that is a liberty hardly allowable, and indeed not very necessary; for if 66g be taken (as it was, I think, meant) emphatically, it will suggest that “ to the Ister,” is only a brief mode of expression for “ to the Ister above mentioned,” i. e. the mouth of the Ister. To that point the distance will be 330 miles; a full allowance, I imagine, even for a good walker. 4 The Leeans and the Strymon.] i. e., by a hendiadys, the Leeeeans on the Strymon. ; 5 Its greatest extent from, §c.] And yet its extent was greater by about 70 miles from Byzantium to the mouth of the Oscius; and Gatterer and Poppo make the Oscius the boundary of Odrysia. But, perhaps, the mis- take rests rather with the geographers than the historian, who does not say that Odrysia was bounded by the Oscius throughout? its whole course. Probably the north part might be occupied by the Triballi or Scordisci. Of drnp siZwvoc, in the sense here found, I subjoin the following ex- amples. Pausan. 1, 44, 10. Sxupwrny (scil. viam)— mpiroc — éroinoey avopaow sblwvore doebev. and 2,15. 1. d00i Ovo, 4) pev avdpdow ebforvore, Kat ory éairopoc, 9 O& éxi TOU KaXoUpévov TEHTOU. 5, 5, 5. 10, 5, 3. 17 AEwWHopog — avopi sblwvy yarexwrépa. Procop. 53, 14. Tpidkovra ddd¢ mpep@y éorw cilwvy avopt. and 52, 22. rpudy ddoy npepdy edZwvp avdpi. Herod. 1, 72. poe b0ov eblwvyw avopi révTE, )péipat avaoipovyTa. Hi~wvoe signifies one who has his skirts well tucked around his waist, and thus is light and active. So Horace: “ Hoc iter divisimus, altius ac nos Precinctis unum.” The avo, I must observe, is used for dvwSev;3 as in Xen. Anab. 7, 3, 16. 6 Resulted.| Literally came in, was paid. A somewhat rare sense of apoonkw ; though it occurs not unfrequently in zpocva, and even épyeoSas .in Theocr. Id. 17, 96. So further on zpoogéipw. 7 As far as respected.| Such seems to be the sense of a, which is for Kay’ te 8 Presents.] 'The offering of these was quite an oriental custom. So Herod. 3, 97. says of the Persians : otde 8 pépov piv oddéva traySnoay piper, dépa O& ayiveoy. And further on: ratra piv dy dpa waps~ Tod pédpou Baoré éxouigovro. See 2 Sam. 8.2. 2 Chron. 26,8. Diodorus. estimates the revenues of Odrysia at a thousand talents ; which sum, Wasse thinks, must be corrected from this passage of Thucydides. CHAP. XCVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 599 amount, besides such as consisted of stuffs, both embroidered and plain’, and other furniture and moveables. Nor were these to be made to him only, but to such of the Odrysians as were of influence’® or rank. For they have established a custom, which is, indeed, also prevalent among the other Thracians, namely, to receive rather than to give; contrary Wessel. and Gottleber think that Diodorus follows some other authority, and not Thucydides. It should, however, seem that he followed both Thucydides and some other authority; at least the two estimates are very reconcilable. By zpooddove Diod. means the whole of the income of Sitalces, composed of various items, as follows: tribute, four hundred talents ; gifts of gold and silver, four hundred talents. The other two hun- dred may easily be made up from the t¢avra cai dia Kai 4) GA) Kara- oxevn infra. There is something very oriental in the revenue being made up of tribute, gifts in money, and goods, &c. Thus from Bernier’s description of Hindoostan, we find that the revenue of the Great Mogul was made up in this very way. The gifts in gold, silver, precious stones, and other valuable moveables, amounted to a very considerable sum. The present passage is imitated by Joseph. p. 770, 50. dpyupiou éxtonpov pupiadacg yitiac, ywpic 02 oxetn Ta piv ypvood Ta 0 apytpov, Kai éoSHra. and 784, 1. Kal ywpic piv mpdooecSar pPdpove émibardopévoug Exadoroig Td éTOC, xwpic O& evTropiac sivat Tapakarabodde abt re Kai oixeioig Kai girotc. and p- 100, 35. woddc piv, ydp apyupde re Kal ypvodg— Kai oxen yYatea — odd O& émionpoy mAiIoc Ekarépwy boa TE VpaYTa Kai KOCMOL Tapa Tag brAHoEL, re GAN — Karaoke). éxéivwy, Asta TE TaVTOLA KTHVOY. 8 Stuffs both embroidered, §c.] Such is the sense of t¢avra cai Acta, which was not we'll understood by Portus and the early commentators. By tigayra is meant évudavra, embroidered with the needle ; a sense found in évugaivw, So the Schol. well explains it wemorcApéva ; as Herod. 9, 108. éugyjvacn dapoc peya kai ouidoy. Procop. 549, 17. Adschin. p. 14, 4. How antient was this kind of work, appears from Exod. 28, 6. fyov idavroy woudrov and 26,32. Of this giving of stuffs and vestments an instance is found in Xen. Anab. 7, 3, 27. (of the gifts presented to Seuthes) doc Mwphoaro idria ry yuvaixe kai ravida. These fine and embroidered stuffs were of great value. Thus Homer, Od. 13, 218., joins yovody re board kai eiwara Kadd, and he often unites ypvodyv and idavrd. These embroidered stuffs sometimes contained pictured representations of various objects. So Eurip. lon. 1146. tvijy 0 dgavrai ypappacw roid boat Oiparoc, x. 7. A. An art elegantly described by Cowper in his Task, 4. p. 91., and which a fair artist of our country (Miss Linwood) has brought to the highest pitch of perfection, and to whose matchless performances we may apply the words of the Sicilian bard (Idyl. 15, 83.) gubuy’, od« évudayra, they live — they move! ; : | 10 Of influence.] Literally, who had power with the king. The word mepuvaocrebw is rarely to be found elsewhere but in Thucydides. It occurs, however, in Dio Cass. 714,14. rév napadvyacrevévtoy odiow 1267, 20. 1358, 18. Synes. 18. A. wpoevrevEacSar totic Bacrrs Tapaduvacrevovot, Zosim. 4, 42, 5. rapadvvacredwy adr@. and 5,8, 4. and 9,6. The phrase is of the same nature as that at 1,158. yiyverac wap’ air péyac, where see the note. j From all these passages it will be apparent that the common interpreta- tion, “ to have authority or power,” 1s incorrect. oat: ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. to that which subsists at the court of Persia’ —it being there more discreditable not to give when asked, than to ask and be denied.’* Nay, in proportion to their power, they the ~ 11 Contrary to that which, &c.] This is well illustrated by Xen. Cyr. 8, 2,7. TOAD yap dueveykor avSpurwy TY TreioTrove TpoddCouc Kapbavery, TOS Ere wréov OunveyKe TP TAECTA avSporwy OwpEsicoIa. Karipte piv oby robrov Kipoc’ duapéver O& ere kai voy Baorsiow 7 rodvdwpia. See also Plutareh t. 2,272. B. and Adlian V. H. 1, 22. where he treats of the presents which the king of Persia made to ambassadors. Something very similar is re- corded of the emperor of China by Ellis in his Travels. And so Theocr. Idyll. 14,63. says of Ptolemy of Egypt: zodoig zoddd Oidode, airedpervoc, obk avavetov, Oia xpy Bactdei, and Themist. p.118.C. dwWddvae padror 7) Aapbavev Baotttxwrepov. I cannot but remark the similarity of the saying of Confucius, “ Give much, receive little,’ and that of our Lord, * It is more blessed to give than to receive,’ Acts 20, 35. where see my note. Hack, indeed, remarks that the Persian nobles knew the above-mentioned custom as well as the Thracians; and, therefore, he would understand the words in question of the freedom of Persia Proper, spoken of at Herod. 5,97. But this is most absurd. Thucydides does not say that the king and courtiers never received, but that they practised giving rather than receiv- ing. At the same time, it was, doubtless, then much as it is now at the court of Persia (see Malcolm’s History and Description of Persia), and as it was at that of the Great Mogul in Bernier’s time. Those monarchs, indeed, give much; but, at the same time, as their revenue greatly de- pends upon the gifts they receive, they must receive much ; and this they do from all their courtiers and their wealthy subjects. Those again, in order to be able to make such presents, are compelled to receive others from such as seek their influence at court. Thus those Odrysian nobles, who, it is added, would do nothing without a present, were compelled so to act, from having to make very great presents to the king. So that the difference which Thucydides mentions, was more in appearance than in reality. The chief point of dissimilarity consisted in this; that the Per- sians were (as they stilk continue to be) a generous, liberal people; and though the king and courtiers might receive much, they readily parted with it to others. Not so the Thracians, who were always accounted a sordid and avaricious people, acting upon the Dutch maxim, “ Get what you can, and keep what you get.” Aristophanes, indeed, Cone. 778. jocularly imputes this to the Athenians ; for, speaking of giving, he says: Ov yap marptoy TovT’ éoTiv, G\Ad Aapbavew “Hac povoy dei, vy» Ala. Kai yap oi Seot’ Tvwoee 0 ard toy xXEipGy ye Kat Tayadpara, “OTay yap sbxopecsa OwWdvat rayada, “Eorney éxrsivovra THY xéip’ Urriay, Ody WoTe dwoovr’ aX’ Omwe TL AHWerat. . i2 It being there, &c.| This somewhat obscure sentence (which is ren- dered such by perspicuity being sacrificed to point) is best explained by Bredow. who paraphrases the whole passage thus: “ Cum alii Thraces, tum Odrys more utuntur regni Persarum contrario, ut libentius accipiant, quam dent ; quamobrem ne audacter quidem rogare apud Odrysas dedecori est. Contra apud Persas summa turpitudo, rogare et cum repulsa abire ; ibi enim dare tam vulgaris totius populi et mos et virtus est, ut ne opus quidem sit petere, et qui petit tamen, sed non impetrat, is habit quo totus erubescat. At apud Odrysas, ubi accipere majoris dignationis est, facile ignoscitur petenti, si agit id, quo impetrat: itaque minus turpe, si quando CHAP. XCVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 525 more acted upon this maxim !*; for without making presents it was impossible to get any thing done."* ‘Thus the kingdom had risen to a considerable height of power '*; for of all the Kuropean nations between the Ionian gulf and the Euxine sea, this was the most powerful, both in revenue and in general prosperity.'° In military strength, too, and number of forces, it was (though at a considerable distance) second only to 17 the Scythians. For, in ¢hat respect (namely, number of forces), there is no nation, I will not say in Europe, but even Asia, that can singly be compared with, or is able to withstand the Scythians, if united and in concord **; no, nor in other points, quis petens non impetret. Sed qui rogatus dare recusat, ei vitio vertitur ut qui sciat, quam libenter omnes accipiant.” : 3 Nay, in proportion to, §c.]. Hobbes and Smith strangely pervert the sense by rendering thus: “ Nevertheless they held this custom long, by reason of their power.” Portus, too, mutilates the sense. These errors arose from misapprehension of the words 6buwe and Kcard, the former of which here signifies quin et, atqui, quinetiam. See Schleus. Lex. Nov. Test. And xara here signifies tn proportion to. So 1, 53. cara 7d duvardy, and often elsewhere. 14 Without making presents, §c.| ‘This is much confirmed and illustrated by Xenophon Anab. 7,3, 16. ot rapijoay prtay dvarpagopuevot tpde Mydoxoy rov ‘Odpucdy Bacréa, kai Cpa ayovTEec aity TE Kai TY yuvaxi. Such, too, has ever been, and still continues to be, customary in the East. The samé sentiment, and in almost the same words, is expressed by Bernier on the court of Delhi, and by Malcolm and Morier on that at Ispahan. On this subject it is remarked by Gibbon, “that the oriental custom of never ap- pearing without gifts before a sovereign, or a superior, is of high antiquity, and seems analogous to the idea of sacrifice, still more antient and uni- versal.” 18 Thus the kingdom, §e.] Hobbes renders thus: “ So that this king- dom arrived thereby to great power ;” and the same sense is expressed by Smith. But Thucydides could not mean to say that this custom of the Thracian court, “ to receive rather than to give,” had raised the kingdom to great power ; for it is not to be supposed that many of those gifts came from foreigners. That, indeed, were too absurd. We may, however, refer the wore, not to what immediately precedes, but to what went before that, respecting the extent and revenue of Odrysia; and thus the force of this particle will be resumptive and collective. 16 For of all the, Sc.) ‘The passage is imitated by Procop. p. 59, 2. xpwTn —TAotTw TE Kai peyéder, Kal ToAVAYIpwTig, Kai Kad Kai TY GAY EvOayLovid. 17 Though at a considerable distance, second, §c.| Such appears to be the full sense of odd devrépa pera, &c., which reminds me of what Afer -Domitius said in answer to a question of Quintilian, whom he thought came next to Homer? His reply was: “ Secundus est Virgilius, primo tamen propior quam tertio.” 18 For in that respect, §c.]| This assertion is very different from that of Herod. 5,3. Opnixwy 0 tSvog péyeordy tort, pera ye Ivoove, avtwy avSporwr. 526 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il, as of ingenuity and sagacity in providing for the occasions of life, can they be put on a devel with other men.’9 XCVIITI. Sitalces, then, ruler over so great a country, prepared his forces, and when all was in readiness set forward and advanced towards Macedonia, first through his own dcminions, then over Cercine', a bare and desert mountain ei O& Um’ Evde GpxXoLTO, H Poovéeot KaTa TwUTO, Gpaydy T av éin, Kai TOA Kparistoy wavrwy éSvéwy. On comparing the two passages, one may per- ceive in Thucydides not only a difference of opinion, but a sentiment so worded as to oppose that of Herodotus (as is the case elsewhere in this writer ; on which see Valckn. in loc.). Indeed there is so strong a resem-— blance in the phraseology that one cannot but suppose the passage of He- rodotus was had in view by Thucydides. Another of the many circum- stances which prove the falsity of the novel opinion in Germany, that Thucydides had not seen the History of Herodotus, when he wrote his own. It is almost unnecessary to observe that our Historian is in the right. 19 No, nor in, &c.] ‘The words of the original are somewhat perplexing, and have been variously interpreted. Hobbes renders: “ and yet in matter of council and wisdom in the present occasions of life, they are not like to. other men.” Smith thus: “ yet, at the same time, in every point of con- duct, and management of all the necessary affairs of life, they fall vastly short of other people.’ But such a sense of o% px}y obdé I can no where else find. It is always no, nor; as 1,3. 6,55. Dionys. Hal. 745,57. Pausan. seepissime, and very many other passages which I shall adduce in my edi- tion. Besides, od« duowteSat does not signify to be inferior to, but to be superior to. So Eurip. Bacch. 1346. dpyée wpére Osode ody dpowtoSar Bporoic. And so Thucyd. 5,103. pndé opowwSiva rotg moddoic. 6, 16. 1) ioov eivat. and 1,152. In these sort of acuté dicta Thucydides delights. lt is true that Herod. 4,46. says: %w rot ZKvSucod, Svea apadéiorara. And again: rq o& ExuSuceg yévei Ev pév 7b péyvoroy Téy avSpwrntwy mpnypa- Twy copwrara wavrwy €ebpynrat, TOY rMEic Oper Ta pévToe Gra ovK dyapat. But the contradiction might be remoyed. At all events, we have only to suppose that Thucydides again intends to contradict Herodotus. As to the interpretation which [ have adopted, it is supported by the Scholiast. Both this and the above passage seem to have been in the mind of Pausan. 1,9, 7. and Isocr. Paneg. p. 71. It must, however, be observed that the words ed€ovdiay kai Liveow wept TOY TapovTwy é¢ roy Biov do not imply any strong intellectual faculty, but that natural sagacity in providing for the necessaries of life, which is always found in savages, and which makes them excel in predatory war, and the chase, also as ingenious and skilful handicrafts, according to their tools. So Pausan. 1, 21, 7. évradSa adda Te, Kai Davpwparuce dvacerac Swpak* é¢ TovTdy ric lOwy ovdéy Hoooy ‘EMAnVYwy Toe Bapbdpouc oho cododve é¢ TAC zéxvac. And indeed to this all the accounts of travellers bear testimony. Ev6ovdia seems to have reference to the exercise of this faculty in war ; Evveow, on other occasions. : ' Cercine.] On this mountain, and its position, both the geographers and commentators are silent; except that Poppo, in his Proleg. 2, 596., en- - deavours to fix its site; which he does by a consideration of the words of CHAP. XCVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 527 a on the confines of the Sintes and the Pxonians. His route across it was by a way which he had himself previously made by cutting down the wood?, when he went on an expedition against the Peeonians. Passing, then, across this mountain, in. their way from Odrysia, they had on their right hand the country of the Peonians, on their left that of the Sinti and Meedi?; the context. Thus it is said that Sitalces, in his way to Cercine, passed through his own dominions; by which Poppo understands, through the, territory of the Leans, and other Pzeonians subject to him on the Strymon. Then again, where it is said that Cercine borders on the Sintes and Ponians, he understands the free Laeaeans and the Greezeans, as also the free Pzonians. Thus, the learned critic thinks that the situation of the Sintes and Ponians may be fixed by a reference to that of Cercine. But it should seem that he takes too much for granted by interpreting dud, Tig avrov apyic, “through the territory of the Leeeans, &c., on the Strymon.’ Unless we knew the place from which Sitalces set out, we cannot determine what is meant by the words did rij¢ abrod dpyijc; for those of themselves do not determine the direction. And, as to the situation of Cercine, that can only be decided by the aid of what is added, namely, that it is peSdpuoy Suwréy cai Wadvwy, which Poppo seems to have rightly . explained. When, too, we consider the route afterwards taken by the army, namely, towards Doberus, Idomene, Gortynia, Atalante, and Eu- ropus, it is not difficult to conjecture in what direction they entered Ma- cedouia, and, consequently, whereabouts to fix the site of Cercine. That seems to have been a side mountain jutting out from the chain of the Hemus, or Balkan, and taking a south direction; from somewhere be- tween the Scomius and the Pangzean mountains. The name Cercine seems to have been given from some fancied resem- blance in its form; with allusion to repxic, in some of its significations, pro- bably the shin bone, or képxoc, the tail. Kepxivn comes from xépxivog, which is preserved in xépcvoc found in Hesychius. 2 By cutting down the wood.} Hobbes renders: “ with timber.” But this is an unjustifiable license of translation ; and though we read that ways are often made in Russia by laying logs of wood, yet that is through tracts of boggy or fenny lowland. In the present instance it could not be ne- cessary. 3 Sinti and Medi] Of these nations we know little. Poppo, on the subject of them, merely refers to the present passage, and Pliny, 4, 11. The former are, however, also mentioned by Appian t. 2. 721,56. The latter are also mentioned, Strabo, p. 461, 9., who there calls them Médo.. And, in- deed, one of our MSS. has Mjdove. But the textual reading is defended by Steph. Byz. These, it is probable, are also meant in Plutarch Alex. 9. Meddpovc, where we may conjecture Medaiove; for Mnéaiog might be a nomen gentile as well as Madudc, which is given by Steph. Byz. That, however (or rather Mnéu)) is used by Plutarch in Aim, Paul. c. 12. and Syll. c. 24., from a comparison of which passages something might be col- lected respecting the situation of these tribes. Poppo thinks it plain, from our author’s words, that the Stnti were placed more to the east than the Meedi ; a position exactly contrary to that adopted in D’Anville and Butler, and, indeed, at variance with what one should collect from our author. Those geographers have, however, done wrong in removing the Medi to the east of the Strymon, They were certainly situated to the west of it, 528 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. beyond it they came to Doberus* in Peonia. ‘The army suffered no loss or diminution® in its progress, unless it were by sickness; nay, it received increase, by the accession of many of the independent Thracians®, who joined them un- called, for the sake of booty; insomuch that the total number is said to have been not less than one hundred and fifty thousand’; of which the greater part was, indeed, infantry, but about one third were cavalry. Of these the larger portion was furnished by the Odrysians, the next largest by the Getz. Of the foot, the most warlike were the independent mountaineers, who had descended from Rhodope, and wielded the sword. ‘The rest that followed were a promiscuous mul- titude®, most formidable by their numbers. XCIX. These, then, were all assembled at Doberus, and 4 Doberus.| See Wasse and Berkley on Steph. Byz. From the passages, however, by them cited, we can only infer that the orthography of our author is correct. We are not thence enabled to fix the situation of the place. As to that assigned by some recent maps, it is very unlikely to be the true one. It appears from c. 99. init. to have been on an eminence, being, indeed, a continuation of the highland of Hemus. And this seems con- firmed by its name ; for Dober, Dobr, Dovra, Dovr, (of frequent occurrence in the names of places in the north,) usually denote an elevated situation. The Doberes, mentioned by Herodotus, 5, 16. and 7, 113., as being in the vicinity of Mount Pangzeus, appear (though such is denied by most geo- graphers) the very same place and people as Doberus. This mode, it may be observed, of marking the direction taken, by indi- cating the countries or mountains (supposed to be known to the reader) which were passed on the route, is very antient, being found in Homer and Herodotus. 5 Loss or diminution.] The Scholiast explains azeytyvero by arwddur0, perished ; and so Suidas and Zonares. In this sense, too, the word is used in Herod. 6, 58. Thucyd. 2, 31, and 51. The same interpretation also is adopted by Goeller. And, indeed, were it not for the addition of zpoo- eyiyvero oé, there would be no reason to call it into question. But the ad- dition of those words alters the case; and, from the force of the opposition, we are compelled to render it decessit (as does Portus), to correspond with the accessit. 6 Independent Thracians.] 1. e. the Sinti, Mzedi, Pzeonians, and, pro- bably, some mountaineers of Pangzeus and Orbelus. 7 One hundred and fifty thousand.] Hobbes carelessly renders jifteen thousand. 8 About one third were cavalry.| This, which we should call a great dis- proportion cf cavalry, is very characteristic of oriental and Scythian war- fare, and continues to the present day. On the circumstances in which it originated it would here be out of place to treat. 9 Promiscuous multitude.] Motley crowd or rabble. So Auschyl. P. V. 425. wai TKvsno Suroc See also 3, 61. 4,106. 6,5. And 80 dyNog at 4, 126., and elsewhere. CHAP. XCIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 529 prepared to rush from the highland down upon! Macedonia, which was subject to Perdiccas; for within Macedonia? are comprised the Lyncestz* and Elimiotee*, and other tribes of the highland country, which are in alliance with and subject to these, yet are governed as distinct kingdoms. But what is now called maritime Macedonia, was first gained by Alexander ° father of Perdiccas, and his ancestors the Temenidse, who were originally of Argive extraction. ‘These forcibly expelled the Pierians® from Pieria, who afterwards settled at Pha- tt 1 Rush from the highland down upon.| This is implied in cara Kopydny which is rightly rendered by Valla, ‘e jugo.””. And so Hobbes and Goeller. ° For within Macedonia, §c.] ‘Thucydides now proceeds to offer a sketch (and a very interesting one it is) of the composition and origin of the Macedonian kingdom, in its then state. There were, it must be remem- bered, three divisions of that country. I. Upper Macedonia, consisting of the Lyncestz, Elimiote, and Orestz, and, probably, part of Paonia; comprising all the hilly parts to the north, the north-west, and west of the country. ‘This was in some measure independent, only acknowledging a sort of allegiance. Il. Lower Macedonia, which may be divided, first, into that tract between the Strymon and the Axius; secondly, that between the Axius and the Cambunian mountains; thirdly, part of Paonia, Eordea, and Alinopia. ‘This formed the kingdom of Perdiccas, except a district in the north part, a territory which lay next to Peonia and Lyncesta, situated on the river Axius, and comprehending the cities of Idomene, Gortynia, Atalanta, Europus, and probably others not mentioned by Thucydides. This had formed an appanage to Philip, and after him to Amyntas. It had, however, been seized by Perdiccas; and it was one of the objects of Sitalces, in this expedition, to procure its restitution to its rightful owner. III. Maritime Macedonia, divided into Bottizea, Pieria, and Chalcidice : though the division between this territory, and that occupied by the Greeks, on parts of the coast, was not well defined. 3 Lynceste.| Strabo and Steph. Byz. have Lynciste. But Duker has here learnedly shown that the textual reading is the true one; and he might have added that it is confirmed by Scymnus Chius. These people occupied the hilly tract and western part of Macedonia. + Elimiote.] Ptolemy and Arrian write Hlymiote. But it is proved, by Duker and Gottleber, that the textual reading is the true one. On the situation of these people nothing decisive is adduced by the commentators, Yet, from Livy, 1. 42., it appears that they had a capital called Elimea, situated on the Haliacmon. ‘The people were probably so called, from in- habiting a marshy situation ; and that it was such, we may suppose from the lake Begorritis, which all the maps place there. The appellation in ques- tion may be compared with that of the“EXeor at 1, 110., where see note. These probably inhabited the south part of the western strip of highland country. ‘Thus, Thucydides says, “the Lynceste, Elimiotz, cai dda tory im” avwser. ’ Alexander, Sc.) On this family see an interesting portion of Herod. 8, 137—-9., where may be consulted the learned notes of Valckn. Goeller refers to Marx. on Ephorus, p. 85., and Heyne on Hom. Il. t. 4. p. 421. 6 Pierians.} On these see Strabo, p. 595, 21. Pieria was situated on the south-east part of Macedonia, near the sea, on both sides of the Ha- VOL. I. MM 530 ' 'FHE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK If. gres’, under Mount Pangzeus, on the other side of the Strymon, and at other places. Thus the country lying at the foot of Pangeeus, and bending towards the sea, is called the Pierian eulf.8 They also drove out of what is called Bottiaea the Bot- tizeans °, who now border on the Chalcideans. They obtained possession, too, of a narrow strip ’° of Peeonia, extending liacmon. Its chief cities were Pydna and Dium ; though the district of the latter is, in Dr. Butler’s map, wrongly aseribed to Thessaly, which, it is certain, extended no farther than the Cambunian mountains; and that Dium was in Macedonia, we find from 4, 78. 7 Phagres.| Here the MSS. vary; but the textual reading is defended by Herodotus, Strabo, Scylax, Steph. Byz., and other writers referred to by Wasse. ‘The reason for the appellation was, we may suppose, that the brooks produced a certain fish called, from its voracity, ¢aypo¢ (see Athen. p. 327.); but of what kind that was, the philologists and naturalists have been unable to determine. May it not have been the pike? a fresh-water fish, of all others the most voracious. . The situation of Phagres is very wrongly assigned by D’Anviile and others through misapprehension of the sense of «éA7oc, which is explained in the next note. 8 Pierian gulf.| So all the translators render the words Iepucdg wéd7roe. Yet there is something odd in speaking of a gulf at the foot of a high mountain nearly one hundred and thirty miles from the sea. Some other signification, therefore, of «é7o¢ must be thought of, more suitable to the appellation, and which is neglected by the lexicographers. Let us, then, consider the nature of the word, and what signification may be inhe- rent init. The Etym. Mag. has rightly derived it from koi\oc (whenee our hull and hollow), BaSic: and in all its significations this leading idea pre- vails. Now as xoidoy and xoitn denote a hollow, deep valley, or del! embosomed among hills; so céAzo¢ denotes a hollow formed at the side of a mountain, and placed as it were in its Jap. This ratio significationis the following examples will establish ;: — Xenoph. Hist. |. 6, 5, 17. \aSe orparo- TEOEVTAMEVO’ Eic TOY OTLOSEY KOATOV THC MayTiviKiic, para obveyyve, Kai ciKry vpn éxovra. Aristoph. Ran. ywpe— cic rode evarv9eic nédrove Tév Aepwvwv. and Av. 1094, av8npdv Aspovwr — iy xédrrowe vaiw. Oppian de Venat. 1,3. KAeWiroxog ‘Pein Kkodrrowe évuxarSero Kohnrne. And so k«éddzr0c apotpnc in Nonnus ap. Steph. Thes. to denote sinus or gremium terre. There is a similar ratio significationis in wAedépwy, on which see note on 3, 102. From misapprehension of the above sense of «éA7roc, D’Anville and others remove Pangzeus to the sea-coast ; whereas it is clear, from Herodotus and Thucydides, that it was between mounts Scomius and Orbelus. The «éAzoe in question seems to have been formed by Mount Cercine running out from Pangezeus, in a curved form. 9 Bottieans.| See Herod. 7, 125, 127, and 185. 8,127. The name is derived by the Etym. Mag. p..206. from (érov, from the abundance of her- bage there. 10 A narrow strip.| An uncommon sense this of orevy. But, indeed, yiy may be supplied from the y7 a little before. By along the Axius is meant, on the right bank; as appears from what follows, and because Pella is on that side. CHAP. XCIx. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 531 down along the river Axius}! as far as Pella}? and the sea. They seized also the district beyond the Axius, as far as the Strymon and what is called Mygdonia !%, expelling the Edo- nians.'* ‘They, moreover, removed the Eordians !° from what is now called Kordia (most of whom were destroyed, a few only settling about Physca!®), as also the Almopians from Almopia.'? Those Macedonians subdued besides many other places, which they still hold; as Anthemus, Crestonia, and Bisaltia*®, and much of Macedonia Proper. The whole, 11 Arius.) To the authorities here adduced by Wasse, I would add, that the old reading “Avy is defended by Strabo, Scymnus Chius, and Aschyl. Pers. 499. ddixopeS ix’ Aziov zépor. It is now called the Vardar, or Bardar; which, name, indeed, it bore in the time of Cedremis and Anna Com- mena. 2 Pella.| On the site of this place, the capital of Macedonia, Poppo Proleg. 2, 428. refers to Melet. p.397. He also observes, that the site has lately been diligently investigated by Boccage junior, who places it not far from Lydia and Axius (see Strabo, p. 330.), where is now the village of Allah Kilissa, or Palatitza, consisting of sixty cottages. See Pouquev. Gree. 2. c. 39., and Livy, 1.44, 46. 13 Mygdonia.| This was situated in the central part of the country, between the Axius and the Strymon. ‘4 EHdonians.| On the orthography of this name there is no material variation in the classical writers. With respect to the people themselves, after their expulsion from Mygdonia, they sought an abode on the other side of the Strymon, and seem to have founded many cities, which, in the time of Herodotus, were called after them. So Herod. 7, 114. ’Evvia ‘Odoiot rHot “HdwvGy — Mipkwog 7 ’Howvdrv, Apa’yoxog 7 ’HdwmKy, and others mentioned by Gatterer. '» Kordians.| On these the commentators furnish no information, ex- cept that Wasse compares the word Hordes, as used of the Scythians; and remarks that this name is sometimes, by Hesychius, spelt with the 0; but the r is confirmed by Herod. 7,185. And, also, I would add, by Steph. Byz., Livy, and Philostr. Vit. Soph. p. 622. “Eopdatioe Makedévec. ‘The coincidence in this name and our Hordes seems to show that they are cog- nate. With respect to the exact situation of Eordia, it was probably in the central parts, and formed a portion of Emathia. 19 Physca.| The situation of this place is, perhaps, rightly assigned by Cellar. to Mygdonia; since Ptolemy mentions a Physca, though he gives the name a plural form. D’Anville places it in Peonia ; which is, perhaps, supported by no authority. It is called Physcus by Steph. Byz. Probably it derived the name from its situation; @¢voxoc signifying the paunch, and also a sort of rude bellows of skin. The place was probably situated on a hill, possibly an extinct crater of a volcano. ‘Thus Steph. Byz. mentions a Physca in Lycia, situated on a high hill. 1 i7 Almopia.| On this place see the note of Wasse. Neither the com- mentators nor geographers, however, have fixed its site. Poppo merely says it is noé where Cellarius places it, at the junction of mounts Hemus. and Scardus. 18 Anthemus, Crestonia, and Bisaltia.| All these were in that part of MM 2 4 5S THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ii. iO however, is called Macedonia, and was under the dominion of one monarch, Perdiccas son of Alexander, at the invasion of Sitalces. C. Now the Macedonians, being unable to withstand the shock of so immense an invading force’, betook themselves to the strong holds and fortified places in their country, which, however, were not many; for those at present existing were afterwards erected by Archelaus the son of Perdiccas, who also formed straight roads”, and made many other regu-~ lations °, both in civil and in military affairs, by providing horses, arms *, and other apparatus, far more than had been Macedonia between the Axius and the Strymon. Anthemus was a town, | and, probably, district ; and, as being here conjoined with Crestonia and Bisaltia, was adjacent to those countries. It appears to have been so called from the nature of its herbage. Crestonia, Gatterer observes, on the authority of Herod. 7, 124, and 127., was situated on the river Echidorus, and at the upper part of that river. See more in Gatterer, $42. As to Bisaltia, it was situated south of Crestonia, and extended even to the Acte or peninsula of Mount Athos. See more in Gatterer, § 41. ' So immense an invading force.| So Aristoph. Ach. 148. 6 & (scil. Sital- ces). Gpooe oTivowy Bondijosw, ~tywv Xrpariay rocaitny—"Qoov Ta ypijpa rapvorwr mpogéipxyerat. See also 155. 2 Formed straight roads.| Literally, cut out. The érewe and ebSeiac, however, refer to the mode in use among the antients of forming roads, which was by cutting deep trenches (in an exactly straight direction, in order to save labour) of the width of the road required, and filling them up with various layers of materials; the inequalities of the ground being at the same time previously levelled, by filling up the hollows, and cutting through the hillocks. Gottleber refers to Herod, 4,136. ddode ebSeiac éreue, where Wesseling cites from Philo réuvey and avarépvew dd0v of the general formation of roads. But to show the antiquity of this custom, I would refer to the appellation oyio77 600¢ mentioned in Soph. Tyr. 735., and which appears to be as antient as the time of Cidipus; a proof, too, that oxyiZeey was formerly used to denote this. The words of Isaiah 46, 4. plainly allude to this very mode; and there we have, perhaps, the most minutely _ descriptive passage on this subject in being; though the following of Plu- tarch is very ‘illustrative :— Vit. C. Gracch. edSeiae yao syovro (seil. at bdo) Cid. THY Ywpiwy arpEepsic, Kai ro pév sordpyvuTo wéTp@ Feory, To O& dpmov XOpace cvvakroic ixvavovro. TyUsAAapévwy O& TAY KOiAwy, Kal CevyyupevwY yepipate, doa yeipappor déxowroy, dadpayyec. See also the description of road-making as conducted by Semiramis, in Diod. Sic. 1, 127,78. Wessel. Other passages on this subject may be seen in my note on Matt. 3, 3. 5. Made.many other regulations.| Literally, set in order, arranged, settled. There is a kindred expression in 2,13. ra re Ga Ouexdopnoe THY ywpar. It is plain that in the present passage by 7dé\Xa is meant “ other such like,” in political matters (as opposed to the ra card roy wéXepor),; or military affairs. 4 Providing horses, arms, §c.] Gail paraphrases it, “ monta la cavalerie, arma l’infantrie.” But» it should rather seem that the ‘aoe refers to his CHAP, C. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 533 done by all the eight kings, his predecessors. The Thracian army, then, advancing from .Doberus, made an irruption first into that territory which had before belonged to Philip, and took Idomene°® by storm, and Gortynia®, Atalanta’, and some other places by composition, which were induced to capitulate out of attachment to Amyntas, whose son Philip was present. ‘They laid siege also to Europus %, but could not take it. They then proceeded to the rest of Macedonia, on the left of Pella and Cyrrhus.2 They went not within these, into Bottizea’® and Pieria, but ravaged Mygdonia, forming corps of cavalry; and bro, to the heavy-armed ; though that may also refer to the arms worn by the cavalry (so further on they are described as dyvdpac reSwpaxiopivovc). Before, the chief force had merely consisted of Peltastae (or targeteers) and light-armed, as archers, slingers, and darters. 5 Idomene.| A town scarcely elsewhere mentioned in the classical writers. ‘There was another of the same name between Ambracia, and Acarnania, mentioned at 3,112 and 113., and which will, I conceive, show us the ratio significationis in the present (see the note there), and prove that Wasse was wrong in supposing there was reference to a daughter of Pheres; a conceit more worthy of an Apollodorus than a critic and _philo- logist of the eighteenth century. 6 Gortynia.| ‘The Gordynia of Ptolemy, Pliny, and Steph. Byz. Poppe thinks it is rightly placed by Reichard en the Axius, between EKuropus and Idomene. 7 Atalanta.| Of this town there is no mention either in the geographers or the classical writers. An island of this name off the coast of Locri Opuntii was mentioned supra c.35. Both, perhaps, derived their name from the celebrated female of mythological story, on whom see Apollod., Pausan., #lian, and Ovid. : 8 Europus.| Of this town very little is known. It is mentioned by Strabo, Ptolemy, and others; and, Steph. Byz. says, obtained its appellation from Europus, son of Macedon. Its situation cannot be exactly deter- mined, except that from Pliny 4, 10. we know it was on the river Axius. 9 Cyrrhus.| Of this town we know little or nothing, except that it was somewhere in the central part of Macedonia. It was probably a very small place; which, indeed, seems to be alluded to in its name; for «ippog or xvpoog in the Doric signified little. Another example of such an appel- lation is found in the Zoar of Genesis, the “ tittle city,’ to which Lot retired, With respect to the situation of the town, it is said by Cellarius to have been in the interior of Emathia; on what authority I know not. From this passage of Thucyd. we may infer that it was situated south ef Pella, probably on the same river. 10 They went not within, §c.| These words are somewhat obscure. We have before been led to suppose that Bottizea was adjoining to Chalcidice ; and yet by these words it should seem to have been situated between Emathia and Pieria. For the unravelling of this perplexity (which the commentators have left untouched) we are to revert to what was said at ¢.99, on the removal of the old Bottizans from their then situation to a new one among the Chalcideans. By Bottiaea, then, is here meant, what MM 3 534 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK If, Crestonia, and Anthemus. ‘The Macedonians did not even think of any resistance with their infantry, but with their cavalry (having previously sent for some horses from their highland allies) they watched their opportunity to charge’? upon the Thracian army, few as they were against many ; and wherever they made their attack, none were able to withstand their shock, being valiant horsemen and well armed with breast-plates.'? But hemmed in by the overwhelming multitudes of the enemy, they fought at great odds, and en- countered much peril; so that at length they kept still, not thinking themselves able to contend against so great a supe- riority of numbers. CI. Sitalces, however, held a correspondence with Per- diccas respecting his reasons for the invasion; and after that the Athenians (doubtful whether or not he would come) had only sent ambassadors and presents, but were not arrived with the promised naval aid, he sent a detachment of his forces against the Chalcideans and Bottizeans, and compelling them to take refuge in their fortresses, ravaged their territory. While he was staying in these parts, the inhabitants to the southward, namely the Thessalians and the Magnesians, to- gether with the other states subject to the Thessalians, and the Greeks as far as 'Thermopyle, were under apprehensions lest the army should proceed against them, and were preparing for resistance accordingly. In these fears, too, participated the Thracians beyond the Strymon to the north, those, namely, was formerly such, i.e. the old country of the Bottizi. This situation, it appears from the present passage, was between Emathia and Pieria, and indeed comprehended much of the former. 11 Watched their opportunity to charge.| Literally, charged as oppor- tunity might offer itself; for at ay docot must be supplied Katpde. They sent for the horses, not because they had none of their own, but because they had not a sufficient number. 12 Breast-plates.| And doubtless also other horse armour, such as worn by the Grecian heavy horse; the horses, too, having some mail. In a charge these iron horsemen were irresistible. It was doubtless from having read of the effects of the Grecian heavy-armed cavalry, that made Buona- parte establish his corps of cwirassiers, which at first carried al] before them, as did these Macedonian horse. Procopius p. 191, 2. speaks of these heavy-armed thus: kai airéy reSwpaxtopévor Zdv Tote immote ob wAsioror noay. CHAP. CI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 535 that inhabited the champaign country beyond the Strymon, the Panzei, the Odomanti [the Droi], and the Dersei', all of them independent: nay, he occasioned it to become a question® among those Greeks who were enemies to the Athenians, whether the army were not called in by the Athe- nians under treaty of alliance, and would not proceed also against them! However, during his stay he ravaged both Chalcidice and Bottizea, as well as Macedonia. But after no one of the objects for which he undertook the irruption was attained, and his army was in want of provisions, and began to suffer from inclemency of weather, he was induced, by the representations of Seuthes son of Sparadocus, his cousin and next in authority to him, to depart with all speed. Now Seuthes had been secretly brought over by Perdiccas, who promised to give him his sister, and a portion with her. Induced by his persuasions, Sitalces speedily retired home with his army’, after remaining thirty days, and eight of 1 Panei, the Odomanti, §c.] I have bracketed off the Droi, which Gat- tererus has shown to have no place here, and is rejected by the recent editors. As to the other three tribes, the only tolerable account of them is that given by Gatterer, from whom the following remarks are derived. The Pani are not mentioned by Herodotus; and what Thucydides here says of them only comes to two points, that they dwelt beyond the Strymon to the north, in a champaign country, and were independent, namely, of the Odryse. It may, indeed, seem difficult to fix their situation ; but that difficulty is removed by what Steph. Byz. says of them : Tlavaior. é2vocg "Hdwvioy, ob 1éppw ’Apdurddewc. By to the north is meant, to the north of the sea, i. e. somewhat remotely from the sea. The Odomanti, it appears from Herod. 7, 112. (where he says that these worked mines of gold and silver, which were in Mount Pangzus), were situated near Pan- geus. In order to reconcile this with what Thucydides here says, we may suppose that their territory extended unto that of the city Siris; nay, in after times (as we find from Livy, 45, 4.) they occupied Siris itself. [On these see the Schol. on Aristoph. Acharn, 1535-8.) The Ders@i were situ- ated beyond the Sapzi. They are mentioned by Herod, 7, 100., who thus enumerates the tribes through which Xerxes made his route from west to east, from the river Melas to the Nestus, &c. “ Pati, Cicones, Bistones, Sapzi, Derseei, Edoni, Satree.”’ ; 2 Occasioned it to, §c.| The translators render it rumour. But question (i. e. matter for debate) is an equally well-founded signification, and is more suitable to the 7) following. Ilapéyewy Adyor éi signifies to give occasion for debate upon or unto. ; eh 3 Retired home with his army.| Mitford remarks, that “ there is a striking resemblance between this expedition of the king of Thrace, as com- pendiously related by Thucydides, and that of the Khan of Crim 'Tartary, described at length by Baron Tott, who accompanied the ‘Tartar MS tes in his winter campaign, in the war between Russia and Turkey.” He thinks 536 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. those in Chalcidice. And Perdiccas soon after performed his promise, giving his sister Stratonice in marriage to Seuthes. Such were the events that occurred in the expedition of Sitalces. CIJ. This same winter the Athenians under Phormio, in Naupactus, as soon as the Peloponnesian navy was dispersed, sailed from thence to Astacus, and disembarking, proceeded * into the inland parts of Acarnania with four hundred Athe- nian heavy-armed from the fleet, and four hundred Messe- nians. With these they drove into exile, from Stratus, Co- ronta*, and other places, such whose fidelity seemed doubtful ; also restored Cynes son of Theolytus to Coronta®, and then returned back to their ships. For, as to any expedition * against the Ciniadze (who alone of all the Acarnanians had always been enemies to them), that did not seem feasible in winter; since the river Achelous (which runs from Mount Pindus downward ®, through Dolopia and the Agreeans and that the restoration of Amyntas to his father’s principality was, of course, allowed in the treaty. But that would seem somewhat uncertain. | Disembarking, proceeded, Se.) ’Awobdyrec is a vox pregnans including both the above senses, the latter of which was suggested by the é¢ following. 2 Coronta.| Of this town (whose name has an unusual form) there is no mention elsewhere; and therefore its situation cannot from this passage be fixed, otherwise than that it seems to have been in the interior of the country. Poppo here cites Pouqueville, Grzc.3. p.126., who thinks that some ruins, shown him in the way from Vustri to Catund, are those of Coronta. But Coronta was already in ruins, in the time of Pausanias. 3 Restored Cynes, Sc.] This Cynes would seem not to have been a pri- vate person (for thus the affair would have been hardly deserving of notice), but one who had been zpoordrne rod Onpov, and a ruler,and who had been expelled by the contrary party; for a party adverse to the Athenian alliance, and no doubt of aristocratical principles, was found in Acarnania, as well as in most other places. + For as to any expedition, &e.) It should seem by this that such a measure had been in contemplation. * Always been enemies to them.| Thus an expedition against them had been conducted by Pericles, See 1.111. 6 Downward.} Here, it should seem, ought to be introduced the dvw- Sev, which the commentators, by bringing in at the place where it. stands in the original, have made unintelligible ; for what sense can be affixed to above by, it is not easy to see. Indeed the two words seem incompatible with each other. As to the transposition, nothing is more frequent than in Thucydides, The passage indeed should be thus pointed: did rod A. mediov dyussy piv wapa. It is imitated by Arrian Ind. § 42, 5. Thucydides, too, seems to have had in view a very similar passage of Herodotus 2, 10. CHAP. CII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 537 Amphilochians, and the plain of Acharnania past Stratus) discharges itself into the sea at Giniade, and occasioning lakes and pools around 7 it, renders it impracticable to encamp there during the winter. Opposite to Ciniadee, and close off the mouth of the Achclous, lie most of the isles called Echinades ; and such heaps of soil and rubbish are perpetually thrown up § by this great river, that some of the islands are already become part of the continent, and it is expected that, at no distant period, such may be the case with all of them 9; for the stream is deep, strong, and turbid *°, and the islands thickly set, and where, speaking of the Achelous, he says: 6¢ piwy dv ’Arapvavine rat ééteic ’¢ Sddaccar, THY ’Eywadwy vijowy Tag npioeag HON Hrrepoy rErolnKe. 7 Occasioning lakes and pools around.] TepiAyuvdzw oceurs, perhaps, no where else, except in Arrian. E. A. 6, 14, 11. iva weprdin. But eid. occurs in Plutarch Ces, 25. (cited by Schafer ap. Steph. Thes.) redia imutehyuvacpéva. Very apposite to the present passage is Aristot. Probl. 252. also cited by Schefer: door wérapor AyuvdZovow sic tn. where the words eic ¢\7 are added to determine the sense. This description of Giniade may bring to mind the admirably graphic one of Venice, in Livy 1.10, 2. tenue pretentum littus esse; quod trans- gressus stagna ab tergo sint irrigua estibus maritimis— inde esse ostium fluminis preealti. Indeed all the larger rivers are found to make lakes and marshes about their mouths, as the Danube and most of the rivers which run into the Black Sea, and in fact all whose fall is not great enough to completely carry off the water. Thus even the Ouse had much marshy ground near its mouth; and from that circumstance, probably, the town of Lynn (i. e. A(uvy or Aipye) derived its name, which may be compared, in the ratio appellationis, with Helos in Laconia and Fgypt. 8 Such heaps of, Sc.) This signification of zpooydw is rare, and unnoticed by Stephens in his Thes. On this word and apécyworc, as also the rare word ijzepor, I shall fully treat in my edition. The Schol. well explains it HAny cvppopac: for, not only soil, but wood and rubbish of every kind are thrown up by the river. 9 Itis expected that, §c.] Our author seems to have had in mind Herod. ], 2, 10. “AyedtGoe rév “Eywador vipcwy Tag Huoéag Hen irepov reroinxe. This expectation and that also: expressed by Strabo ].10, 20. have been alike disappointed.. ‘The islands remained in much the same state in the time of Philostratus (see Vit. Apoll. p. 725.) and Pausanias, the latter of whom at |. 8, 24, 5. assigns the cause for their not being so converted. His words are these: rac d& ’Exwddag vioove id Tod ’AyeXwov pn) opie Hrepov axypr Hay arepyaoca, yéyovey airia ro Airoddy ESvoc, — raic » Exywaow ovuv, dire aomdpou prevovone Tij¢ Airwriac. ody opmoiwe 6 "Ayeddoc ixdéye ri idby. Yet the work of nature would seem to be carried on, though slowly. So Wood says that the river still continues to connect those islands with the continent, by the rubbish deposited at its mouth. 10 Deep, strong, and turbid.| So Plutarch Lucul. 24. of the Euphrates : carivra Toddy kai Sodeooy. Arrian EK. A. 5, 9,6. ot rorapot wévrec ot” Ivdor woddou re bdarog kai Sorspod épeov. Philostr. Imag. 12, 782. Sorspdy Aywater. The word Sodgp. is used metaphorically by Lucian Nigr. of pleasure : i¢’ ajo C8 peovong devvay re Kai Sorspy pebpart mica dvevpbyovra. 538 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. not lying in line '', but crossways '*, the sand and soil having no straight passages to discharge itself into the sea, is con- tinually connecting them together. They are desert ’*, and of inconsiderable size. ‘They are said to have been first in- habited by Alemzeon ** son of Amphiareus, in obedience to a direction of the oracle of Apollo, given to him when he was!° wandering in exile’®, after he had slain his mother; whereby ééot. This word is truly deduced by Dr. Blomfield on AMschyl. P. y. 910. from Sodoc, sepiz atramentum. 11 Not lying in line.] Or im order, xara orotyor, thus ::::: Hencesome islands which are so placed derive their name from that circumstance. Thus certain islands over against the Rhine were called =rowyddec. See Strabo p. 255, 19. and Casaubon there. Hence may be emended lian Tact. ap. Joseph. 703, 28. Kiovec ipéioraca kar’ ayrisyexoyv addAnrore. Read car’ avricyotyor. 2 Crossways.| Thus>..... Such is the primary signification of the word, which, though rare, occurs in Philostr. V. Ap. 3, 1. 13. They are desert, and, §c.] The whole of this passage respecting the Echinades and Alcmzeon is had in view by Philostr. V. Ap. 7, 25. 14 Alem@on.| On this story Plutarch thus remarks, de Exilio, §9. 6 & "Adkpaiwy hoy veotayi Tov ’AyehOou rpocxwvytbyrToc ixpKnoey bTopEebywr rac Eipevidac, we ot rounrat AEyovou éyw O& KaKéeivoy sixdZw, pebyovTa TodTI= kag dpxac Kai oTdoeg Kai suKodayTiacg épivyvuwdsc, éhicSar Bopayd ywpLioy arpaypovuc tv jovxia carouwsiy. That it was a mere fable, we may infer from Antiphanes ap. Athen. Ephorus ap. Athen. 232. undertakes to give the words of the oracle: 6 O&d¢ éxpnoev, “AAkpaiwy, ruySavopévw THE av rig paviagc araddayetn. Tyshev p aireic OHpoyv, paviay aroravoa, Kai ob pépsry Tytev poi yépac’ @ wore pHTn AupiapKwy éxpul’ 7d yc abroiot ody Un7Trolc. 5 15 When he was, §c.] “Ore 07) dhaoSat abroyv. Literally, “ when that he was wandering.” The infinitive may, as Goeller observes, be used after ’re in oratione obliqua (see his note). There is, however, an ellipsis of gaci. Thus we have dre 5) daoi in Diod. Sic. 1, 55,77. 69,30. 387, 48. Julian Misop. 64. Xen. Hist. 5,1,27. Philostr. Heroic. c.19, 11. who has the present passage in view. Or we may understand ovyébn, which is sup- plied in Diod. Sic. 2,350. “Ore 6x) is a not unfrequent formula, and occurs in Hom. II. 6.446. and 493. y. 15,209. Dio Cass. 1, 69,28. and 136, 16. Polyb. 30,4, 7. A&lian V. H. 8,9. Ctes. ap. Athen. 528. E. Soph. Aj. 167. Aristoph. Lys. 524. Ran.799. 109. and 1189. Eccl. 195. Other matter, which respects the emendation of passages corrupted, or the illustration of passages misconceived, by inattention to this idiom of the infinitive for the finite verb, and also of the formula ére 6), 1 must reserve for my edition. 16 Wandering in exile.| Or ad\aoSa might be taken in a metaphorical sense, “ wandered in his mind.” And so the word is used by Soph. Aj. 23. GN GdopeSa. Eurip. Troad. 635. uxiy adara. And in this manner the expression was understood by Philostr. V. A. 6, 5. dhaoSat xpr) — Kai od7w éiotc, and by Diod. Sic. t.3,189. But the common interpretation is con- firmed by Eurip. Elect. 1250. devvai 02 kijpec, ai kuvwridec Seai, Tooynddrove’ tupavn wravepevoy. He was suffering both by being driven from all human society, and by being agitated by the horrors of a guilty conscience. CHAP. CIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 539 it was suggested to him that he would never be released 1’ from his horrors until he had found such a tract of land-to — inhabit as had never been seen by the sun, nor had been land | when he slew his mother; since every other was to him defiled.'* Long was he perplexed: at length, however, these mounds at the mouth of the Achelous attracted his notice, and there seemed enough heaped up, during the long interval that he had wandered in exile since killing his mother, to minister to his support. Colonising, therefore, the parts about Giniade, he held dominion over them, and left a name behind to the country '? by his son Acarnes. Such are the circumstances respecting Alemzeon which are handed down to us by re- port.”° CII. But to return; Phormio and the Athenians, taking their departure from Acarnania, and proceeding to Naupactus, 17 Released.| Adtote is a vox solennis de hac re. So Liban. Orat. 154. C, sipeiy iow rév Oswwv aphxavoyvy. Kurip. Elect. 635. Autnpiove Ebydc avaoyw Seymsarwy., Pausan. 2, 29, 6. é¢ AéAdouce aréoreay, airhoovrac bow row kaxov. and 8, 41,2. éxi ri Adoet Tod Aood, Aischyl. Eum.293. Herod. 6, 159, 4. bow airnodpsvor THY Kaxéy. Perhaps, however, the word may here mean ewpiation from, as in some passages of Aristot., Plato, and Athen., adduced by Steph. Thes. ‘8 Until he found such, §c.] On this see Pausan. 1. 8, 24, 4. and compare a very similar expression in Genes, 4,11. of Cain. So also Lycoph. 1038. xXépoou Tarpwac ob yap av govy Tool Pavoa, ; 9 Left a name behind to the country.] It is not improbable that ywod is the true reading, which is found in some MSS, ’EycaraXeizw has both an accusative and dative dependent on the ty. As to the passage at |. 1,9, 1. Tie xwpac érwyupiay — oxéiv, it proves nothing, being of a different nature to the present (see the note); though, indeed, there some read TY XO eae <0 Such are the, &c.] It should seem by the word Xeydpeva, which is emphatical, that Thucyd. placed very little reliance on the report ; though, like other antient historians, he felt himself bound to relate what was said. Perhaps he had in mind the remarkable words of Herod. 7,152. éya 6: dpsilw éyery Ta rEyopeva, TEiSecIar Oé od} wai ddsitw. See also 6, 55 and 157. and 2,122. Passages which have been imitated, and the rule therein contained acted on by the best historians; ex. gr. Pausan. |. 6, 3, 4. Dio Cass. 744. 35. éym yvouny txw abra ra Asyomeva ovyypavar, wre ToUTPAy- povety, pyre ei PEevdwe, pHTEe El AANIGC EipNTat. Kal TOUTO uct Kara TOV META Jravra ypagnoopévwy ipjosw. and 1142, 46. 159,19. 1283, 91. Livy 1. 7,6. ¢< Fama rerum standum est, ubi certam rebus derogat antiquitas fidem.” Tacit. Hist. 1. 2, 50. “ Vulgatis traditisque demere fidem non ausim.” And elsewhere: ‘“‘ Nobis quoquemodo ¢raditum non occultare in animo fuit.” Quint. Curt. 1. 7,8. “ Fidis nostra sperni non debet quae utcunque tradita sunt, incorrupta perferemus.” Senate, 540 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. sailed back to Athens on the return of spring, bringing with them such of the prisoners as were freemen (and these were set at liberty by exchange with the enemy, man for man’), as also the ships which they had taken. Thus ended the winter, and with it also the third year of the war whose history Thucydides has composed. yon | Kachange with, §c.] The first instance, perhaps, on record of the custom of a mutual exchange of prisoners between belligerent powers. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. Lonpon : Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode, New-Street- Square. (Oud erisy ee Ny WNy tt J 4 rr y WA hs >» DPT > >) ey > Wit Vv WI) Nef Se> >> > PRINTED IN U.S.A. PPP) BD} 2D >> YP > a 4 So ad > < o eS a > > >. >>> 2 IP» . >>> >> > ae : yD a ) } > > >. >> >: PD) >>> D> >_> >) 22> 2B» Za > IPI >>> , > 23 a” > ae i : >») 2 <2) >>> >») » DS Ss be —— an ao Am D> Ss erage >>> a> > * ey >>) >> I>» 1p) Sob >. Se >> > > > = = aes Se D> SP)» > D =>. >>» > > ») 2») DD)» > ides, co > =) = a >bk e 26 aoe Ww = = 6 __ oo .2 No Nw LL. = an) oe ary Libr al Seminary Speer Princeton Theologic 22 2341 000 1 1012.