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NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
OF THE
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSPIPUTION
ESO 28 BY
eRe eke ONY 6 seu eae
DIRECTOR
GING) ARs ©) GE ACE S EAC E laa
WASHING TON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1900
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS
o (CONTINUED)
mya
‘TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS
BY
JESSE WALTER FEWKES
573
- — =
, CONTENTS TUG OG CC iO eee esa ee SSeushSsceue sSecose cose sbecso ges Eeueae MhesHopiu puehlosia.sa- aasceece-eeee ee ees eee tessa senses sas asics Sitesvon Old! Wrallpifsae- .cscee sea se se ie eem oman seen nace ee ae Se Siecle IPE GLsTOL OpanishiCONtaCke = = aes esas see ee ee ein ee = ya Clans living or extinct in Walpi and Sichumovi -.--.-....--.--.------------ Gianairornieno KONA Desa meena se ee ae oe See eee aa ace sec ee ack Clans from Palatkwabi and the Little Colorado -.-.....-..------------- ie Clans from Muiobi and New Mexican pueblos .-......-.---------------- 584 Chronologic sequence of the advent of clans. -_...--.----------------------- 585 Glanstromekokonabieecesteees cee sac - eee ee oeee sees aa occa ei== 587 REV ayGlANS ee eee eee ee ee oan a: = cia eee ae ee Be ole ais naisineci eins 587 INP Gavelgen bite oad 5 aoa san oes cGeee sesso se eens asosueSueC eS acEroE 590 Clans from Palatkwabi and the Little Colorado pueblos. ...----..----------- 594 Teper rata Aus ces 6 ee neta Ben se aes Foe See aaa ass 595 Teal Dae), Saes Sas US eCE Op Ber Beene nics dace aa ao atenees cade aces 596 Clans from Muiobi and New Mexican pueblos _-.-...-..--..------------ --- 604 FTIONAUNC LAMB eNee ees anak ioe ied nes aac eee ee eer pees Seer ences SEER MEE 604 IG) Moja (A ing a- Oka nba RARE Meee Cues BeSoasdane coe auegeneaaedane 604 PTOTIATIIEG ATSB ee eer cers, oo siorc aie ere ai eee Gat Stecss asie 606 iReienbats, Greystoke Glenn ee Aaa seperaroceceasoceeecusenaansepspooodses 607 IPakabrelansiee see et see eras las on ee eee eee ai /-sii hse 608 IN savory Leak wan aiGlanis sects nese < ase t= Caco ee eae nee = =e ok Sa eee 610 Total membership of Walpi and Sichumovi clans......--.---.-------------- 614 PET am OF NTIS ear ee See oe oo nea i Se ee eee one a weee cies 614 (CORO 18 hic (ENE Ss jasper eosasancasea= ces. ce= cede eeceroe ase oeee 617 IPS etoerisetames) Glo WWM pee one eee eee se fe sec sedees See ec eco cececeneee= 622 iReheroussocietiesizrom) Tok Ona Di == a= see es et 624 Saake-Ambelope sOcletless-= sae stem eee ase ae ae = 624 Religious societies from Palatkwabi --..-..--.----.---.---------------- 626 IAAP Ibeniy ANSOCLELICS =. mis rate a eee me el ee r= 626 IPAtuh lbs atk SOCLEILES = oo ome aeeete ess aie =e Blea oe ie ee aia 627 TS [IEP RON) BCS Cini aeeeaens so aenscncSecsbcubde ee ae seodse pee oCOnce 630 Katcina cults from New Mexican pueblos.------...----.------------------- 630 Aulee haba ON PE ap bass nccedscccass cCosSaed apes saeeak egUepeBocene seas 63 Geen OUI, So Ue ERE ARES Soe he cos 5 ace ase ade sade eee epee ones 631 WHaecemncen ciel) gescaeesnoassscomeccoess es5= se asbocesaseecouseeeceas 63 Conclusion See e ee te eee a ee ee eee eee aeiee a meriseinesiermeiay= oa 633
TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS
By Jesse WALTER FEWKES
INTRODUCTION
The observant traveler in Arizona will often have his attention attracted by mounds of rock and earth, indicative of former habita- tions, which are widely distributed over this territory. These mounds, which are almost numberless, are the remains of villages formerly inhabited by sedentary populations, and are particularly abundant near springs or streams. Similar remains, varying in size from simple hillocks to clusters arranged in regular form, also occur in inaccessible canyons or on the tops of high mesas.
The architectural characteristics of ancient Arizonian ruins are not all alike. The dwellings are sometimes found in the form of cayes hewn into a soft tufaceous rock, or as cliff houses built in caverns, or as pueblos constructed of adobe and situated in the plains.
The great number of these ancient habitations now in ruins would indicate a large aboriginal population if they were simultaneously inhabited, but it is generally conceded that many of them were only temporarily occupied, and that at no one time in the history of Arizona were they all peopled by the ancients. Although there is evidence against the synchronous inhabitation of all these villages, there is reason to believe that the sedentary population was in the past evenly distributed over the whole pueblo region, but that in the six- teenth and seventeenth centuries causes were at work to concentrate it into certain limited areas. One of these areas of concentration was the present Moqui reservation, to which the people of the ancient vil- lages were forced for refuge from their foes. The Hopi villages were thus peopled by descendants of clans which once lived as far north as the territory of Utah, as far south as the Gila valley, and as far east as the upper Rio Grande. In these concentrated communities we may expect to find survivals of the culture of many of the ruined pueblos of Arizona, combined with that of colonies from the New Mexican villages of the Rio Grande and its tributaries. The problem
oll
578 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH ANN. 19 before the student of the history of any one of the Hopi pueblos includes the origin and course of migration of the different groups of clans whose descendants now form the population of those villages.
In preparing this paper the author has brought together such frag- ments of Hopi legendary history as could be gathered at Walpi. This account is not intended asa record of tribal genesis or creation myths, nor does it attempt a history from documentary sources of the deal- ings of the Spaniards or the Americans with the past or present inhab- itants of this pueblo. It lays no stress on the discovery of Walpi by Europeans or the several attempts at mission work, but considers Hopi stories of the advent of different clans, the direction whence they came and the sequence of their coming, where they formerly lived, and the customs which they brought to the pueblo where their descendants now live. In other words, it is an attempt to examine the composition of the present population of Walpi by clans, and to trace the trails of migration of those clans before they reached the village. It is published as an aid to the archeologist who may need traditions to guide him in the identification of the ruins of northern Arizona,’ and it is hoped that a discussion of the subject will bring into clear relief the composite origin of Hopi ritual, language, and secular customs.
It is impossible to interpret the Hopi ritual without a clear idea of the present relationship between the existing clans and of their connec- tion with the religious societies. The growth of the Hopi ritual has gone on pari passu with the successive addition of new clans to the pueblo, and its evolution can not be comprehended without an under- standing of the sociologic development and the clan organization of the pueblo. This applies also to the Hopi language and to secular customs which, like the ritual, are composite, and have resulted from the union of families of somewhat different stages of culture, each speaking a characteristic language. What the idiom of each of these several component clans was before their consolidation we can best judge if we know the sites of their ancestral homes and the speech of the early kindred from whom they separated when they migrated to the Hopi mesas. So also with their other customs and their arts, all of which are composite and were introduced some from one direction, others from another.
The legends which have served as the groundwork of this account of the history of Walpi were gathered mainly from the clans now living in the East mesa pueblos. Some of these legends have never been collected, although considerable work of great value which was done in this field by that enthusiastic student, the late A. M. Stephen,
1 The main types of pueblo ruins have been described, and what is now necessary is a study of the manners and customs of the people who once inhabited them. This work implies an intimate knowledge of the ethnology of the suryivors, and a determination of the survivors’ identity may be had from migration legends of clans now living in the pueblos.
FEWKES] ACCURACY OF TRADITIONS 579
was published in Mindeleff’s account of the architecture of Tusayan.' This material has been critically examined, and certain significant variations have been found which are embodied in the present article.
There remains much material on the migrations of Hopi clans yet to be gathered, and the identification by archeologic methods of many sites of ancient habitations is yet to be made. This work, however, can best be done under guidance of the Indians by an ethno-drcheolo- gist, who can bring as a preparation for his work an intimate knowl- edge of the present life of the Hopi villagers.
While engaged in collecting the migration legends of different Hopi clans the author has consulted, when possible, the clan chiefs. Wiki, Wikyatiwa, and Kopeli have furnished the migration legends of the Snake clans, Anawita those of the Rain-cloud, and Hani the Tobacco legends. Piitce has given the author the story of the Horn and Flute and Pautiwa that of the Eagle clans. The legends of the neighboring pueblo of Hano, the history of which is intimately connected with that of Walpi, were obtained from Kalakwai and others. As was to be expected, since human memory is fallible, different men of equal honesty vary considerably in their accounts, and hence the collector of the unrecorded history of Walpi soon recognizes that it is best not to give too much weight to stories of clans to which the inform- ant does not belong. An honest traditionist immediately declares his ignorance of the history of a clan not his own, and in the presence of a man of that clan wiil refer to him when questioned. Some of the older men take a pride in the history of their respective clans, and claim to know more than others; but many know or care little of the history of their clans, and when interrogated refer to their clan chief. Yo this class belong most of the young men, especially those who have attended school, where little encouragement is given to pupils to gain knowledge of the history of their ancestors.
THE HOPI PUEBLOS
The present Hopi pueblos are seven in number, and are situated on three table-lands, called East mesa, Middle mesa, and Oraibi. The inhabitants of six of these villages speak the Hopi language and of one the Tanoan. The East mesa has two Hopi pueblos—Walpi and Sichu- movi—and a Tewa village called Hano. About 7 miles in an air line from the Kast mesa is the Middle mesa, upon which are situated three towns, called Mishongnovi, Shipaulovi, and Shunopovi. The largest Hopi pueblo, called Oraibi, is situated about 20 miles westward from Walpi.
Walpi is regarded as the most ancient Tusayan pueblo, its settle- ment dating from before the middle of the sixteenth century. The
1Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.
580 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS (ETH, ANN. 1y
neighboring pueblo, Sichumovi, was settled by foreign colonists about the middle of the eighteenth century, while Hano was founded by Tewa clans at the beginning of the same century.
Two of the Middle mesa pueblos are mentioned by name in docu- ments of the seventeenth century, and one, Shipauloyi, was probably founded not far from 1750.
Oraibi is known to be an old pueblo, being also mentioned by name in early Spanish records; but it is more modern than Shunopovi, hay- ing been founded by a chief named Matcito from the latter town.* The Hopi language as spoken in Oraibi is somewhat different in pro- nunciation from that of the other Hopi pueblos, but this difference is not more than dialectic, so that the six Hopi pueblos may be said to speak the same tongue. The people of Hano, however, speak a Tanoan dialect which the Hopi do not understand.
Sires oF Otp WaALpPr
The first site of Walpi on the East mesa which has been positively identified was on the northern side of the terrace which surrounds this rocky height, below the present town. ‘The ground plan of this settle- ment is still clearly indicated by the remains of old walls, the size and arrangement of the rooms being still traceable without difficulty. This was probably the position of the pueblo in the sixteenth century, when its population was limited to the Snake, Horn, and Flute clans, and when the Spaniards first came into the country. It was also the site of the pueblo during the troubles with the inhabitants of the neighbor- ing pueblo Sikyatki, which culminated in the destruction of the latter town.
The Walpians found this situation exposed to the attacks of their enemies, and consequently moved their pueblo one stage higher, to the top of the projecting spur at the western end of the mesa. On this site the Walpians lived through the mission epoch (1628-1680), and a chapel, the outlines of which may still be traced, was erected there. This second site of the pueblo is called Kisakobi, and the Spanish mission house Niicaki. As the walls of the first and second settle- ments almost adjoin, it may have been that portions of the two were inhabited synchronously.
The amount of débris around these former settlements indicates that both were inhabited for a considerable period, and evidently the size of the combined villages was not less than that of the present pueblo of Walpi. In this débris are found fragments of the finest old Tusayan ware, which bears pictography characteristic of the ancient epoch.
The inroads of the Ute from the north and the Apache from the south hastened the abandonment of the early sites, but probably the main cause of the final move to the top of East mesa was a fear of
1Matcito is said to have lived for some time in a cave near Oraibi, at a rock still pointed out.
FEWKES] RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE OF SPANIARDS 581
the return of the Spaniards after the murder of the padres in the Pueblo revolt of 1680. The Hopi abandoned Kisakobi about the close of the seventeenth century and moved their habitation to the top of East mesa, where a few houses may already have existed. At that time they transported much of the building material from Kisakobi, using the beams of the mission for the roofs and floors of new kivas and houses, in which they may still be seen.
The name Walpi was apparently not applied to the settlement before this last change of location, which may account for its absence from Espejo’s list of Hopi towns in 1583. The earliest documentary men- tion of Walpi was ‘**Gualpi,” in 1680, or about the time the pueblo was moyed to its present site. Parts of Kisakobi and modern Walpi may have been simultaneously inhabited for several years, but between 1680 and 1700 the rooms at Kisakobi’ were completely abandoned.
EFFECTS OF SPANISH CONTACT
The advent of the Spaniards, in the middle of the sixteenth century, does not seem to have made a lasting impression on the Hopi, for no account of the first coming of Europeans is preserved in their stories. Undoubtedly the Hopi regarded these earliest visits in much the same manner as they did the frequent forays of the hostile Ute, Navaho, and Apache, They were no doubt profoundly impressed by firearms, and e¢reatly astonished at the horses, but special stories of the incidents of that time have long ago been lost. There survive many accounts of the life of the Spanish priests of a later epoch, with references to the building of the missions, but none of the Hopi have a good word , to say of this period in their history.
The influence of the zealous fathers in their attempts to convert the Hopi to Christianity seems to have been ephemeral. While the padres may have introduced some slight modifications into the native ritual, with more exalted ideas of God, as a whole the products of these changes, if there were any, can not now be disentangled from purely aboriginal beliefs and customs. |
The new cult brought by the priests was at first welcomed by the Indians, and no objection was made to it, for toleration in religious things is characteristic of most primitive men. The Hopi objected to the propagandist spirit, and strongly resented the efforts of the padres to make them abandon their time-honored religious practices (as the making of dolls or idols and the performance of ceremonial dances), and to accept the administration of Christian baptism. The Hopi further declare that the early padres practically tried to enslave them or to compel them to work without compensation. They obliged the natives to bring water from distant springs, and to haul logs from the distant mountains for the construction of the mission buildings. Per-
1 Ki, pueblo, saka, ladder, obi, locative: ‘‘ Place of the Ladder-town.”’
582 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN, 19
haps sheep, horses, iron implements, and cloth were given in return for this service, or possibly they were not adequately paid. The Hopi maintain that they were not; but whether justly or not, time has not eradicated the feeling of deep hatred with which the Spanish mission epoch is now regarded by these Indians.
A few relics of the Spanish dominion still remain in Walpi. Some of the beams and flooring of the old mission are still to be seen in kivas and private houses,’ and one or two old doors and windows date back to pre-American occupancy. There are also a few iron hoes— survivals of this early time—and metallic bells, the antiquity of which is doubtful. No Spanish written records are preserved in Tusayan, and nothing of Spanish manufacture has thus far been detected on any of the altars at Walpi. The lasting benefit of the Spanish régime was the gift of sheep, horses, goats, burros, and various fruits and
seeds.”
CLANS LIVING OR EXTINCT IN WALPI AND SICHUMOVI
Tn the following lists the component clans of Walpi and Sichumoyi are referred to their former homes: 1. Clans from Tokonabi (southern Utah): Teiia (Snake), Ala (Horn).
2. Clans from Palatkwabi (southern Arizona) and the Little Colo- rado: Patun (Squash)*, Lenya? (Flute), Patki (Cloud), Kiikiite (Lizard), Piba (Tobacco), Titwa (Sand), Tabo (Rabbit).
3. Clans from the Muiohi (Rio Grande valley), and New Mexican pueblos, (Zuni, Acoma, Jemez, etc.): Honau (Bear), Kokop (Firewood), Pakab (Reed), Asa (Tansy-mustard), Buli (Butterfly), Honani (Badger).
Although the original clans which settled Sichumoyi belonged to group 38, and this is practically a New Mexican pueblo in the Hopi country, the descendants of the original settlers haye so intermarried with the Hopi that their linguistic characteristics are lost.
1. CLans FROM TOKONABI
Teiia group
Mia WID Wiles a2 scoeese Snake clan.
Tohott witiwW =-=---..- Puma clan.
ER Wwiwitiwa os... see Dove clan.
NG CUR ih Wnens ote, see Cactus clan.
Muni Av Wilsons oo Opuntia (cactus) clan.
1 Decorated beams from the mission may be seen in Pautiwa’s house.
“The Hopi names of these, which are corrupted Spanish (kanela, sheep; kavayo, horse; melone, melon, ete.), show the sources of these inestimable gifts which haye profoundly modified the modern life of the Hopi.
8 Extinct in Walpi and Sichumoyi.
on (oa) (Sw)
FEWKES] CLANS OF WALPI AND SICHUMOVI
1. Cuans rrom Toxonani—Continued alla clans of the Ala-Lefiya group *
--Horn clan. Deer clan. Antelope clan.
Ala withwit ..-- Sowint winwt- - Teubio winwt - Teaizra witwii. --._-
2, CLANS FROM PALATKWABI AND THE LirrLE CoLorapo
Paiuri growp
Patun wiftwil ....._._- Squash clan.
Atoko wittwit --....._. Crane clan.
ele swihtwitteeree ees Pigeon-hawk clan. Mubic winiwtt 222-2... Sorrow-making clan.
Lenya clans of the Ala-Lenya group?
Cakwalenya wifwt-.--Blue- (Green-) flute clan. Macilefiya wifwit....-- Drab-flute clan.
Panwti wiftwa......... Mountain-sheep clan. Lelenitu witwt -......- Flute clan.
Patki group
Batkinwitiwit 2-52.22: Rain-cloud clan. Kann waliwille= 2-220 5 _ = Maize clan. = Tanaka wittwtt ....-..- Rainbow clan. Talawipiki wifwt --_-- Lightning clan. Kwan winwtt- .......- Agave clan. Sivwapi witiwtt_....... Bigelovia graveolus clan. Pawikya winwtt...._../ Aquatic-animal clan Pakwa wifwtt_...-.._- Frog clan. -avatiya wiflwtl......- Tadpole clan.
Tiiwa-Kikiite group
Tiwa wifiwi..-......- Sand clan. Kuktite wiwit.......- Lizard clan. SHOUDL Sy bon 40 eee ee Flower or bush elan.
Tabo-Piba group
Tabo witwit .........- Rabbit clan. Sowi wifwt_.._.- -----Hare clan. Piba wiwt.-.........-Tobacco clan.
1The Ant clans (Anu, Tokoanu, Wukoanu, and Ciwanu) belong to this group, but the author isin doubt whether to assign them to the Ala or the Leitya division, the latter of which did: not come from Tokonabi.
584 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN, 19
3. CLANS FROM Mutropt anp New Mexican PUEBLOS Honau group
Honau winwt. - Bear clan. Tokotei winwt .Wildeat clan. Teosro winwt- . Bluebird clan.
Kokyan winwt -..--- -Spider clan.
Asa or Teakwaina group (Abiquiu, via Zuni)
Teakwaina wifiwt ----- Teakwaina (a katcina) clan. Hosboa wihwt -------- Road-runner or Pheasant clan. Pociwtl wittwil.---._-- Magpie clan.
Rcisromwiliwitt= eee == Bunting clan.
Katcina group (via Kicuba)
Katcina witwit- ------- Kateina clan. Afiwuci wifwt.--...-- Crow clan. Gyazru witwt -----..- Parrot clan. Sikyatei winwt ------- Yellow-bird clan. Tawamana winwt ----- Bird clan.
Salab winwt _...-.-- Stihub wiliwit--..----.
Spruce clan. Jottonwood clan.
Kokop group (Jemez, via Sikyatki)
Kokop winwt-.------- Firewood clan. Teauiiewaniwill === .-2s2e— Coyote clan. Kwew wiwi-.------- Wolf clan. Sikyataiyo winwnt ----- Yellow-fox clan. Letaiyo winwt ....---- Gray-fox clan. Zrohono witwt ------- —.. Masiiwittwila-2=---e2-= Masautt (Death-god) clan. Kototo wifiwti..------- Eototo clan. Tuvou witwi -.------- Pifion clan. Hoko wifiwi..---.-.-- Juniper clan. Awata wifilwt..------- Bow clan. Sikyatci wifwu .....-- Bird (?) clan. Tuvatcl witwii-.---2.- Bird (?) clan.
Pakab group
Paka witiwtt-.------- Reed or arrow clan. Kwahu winwt..-..---- Eagle clan. Kwayo witiwi..-.-..- Hawk clan.
Koyona winwnt. - Tawa wifwn ---
.--Turkey clan. ..-Sun clan. _..War-god clan. ..-War-god clan.
Piuikon winwt- - Palania winwnt- - - Cohu winwt
Honani group (via Kicuba)
Honani wifiwtl..-..-..- Badger clan. Muiyawu wifwt ---.-- Porcupine clan. Wicoko winwt..--..-- Turkey-buzzard clan. Bull withwill ee -e-=- == Butterfly clan.
Katcina wiftwa-...--..- Kateina clan.
FEWKES] NATIVE ACCOUNTS OF ARRIVAL OF CLANS 585
CHRONOLOGIC SEQUENCE OF THE ADVENT OF CLANS
Traditions regarding the sequence of the arrival of clans conflict in details, although they coincide in general outline. Anawita, one of the best informed men of the Patki clans, has given the following order of the arrival of clans at Walpi:
. Honau, Bear. Tetia, Snake. . Ala-~Lefiya, Horn-F lute. Kokop, Firewood. . Pakab, Reed. . Asa, Tansy-mustard. Patki, Cloud. 7., Kukute, Lizard; Tiiwa, Sand.
Tabo, Rabbit; Piba, Tobacco.
8. Honani, Badger; Buli, Butterfly; Katcina.
Dm 9 bo
It will be noted that Anawita does not mention the Squash clan, probably because it is now extinct at Walpi: Wikyatiwa, of the Snake clan, gave the following sequence:
1. Teta, Snake. (ecutet Cloud.
2. Honau, Bear. 6.) Kukute-Tiwa, Lizard-Sand. 3. Kokop, Firewood. |Piba-Tabo, Tobaceo-Rabbit. 4. Pakab, Reed. 7. Honani, Badger.
5. Ala-Lefiya, Horn-Flute. 8. Katcina.
9. Asa, Tansy-mustard. Poyi, a very intelligent man of the Okuwun or Tewa Rain-cloud clan, gave the following sequence:
1. Tetia, Snake. 7. Isaut, Coyote.
2. Honau, Bear. Patki, Cloud.
3. Patun, Squash. 8 [Reukite-tiva Lizard-Sand. 4. Ala-Lefiya, Horn-Flute. Piba-Tabo, Tobacco-Rabbit. 5. Kokop, Firewood. g_|Katcina.
6. Asa, Tansy-mustard. *")Honani, Badger.
The late A. M. Stephen obtained, in 1893, from five chiefs now dead,' the following sequence:
1. Honau, Bear. ie Firewood. 2. Tectia, Snake. “|Pakab, Reed. 3. Patun, Squash. 7 |Honani, Badger. 4. Ala-Lefiya, Horn-Flute. "|Kateina. Patki, Cloud. 8. Asa, Tansy-mustard. 5.) Tuwa-Kukiite, Sand-Lizard. 9. The clans of Hano pueblo.
Tabo-Piba, Rabbit-Tobacco.
Some of the inconsistencies in the foregoing lists may be explained by the fact that a misunderstanding existed between the natives and the author in regard to the information desired, the former believing in some instances that the sequence of arrival of clans at Walpi, and in others that the order of their advent into Tusayan, was desired.
1Cimo, Masaiumtiwa, Nasyufiweve, Hahawe, and Intiwa. 19 ETH, PT 2—O1L 2
586 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN, 19
Evidence has now been gathered that other villages than Walpi existed in the Hopi country at the time of the arrival of the Teciia clans. Studies of the ruin of Sikyatki show that this pueblo was older than Walpi, and consequently that the Kokop clans which founded it came into the Hopi country before the Tciia. The Lenya were also in this region when joined by the Ala (who left Tokonabi with the Teiia clans) and probably were living at Lenyanobi. Moreover, there is every reason to suspect that Awatobi also was inhabited in that early epoch.
Bearing on these probabilities, the testimony of one of the Ala men, who did not confuse the Hopi country with the pueblo of Walpi, but called the author’s attention to the error of such confusion, is highly important. In his account of the sequence he declared that the Honau clan was the first to settle Walpi; but that about the same time the Kokop clan founded Sikyatki and the Lenya clan Lenyanobi. The Ala and Teiia peoples came into the country at about the same time, by different routes, the former joining the Lenya at Lenyanobi and the latter the Honau at Walpi. Sikyatki and Awatobi were in existence at that time. Although the Honau clan had not been at enmity with the Kokop, as both came from Muiobi (Rio Grande) and Jemez, the pueblo of combined Teiia and Honau clans was not on amicable terms with the people of Sikyatki. The outcome of the hostilities which followed was the overthrow of the Kokop clan of Sikyatki, ‘‘ while the Honau-Tciia people of Walpi conquered Masauu, the tutelary god of Sikyatki, who had given the Kokop a site for their pueblo.” The combined clans of the Ala-Lenya pueblo gained kinship with the Honau-Teciia through the Ala who had lived with the Teiia at Tokonabi. These two pueblos were peacefully united by the moving of the Ala-Lefya to Walpi. The tragic overthrow of Awatobi by its rival, Walpi, occurred later.
Thus it seems that at an early period there had settled in the Hopi country three groups of clans, the Honau, the Kokop, and the Lenya and kindred Patun. ‘The Honau had a pueblo on the site of Walpi; the Kokop were settled at Sikyatki; the Patun on the Middle mesa; and the Lenya at Lenyanobi or Kwactapahu. The kindred Teiia and Ala clans, which had previously lived together at Tokonabi, entered the country by different routes. The Teiia joined the Honau at Walpi; the Ala the Lefya at Lefyanobi or Kwactapahu. The Honau-Teiia and the Ala-Lefya later consolidated at Walpi, and the town of the latter was abandoned. The combined people of Walpi destroyed the Kokop settlementat Sikyatki, as above stated, adding some of the survivors to its population. With the assistance of the Middle mesa clans Walpi overthrew and destroyed Awatobi. The settlement of Patki people at Pakatcomo was abandoned, some of the clans from that place remoy- ing to Walpi. The Honani, Asa, and other eastern clans sought Walpi asa home. The details of the above history are best brought out by an intimate discussion of each clan legend.
FEWKES] THE TOUA CLANS 587
It may then be stated that while the main bodies of the three groups of clans from the north (Tokonabi), the south (Palatkwabi), and the east (Muiobi), settled at Walpi in the sequence given, individual clans of these groups were, so far as is known, of equal antiquity there; thus, while the majority of the clans from the Rio Grande were late arrivals, the Honau and Kokop were among the first to settle at the East mesa.
The author has chosen the advent of the Snake clans as the epoch of the founding of modern Walpi, and for consecutive history he will consider the arrival of the clan groups in their order, namely, from Tokonabi, Palatkwabi, and Muiobi.
CLANS FROM TOKONABI Tota Crans
The clans known as the Teiia and the Ala‘ say that they formerly lived together at Tokonabi, which place, so far as can be learned, was near the junction of the Little Colorado with the Great Colorado, in southern Utah. The Teiia, or Snake, clans were dominant from the very first in Walpi, and their chief was, as late as the end of the seventeenth century, governor of the pueblo, for he it was who is said to have sent to the Tewa people of the Rio Grande for aid against hostile nomads.
The following list contains the names of the men and women of the Snake clans now (January 1, 1900) living at Walpi:
Census of Teiia clans at Walpi
Men and boys | Women and girls Kopelia | Mamana Koyowaiamit Saliko Nuvawinu | Pobi Honyi | Kokyanmana Lomavoya Koteanapi Honauwt | Talasmuima | Wiki | Haso Wikyatiwa Kabuzru Uebema Cikwavensi Ahula Talakabu Sanna Sikyahoniwa | Moumi
| Teoko aon zu
a Since deceased.
1The Ala, by union with the Lefiya, later became the Ala-Lenya. There is no evidence that the latter clan ever lived at Tokonabi.
588 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN. 19
: * | | Mamana @ Nuvawinu? | a = _ > [ =e | | | | | Saliko? O* Wiki? Wikyatiwa? | ——— | | | | | eee a a Sa | Honyi? Lomavoya ? Talasmuima? | | | : Jer ~ | Kopeli¢ Koyowaiamn ? | |
Haso? Kabuzrnu? | Talakabud
Ahula Cikwavensi ?
Pobi?
Honauwnh + Kokyanmana@
|
Uebema¢ Kotcanapi ?
The different clans which, according to the legends, are associated with the Snake people are mentioned in an accompanying list (page 582). When the Snake settlement was first made at the northern base of the East mesa, the Snake, Puma, Dove, and Cactus peoples were possibly all represented, but the Snake clan was dominant and its chief was governor of the town.
In their former life at Tokonabi the Huwi (Dove), Toho (Puma), Ala (Horn), and Teiia (Snake) were associated, and in some accounts the Tiiwa are also said to have been represented in this northern home. In most of the Patki traditions the Tiiwa are asserted to be a southern clan closely related to the Kiikiite (Lizard) people.
The burden of the Snake legend’ is that in ancient times, when the Puma, Dove, and Horn clans lived at Tokonabi, a youth of the first named brought home as his wife a girl of the Snake clan. One of his ‘*brothers,” but of the Horn clan, also married a girl of the Snake clan, and it would seem that other members of the girl’s clan joined the Puma-Horn settlements. In passing, it may theoretically be sup-
1This legend is couched in the form of a mythic story of the adventures of the god Tiyo in the Underworld.
FEWKES] HISTORY OF TCUA CLANS 589
posed that these women were of Shoshonean aftinity, possibly from a nomadic tribe, with which the Puma and Horn were thus united.
As the offspring of the two Snake women did not get along well with the children of other clans at Tokonabi,’ the Puma, Snake, and Horn clans migrated southward. They started together, but the Horn soon separated from the other clans, which continued to a place 50 miles west of the East mesa, and built there a pueblo now called Wukoki. The ruins of this settlement are still to be seen.
While the Puma and Snake clans were living at Wukoki one of their number, called Teamahia, left them to seek other clans which were said to be emerging from the Underworld in the far east. He went to the Upper Rio Grande to a place called Sotcaptukwi, near Santa Fe, where he met Pitiikonhoya, the war god, to whom he told the object of his quest. This person shot an arrow to a s/papu, or orifice, in the north, where people were emerging from the Underworld. The arrow returned to the sender, bringing the message” that the clans to which it was sent would travel toward the southwest, and that Teamahia should go westward if he wished to join them. He followed this direction and met the clans at Akokaiobi,* the Hopi name of Acoma, where, presumably, he joined them, and where their descendants still live.
In answer to a question as to the identity of Teamahia, the narra- tor responded that the name signified the *‘ Ancients.” As the same term is used for certain ceremonial objects on the Antelope altar in the Snake dance, it may be possible, by a study of this ceremony, to give a more intelligent answer. Around the sand picture which constitutes an essential feature of this altar there is arranged a row of stone celts which are called teamahi During the altar songs one of the priests of the Sand clan, which is said to have lived with the Snake clan at Wukoki, rapped on the floor with one of these stone objects, for the purpose, it was said, of telegraphing to Acoma to the Tcamahia to join them in the Snake ceremony. On the eighth and ninth days of the dance Tcamahia came, and, while acting as asperger at the kisi or brush shelter, called out the invocation **‘ Awahia, teamahia,” ete., the Keres
as
invocation to warriors.
The author is of the opinion that this asperger personates the old Teamahia of Wukoki, who parted from the Snake clans at that pueblo to seek his fortune in the east, finding it at Acoma. Among the clans associated with the Snake at Wukoki were the Puma and Sand. Per- haps Tcamahia, the warrior, belonged to one of these, possibly the former. The Puma fetish on the Antelope altar at Walpi may also be interpreted as indicative of a former association of the Puma and the
1 Tokonabi, possibly from toktci, wild-cat, and obi, the locative. 2 This reminds us of the use of the paho, or prayer stick, as a message bearer. 3 There is said to be a ruin on the Awatobi mesa called Akokaiobi.
590 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN. 19
Snake clans, and the sand picture of the mountain lion on the Snake altar of the same pueblo may admit of the same interpretation. The personation of the Puma-man in the exercises in the Snake kiva is regarded in the same way. These are all modern survivals indicative of the former association of Puma and Snake clans.
Evidences of the contact of the Horn and Snake clans are also found in the ceremonial paraphernalia of the Snake dance, such as the two antelope heads on the Antelope altar at Oraibi and the many snake fetishes, to which it is hardly necessary to call special attention. But the strongest of all evidences that the Horn and Snake clans have been associated are the Hopi names of the two priesthoods which celebrate this great festival, namely, the Antelope and Snake fraternities.
Thus in the Snake dance we find in the ceremonial paraphernalia totemic evidences of composition from at least three clans--the Puma, the Horn, and the Snake—which substantiates the legend that in ancient times these three lived together. When we study the Flute ceremony we shall see additional evidence that the Horn were once in contact with the Snake clans, notwithstanding that the Flute element, which predominates, had an origin different from that of the Horn.
Awa-LENYA CiANs!
The first addition to the settlement of Bear and Snake clans at Old Walpi was a group composed of Ala (Horn) and Lenya (Flute) clans. As this group was composite, their legends are likewise composed of at least two elements. They go back to two cultus heroes, the Deer youth and the Mountain-sheep youth, one of whom is the boy of the Horn clan who married one of the Snake girls, the other the male ancestor of the Flute clans.
The numerous elements of the legends of the Horn-Flute clans which run parallel with those of the Snake are interpreted as due to the former life of the Horn with the Snake clans. The Flute legendists say that their ancestor descended to the Underworld, and that while there he drew a maid to him by playing on a flute. He married this girl in the Sun-house and she became the mother of the Flute clan. This legend is thought to bear traces of a different origin from any of the Horn legends, although it is mixed with Horn stories.
After the Horn clans parted from the Snake people in their migra- tion southward from Tokonabi, they drifted into an eastern place called. Lokotaaka. How far eastward they went is not known, but from Lokotaaka they moved to Kisiwi, and then to Mofpa, where ruins are still to be seen. Continuing in their migration, which, after they left Lokotaaka, was toward the west, they came to a pueblo called Lenyanobi, ** Place of the Flute” (clans). There they evidently
1 As has been previously stated, the Leflya clans of the Ala-Leflya group came from Palatkwabi, but for convenience they are here considered with their associated clans from Tokonabi.
FEWKES] THE ALA-LENYA CLANS 591
united with the Flute people, and from that time the group was com- posite. The combined clans did not remain at Lenyanobi, but moyed by way of Wikyaobi to a point called Ky ractapabi, where they were well within the present Hopi reservation. The route from Kwactapabi to Walpi, where they joined the Snake pueblo, was by Wipo, Kanelba, and Lefyaciipu, or Kokyanba (Spider spring).
The spring known as Kwactapahu, situated a few miles from Walpi, is said to have been the site of a pueblo of the Horn-Flute clans for some time, and it was possibly while they were there that news of the Snake settlement at Walpi reached them. The chief of the pueblo sent Alosaka to spy out the country west and south of their settle- ment, and he returned with the report of the existence of the Snake town at Old Walpi. The Horn people, knowing that the Snake people must have made their way into the region after their separation, no doubt expected to find them as they journeyed westward. At all events, they recognized them as kindred. Kwactapahu was aban- doned, and the combined Horn-Flute clans were hospitably received by the Snake villagers.
In the present Hopi ritual at Walpi there is a re smarkable confirma- tion of that part of the above legend which deals with the union of the clans from Kwactapahu and the people of Old Walpi. It is no less than a dramatization of the event with a cast of characters repre- senting the participants.
About noon of the seventh day of the Flute ceremony, the Flute chief, accompanied by several members of the Flute priesthood, visited in sequence the springs mentioned above, where the Horn-Flute people had tarried during the latter part of their migration. They went first to Kanelba, about 5 miles from Walpi, thence to Wipo, still farther to the north, on the west side of the table-land of which the East mesa is a continuation. They then crossed the plain west of Wipo, and made their way onto the mesa which bounds the western edge of this plain. At a point called the Flute house they slept, and on the following morning went a mile beyond the Flute house to Kw: actapahu, where ceremonies were conducted and offerings made to the spring.
The rites at Kwactapahu ended, the Flute priests retraced their steps, crossing the valley as their ancestors did in ancient times. At intervals they halted, set the tiponi or badge of office in position on the ground, and made symbols of rain clouds near by. One of the stopping places was near the mound called Tukinobi, on which there is a ruin of considerable size. They continued their course and approached the narrow neck of land ec: alled Hiitciovi, along which runs the trail by which Walpi is entered from the north. There they found a line of meal drawn across the trail which symbolized that no one could enter the pueblo. Entrance to Walpi was closed to the incoming personators of the ancient Horn-Flute clans.
592 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS (ETH. ANN.19
Back of this line, between it and the houses of the pueblo, stood the chiefs of the Bear and Snake clans. There was also a boy dressed like the Snake boy in the Antelope kiva rites, as well as two girls dressed and decorated similarly to the Snake maid in the same ceremony. As the Flute chief and his followers approached, the Bear chief challenged him, demanding, ‘‘ Who are you? Whence haye you come?” The Flute chief responded that they were kindred and knew the songs necessary to bring rain. Then the Bear chief took his tiponi from one of the girls, while the Antelope-Snake chief received his badge from the other. Holding them tenderly on their arms, they advanced and welcomed the Flute chief to their pueblo. As a symbol of acceptance the Flute chief gave prayer offerings to the girls, the line of meal barring entrance to the pueblo was brushed away, and a new line extending along the trail was made to symbolize that the entrance was again open.
This symbolic reception of the Flute priests not only dramatizes a historic event in the growth of Walpi, but also displays a tendency to visit old sites of worship during ceremonies, and to regard water from ancient springs as efficacious in modern religious performances. — It is a common feature of great ceremonies to procure water from old springs for altar rites, and these springs are generally situated near ancestral habitations now in ruins.
This tendency is illustrated in the Sio-calako or Zuni Calako cere- mony celebrated at Sichumovi in July, when the chiefs procure sacred water from a spring near St Johns, Arizona, called Wenima, the ancient home of the Hopi and Zuni Calako. The Kwakwantt chief obtains water for some of his ceremonies from a spring called Sipabi, where the Patki clans, who introduced the Kwakwantt, once lived. The Piba chief of the Tataukyamti procures water from Clear creek, near the ruin of Cakwabaiyaki, the former home of the Piba clans. Thus in instances where clans have migrated to new localities their chiefs often return to ancestral shrines, or make pilgrimages to old springs for the purpose of procuring water to use in their ritual.
Ala-Leriya ( Walpi)
| Men and boys | Women and girls | | |
Ala phratry:
Pontima Keli
Pavatiya Nutice Piitei Turwa
Tawakwahi Siohumi
Nabi Humesi
Palunhoya Komanaieci
Makto | Talahoniwa (Tuba)
FEWKES]
THE ALA-LENYA CLANS
Ala-Lenya
598
( Walpi)—Continued
Men and boys
| Women and girls
Suhimu Sokoni Niiunu Sikyabentima Tcono
Pema Honyamtiwa
Lefiya phratry:
Ala phratry—Cont’d
Tewaianima
Tunoa | Sakbensi (Vensi) Tu'kwi | Tu'waninima Wapa Masainumko Hayi | Talawinka Wikpala Humita Nitioma | Tahomana Tatei | Kabi Sami Honka Pakabi Kwahonima Lomaventiwa Talakwabi Tuwasi Kuyaletsmina Sitka Sikyaiama Koyahoniwa He'wi Nayamtiwa Nawicoa Talawipiki Tubeoinima Sikyaiauma Nuyasi Tu'wi Sikwabi Taiyo | Sikyaletsi
| Tu'vakuwi
Ala ; ¥ * ge Piiteig > Se | | Pontima ¢ Pavatiyag Kelig aria fo are Turwa@ Siohumi ? THERE fo)
Tewaianima 9
= a = |
Tawakwabi¢ Nabi? Palufihoyay
594 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS (ETH. ANN, 19
Leiiya g | Sakbensi 2 Hayi¢ Q* } Tumnoa? Masainumko ? ~ | | Herwi? Wikpala? Tuwkwi¢ Tubeoinimn 2 = t Kabi9 Tahomana ? Nawicoa 9 Talawinka ? Sami? Pakabi¢ Nuvasi? Sikwabi®? HonkaY Sikyaiama 9 | | Sitkag? Tatci¢ Tuwasi? Sikyaletsi 2 Kwahonima ? Talakwabi? Kuyaletsmina ? | Naya mtiwag Talawipiki¢ Turwaninimt 9 Tuwigt Turvakuwi? Taiyo?
Humita ? |
Koyahoniwa
CLANS FROM PALATKWABI AND THE LITTLE COLORADO PUEBLOS’
It is stated that the Little Colorado pueblos were settled by clans from the far south, or Palatkwabi, which accounts for their considera- tion under the above heading. There is good traditional and docu-
1 By the Little Colorado pueblos the author does not refer to ruins at the Cascades or between them and the river's mouth. The pueblos south and southeast of Hopi are included,
FEWKE®] CLANS FROM PALATKWABI 595 mentary evidence that some of the pueblos now in ruins along the Little Colorado, due south of Walpi, were inhabited until near the close of the seventeenth century, but they were not all abandoned at the same time. Some of the clans went northward to the Hopi pueblos, others eastward to Zuni. Among the first groups to migrate north- ward was the Patun (Squash), which may have been accompanied by the Lenya or Flute. The former settled at the Middle mesa and Awatobi, the latter were later joined by the Ala at Lefiyanobi. As there were Patun clans in Awatobi, which was destroyed in 1700, this migration must have taken place before that year.
The Patki group left Homolobi somewhat later, for it is said that they did not go to Awatobi, but as there were Piba clans in Awatobi, the Piba arrived in Tusayan before the destruction of the pueblo of the Bow people. It may have been that Pakatcomo, the Patki settle- ment in Tusayan, was founded before Awatobi fell, but the evidence seems to be contrary to such conclusion.
Parun CLANS
Among the first clans to migrate from the pueblos of the Little Colorado in quest of homes in northern Tusayan of which information has been gathered through legends were the Patun or Squash clans. They originally lived on the Little Colorado, southwest of the present Hopi pueblos, and were accompanied by the Atoko (Crane) and Kele (Pigeon-hawk) clans. They made a settlement at Teukubi, on the Middle mesa, which was afterward abandoned, the inhabitants removing to another pueblo of Squash clans, Old Mishongnovi. Some of the Squash clans went to Awatobi and others eventually to Walpi. The Squash clans which went to the East mesa are now extinct, so that it has not been possible to investigate their legends, but ample material for this study is still extant at the Middle mesa villages.
In their life along the Little Colorado the Squash clans came in con- tact with many others, some of which followed them in their northward migration. There is reason to believe that among those they met were the Lenya clans, which may have preceded them in the journey. There are several reasons for associating the Lefiya with southern clans. In the Oraibi Flute altar the main image is a figurine with a single horn on the head resembling the pointed helmet worn only by the Kwakwantti, a society of the Patki clan, the southern origin of which is unquestionable. In most of the Flute altars there are two mounds of sand (talactcomo, ** pollen mound”) in which artificial flowers are inserted. The construction of similar flower mounds (athya sitcomov?) in the Underworld is mentioned in Piba and Patui legends of the origin of their Tataukyamai, Wiiwiitcimtn, and Mamzrautii societies. The Patun legends contain much about the cult of Alosaka (a germ god),’
LAlosaka is really another name for Muyinwa, the germ god,
596 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN. 19
which they say originated in the south. The personation of Alosaka is prominent in the Flute observance at Walpi.
This Alosaka cult, which, as elsewhere shown, is in some way con- nected with the Mountain-sheep clan of the Flute group, is one of the most perplexing at Walpi. There is legendary evidence that Alosaka was introduced into Tusayan from the settlements along the Little Colorado, by Squash and kindred (Flute) clans, some of which joined the Horn, others went to Awatobi, and still others to the Middle mesa, where they founded Tecukubi and other pueblos. All the evi- dence would appear to indicate that the original home of this cult was in the south, and as the Squash and related clans (except the Flute) are extinct at Walpi, the perpetuation of the Alosaka ceremonies in that pueblo has fallen to other clans—the Asa and Honani—by which the nature of the cult has been somewhat modified.
In the enumeration of the clans belonging to the Ala-Lefiya group, there is a Panwii or Mountain-sheep clan. This fact is significant, as the Aaltti or Alosaka wear artificial horns and personate Mountain- sheep in several ceremonies.
In the New-fire ceremony, where Alosaka are personated, the per- sonations observe rites at the shrine of a being called Tuwapontumsi (*‘ Earth-altar woman”). The shrine has no statue of this being, but contains simply a block of petrified wood. Sikyahonauwi, an old man of the Tiiwa clan, made for me us his totem a figure with two horns, which he called Tuwapontumsi, a female complement of the double- horned Alosaka.
In the Soyaluna, or Winter-solstice ceremony, we find a figure of Alosaka on the shield of the Ala-Leftya people, and at Oraibi a screen similarly decorated is found. It has not yet been determined, how- eyer, whether this Alosaka screen at Oraibi has any relation to the Ala-Lenya clans.
The Alosaka cult was practiced at Awatobi, for the figurines of Alosaka used in that pueblo, as well as legends connected with them, are known. ‘This is explained on the theory that there were Patun and related Lenya clans in that ill-fated pueblo.
PatK1 CLANS
In the general designation ‘‘ Patki clans” are included the last group which sought refuge from their southern homes among the Hopi. This group includes the Kiikiite (Lizard), called also Tiitwa (Sand), the Tabo (Rabbit) and Piba (Tobacco), and the Rain-cloud. They say that they once lived on the Little Colorado, near Winslow, and when they entered the Walpi valley they built and occupied Pakatcomo, where they practiced a higher form of religion than that which existed in the pueblo founded by the Bear and Snake clans. An intimate study of the character of the surviving rites which these clans say they
FEWKES] THE PATKI CLANS 597
introduced substantiates this claim of their legends, for all the cere- monies ascribed to southern clans are higher than the rite which came from Tokonabi.
The original home of the Patki clans is called in their legends Palatkwabi, and is said to have been near San Carlos in the Gila valley, southern Arizona. The legends of this clan say that their ancestors were forced to leave their ancient home by reason of destruct- ive floods, due to Paliiliikof, the Great Snake, and they migrated northward along the trail indicated by the ruined pueblos mentioned in the following pages. From Kufchalpi, the most ancient pueblo of the Patki, probably, in the Palatkwabi region, they went on in turn to Utcevaca, Kwinapa, Jettipehika (the Navaho name of Teciibkwitcalobi, or Chaves pass), Homolobi (near Winslow), Sibabi (near Comar spring), and Pakatcomo (4 miles from Walpi). The last four ruins have been identified, and extensive archeological investigations have been con- ducted at the fourth and fifth.
We thus have the names of three pueblos occupied by the Patki during their northern migration from Palatkwabi, before they arrived at Chaves pass, which have not yet been identified. These are Kwinapa, Utcevaca, and Kunchalpi. The determination of the sites of these villages, and a study of their archeology, would prove to be an impor- tant contribution to the knowledge of the origin of the Patki clans. Anawita, chief of the Patki, a very reliable man, can point them out to any archeologist who has the means to prosecute these studies in Arizona. When the Patki clans arrived in Tusayan they built the pueblo of Pakatcomo, from which some went to the Middle mesa and others to Walpi. The Patki traditionists say that when their ancestors lived at Pakatcomo the people of Walpi were in sore distress on account of the lack of rain and the consequent failure of crops, hence they invited the Patki to perform their rites to relieve them from calamity. This invitation was accepted, and the Patki societies erected their altars and sang their rain songs at Tawapa. Asa result there came over the land first a mist, then heavy rain with thunder and lightning. Although the latter alarmed the Walpi women, the men were grateful, and the Patki were admitted to the pueblo, which they later joined.
There was probably also another reason for the abandonment of Pakat- como. The pueblo was in a very exposed position, and the Apache were raiding the surrounding country, even up to the very foothills of the East mesa. Pakatcomo was in the plain, and its inhabitants naturally sought the protection of Walpi on its inaccessible mesa site.
Pakatcomo is a small ruin, with walls of stone, and closely resem- bles the ruins at Homolobi, but it was evidently not inhabited for a long time, as the quantity of débris about it is small, and there are only a few fragments of pottery in its mounds.
598 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN.19
Date of the removal of clans from Homotobi
Historical documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries point to the existence at that time of inhabited pueblos in the region west of Zuni and south of the present Hopi towns. We find constant references to the ‘‘Cipias” as living west of Zuni in the seventeenth century, but the name drops out of history in the century following.* Where did they go? Probably to Pakatcomo. In 1604 Juan de Onate, in search of the South sea (the Pacific), marched westward from Zuni to ** Mohoce” 12 or 14 leagues, where he crossed a river. This Mohoce is generally said to be modern Tusayan, which, unfortunately for the identification, is not west but northwest of Zuni, is three times the dis- tance mentioned, and is not on a river. Moreover, to visit the South sea, Onate had no reason to go to the northern or modern Hopi pueblos. He had been there in 1598, and had gone from them to the mines north of Prescott and returned to Zuni by a ‘‘shorter” route. Why should we suppose that he went out of his way from a direct route to the South sea on a subsequent journey? The line of march of Onate in 1604 was stated to be from Zuni west to Mohoce, which name is not restricted by the author to the present Hopi pueblos. The pueblos along the Little Colorado were in Mohoce, for, as we shall see, the Gilenos told Fray Francisco Garces in 1775 that ** la nacion Moquis” formerly extended to Rio Gila.
In 1632 the Little Colorado settlements were still occupied, but by the middle of the seventeenth century the Apache had raided the ter- ritory between the settlements of sedentary Sobaipuri tribe of the San Pedro and those of the Hopi along the Little Colorado, preventing the trade between the tribes which had been common in the sixteenth century. In 1674 the hostiles had destroyed a Zuni pueblo, and there is every reason to believe had forced the clans in the Little Colorado valley northward to modern Tusayan. It is therefore highly probable that the pueblos in the neighborhood of Winslow were deserted in the latter half of the seventeenth century.
The ** Kingdom of Totonteac,” which is mentioned in documentary accounts written in the sixteenth century, is now generally regarded as the same as Tusayan, but neither name was restricted to the pres- ent Moqui reservation in early times. There is every reason to sup- pose that when Coronado marched through New Mexico in quest of Cibola, the pueblos along the Little Colorado south of Walpi were inhabited, and that there were other inhabited pueblos, now in ruins, south of these. Totonteac may have been the name of one of these clusters” possibly as far south as Verde valley or Tonto basin; but
1In talking over traditions with Sufioitiwa, a member of the Asa clan, the author found that he placed the home of the Cipias or Zipias south of Laguna and east of Zuili. Whether these were related to the Cipias west of Zufli was not known to him.
*Tusayan extended far south of Walpi in the sixteenth century. According to Castafeda it was 25 leagues from Cibola, which distance he later reduces in his account to 20 leagues. Espejo says that Zuni is another name for Cibola. Now, 20 leagues from Zufi,in the direction indicated, would not bring one to Walpi in northern Tusayan, but to some other Tusayan pueblos, possibly Homolobi.
FEWKES] THE PATKI CLANS 599
Captain Melchior Diaz learned from the natives that ‘‘ Totonteac lies about seven days’ easy journey from Cibola. The country, the houses, and the people are of the same appearance as in Cibola. Cotton was said to grow there well, but I doubt this, for the climate is cold. Totonteac was stated to contain twelve towns, each of them greater than Cibola.” *
The akove quotation is from Mendoza’s letter of April 17, 1540, but on August 3 of the same year Coronado wrote to Mendoza that the Cibolans informed him that the kingdom of Totonteac was “‘a hotte lake on the edge of which there are five or six houses.” In the same letter Coronado says: ** They tell me about seven cities which are at a considerable distance. . . . The first of these four places about which they know is called Tucano.” ”
Certainly, if we judge from the contents of this letter, Coronado’s informants did not regard Totonteac and Tucano as the same cluster of towns or *‘kingdoms.” It seems more rational to believe that they were names applied to two different groups of villages, west and northwest of Cibola, respectively, neither of which may have been the present Hopi pueblos, but both may have been inhabited by clans which later found refuge in what is now the Moqui reservation.
The old men of the Gila Indians told Gareés in 1775 that the **Moqui nation” formerly extended to the Gila, and that its people built the pueblos then in ruins in their country.*
Patki ( Walpi and Sichumovi)
Men and boys Women and girls = Bs =. = Supela Naciumsi Kwatcakwa Koitsyumsi Teazra Nemsi Sakwistiwa Nempka Suni Yuna | Citaimi Naciainima Kwazra Gnenapi | Makiwt Ku'yt Mowt Tcie
1 Letter of Don Antonio de Mendoza to Charles V, Ternaux-Compans, ser.1, tome Ix, p.292. Ibid., Nordenski6ld’s translation, p. 135.
2Winship, Coronado Expedition, p. 562.
$“ Esta enemistad me la habian contado los Indios viejos de mi Mision los Gilenos, y Cocomarico- pas por cuya noticia he discurrido quela nacion Moquis se extendia antiquamente hasta el mismo Rio Gila: fundome para esto en las Ruinas que se hallaron desde Esta Rio hasta la tierra de los Apaches, y que lo las he visto entre las sierras de la Florida,’’ ete.—From a copy of the Diario in the Library of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
Since this paper was written a translation of the Diario, with valuable notes, by that eminent scholar, the late Dr Elliott Coues, has been published (see On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer, the Diary and Itinerary of Francisco Garcés, New York, 1900, vol. 11, p. 386).
600 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS
Patki ( Walpi and Sichumovi)—Continued
(ETH. ANN. 19
Men and boys Women and girls Unga Napwaisia Pocto Kumaletsima Kwaa Kumawensi Nacita Tuwabensi Namtti Penna Tu'ba Koinranumsi Nasanihoya Poliena Poule Tocia Talasnini Lenmana Poyona
Naciumsi ?
Teazragy Sakwistiway Nacitagy Tubeumsi ? * Supelag Kwatcakwag? Makiwi?¢ . | | Nemsi? Nempka@ i ae =e een | a Suii¢ Citaimuz Teie¢ Kwazragd Kuryu? | Napwaisia 9 Kumaletsima ? i Kotsyumsi ? Anawitagy Kwaadg Yura? Naciainima 9 Gnenapi 2 Talasnuni ? Povona?g 9* Penna Uiigag Mowt¢ Koinranumsi be} Poliena 9 =| | Pouled? Av(?)
FEWKES] THE PATKI CLANS 601
Kumawensi 2
|
Tuwabensi 2
Poctogy Lenmana 9 Tocia@?
Twhbag
Nasanihoya?
Several members of the Patki clan live in Sichumovi. Their names follow:
Men and boys
Women and girls
Anawita Sikyomana Teoshoniwt Kwamana Klea Loci Haiyuma
Tazru
Teoshoniwti 4 Sikyomana 9
| | iM Kwamana 9 Loci?
|
Sica
Haiyum + Tazru?
The Piba (Tobacco) and the intimately associated Tabo (Rabbit) and Sowi (Hare) clans are given a southern origin by their traditionalists. Some associate them with the Squash, others with the Water-house or Rain-cloud group, but all ascribe to them former habitations on the Little Colorado near Winslow. The ruin which now marks the site of their former home is probably that near the mouth of Cheylon fork, called Cakwabaiyaki. There is well-nigh strict uniformity in the statements that there were Piba clans in the village of Awatobi, and some say there were Piba people in the Patki settlement of Pakatcomo. The chief of the Piba clans at the former pueblo was Tapolo, who was the first Tataukyamu chief at Walpi; and Hani, who says he is a direct descendant of Tapolo,' is chief of the same religious society in that pueblo.
1Tapolo admitted the hostile Walpi into Awatobi on the night that the latter pueblo was destroyed. After the massacre he settled in Walpi.
19 ETH, pr 2—01——3
Piba-Tabo ( Walpi and Sichumovi)
TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS
(ETH. ANN.19
Men and boys
Hani Talashonima Nuatiwa Samimoki Teali Kwabehu Pimt Sikyaweamu
Soma Siskyamu Masahoniwt Teaini
Wisti
Namoki
Lapu
Letaiyo
Tinabi
Talasi Tetthoya Lelentei Tiiktei Honauwtt Pitcika Kutcahonauwt Homovi
Hani?
|
Women and girls
Tciewuqti Tetwitigti Tubenumka Pofiyawika Owakoli Koitswi Siepnimana Sikyatci Tubi Koyoainimt Siumka
Masainumsi
Piba Teiewliqti 2 Teiiwt
igti¢ Nuatiwa¢?
|
Samimoki? ]
Kwabehu?y |
Owakoli ? Koitswd 2
Kutcahonauwt 4
Sikyaweamu¢ |
-onvawika Tubenumka 9
Soma?
| Laput Sikyatei 2
Siepnimana ? Siumka ¢
|
Piteikat Tubi
FEWKES]
Masainumsi ¢
| males
THE PATKI CLANS
603
Tabo
+0
2 er
Letaiyo? Talasi? Tealig Namoki?¢ Titwa-Kikiite (Walpi and Sichumovi) Men and boys | Women and girls | Kakapti | Koiyabi Sikyabotima Gnapi Takala Kutco Sikyahonauwt Humiumka Teabi Sikoboli Teaka Wakoi Sutki Teozra Sania Nakwafnwuisi Taoma Kerwaunainimt Awata Payunmana Peryauma Sikyampu Lomatcoki Talaskubi Tubenhima Lalaito Pavatiya Tuwint Hahabi Cres ig | Sutkia Pavatiyal re Payunmana 2 Sikyampu ? Tuwinn?s (Henry) (Tom)! 2 * Teabig Teakaz Lomatcoki?
Q*
|
;
Kuteo?
Sikyahonauwh +
| | | Kakapti? Sikyabotima? Takala¢# | Saniag SikoboliQ Wakoi9?
Humiumka 9?
Koiyabi?
Teozra ie Talaskubi &
Taoma? Hahabi¢
Peryaumag?
1Tom’s mother was of the Ala clan; whenshe died Tom was adopted into the Tiwa.
604 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN. 19
CLANS FROM MUIOBI AND NEW MEXICAN PUEBLOS Honau CLAN
The author has been unable to gather much information regarding the early history of the Bear clan. Kotka, the chief, asserts that his people were the first to come to the Hopi country; that they formerly lived at Muiobi, the Rio Grande region, and that they ** overcame” Masauti, the ancient owner of Tusayan. The author is inclined to regard the Bear clan as one of the groups of Pueblo people from the vast which migrated to Tusayan at an early date, founding a pueblo on a site assigned to it by the Kokop, with whom it lived in friend- ship until the advent of the Snake people; his interpretation of the ‘overthrow of Masauti,” a tutelary god of Sikyatki, will be given later.
There are at the present time only three members of the Honau clan in Walpi: Masaiumcei, the oldest woman, with her son, Kotka, the chief, and a daughter, Hofsi, wife of Tu"noa, the Flute chief. Hojisi has no children, and if none are born to her, the Honau clan, which was once most powerful in Walpi, will become extinct at the death
of the chief and his sister. Honau ( Walpi)
Masaiumcei 4
Kotka¢ 2 ale Koxor CLaNs
The former home of the Kokop clans was Sikyatki, a pueblo now in ruins, about three miles north of Walpi. Archeologic evidence indi- cates that this pueblo was destroyed before the first contact of the Hopi with the Spaniards, and the Kokop legends declare that it was overthrown by Walpi. There was a clan in the Kokop group called the Masauti clan, and the Snake legends recount that Masauti formerly owned all the country, but that they, the Snake people, overcame him and received their title to the site of Walpi from him. This is believed to be a reference to the Sikyatki tragedy, and to indicate that Masaut, the God of Fire, was a tutelary god of the Kokop or Firewood people.
Katci, the chief of the surviving Kokop clans, says that his people originally came from the pueblo of Jemez or the Jemez country, and that before they lived at Sikyatki they had a pueblo in Keams canyon. Others say that they also once lived at Eighteen-mile spring, between Cotton’s ranch (Pueblo Ganado) and Punci (Keams canyon); others that they drifted at one time into the eastern part of Antelope valley, where the ruin of their pueblo can still be seen.
Archeologic investigation shows that Sikyatki was inhabited for many years, that its population was large, and that it had developed ceramic art in special lines characteristic of Tusayan ware. The technique
2Kotka really belongs to the Kokyan (Spider) clan of the Bear phratry.
FEWKES] CLANS FROM MUIOBI 605
and pictography of Sikyatki pottery are distinctly Hopi, showing that the makers had developed a characteristic art which could have been attained only after a long interval. The peculiarities of this pottery are not found elsewhere in the Pueblo area and are not equaled by modern Hopi potters. These conditions indicate long residence in Tusayan.
The being called Eototo has many resemblances to Masauti and may be the same being under another name. There was formerly an Eototo clan among the Kokop people, and the masks of the two per- sonifications are very similar. In Niman-kateina, in which Kototo is personated, the Kokop chief assumes that part.
Kokop ( Walpi)
Men and boys Women and girls Katci Sakabenka Maho | Kunowhuya Kunahia | Teveyaci Sami | Ani Teta Lekwati Koitswinu Hahaie Heya Nakwawainima
Posiomana Kutenaiya
Sakabenka 9 Kutenaiya 2
| | |: nl a ;
Katei ¢ Kunahia 7 Maho ¢ Heya 7
During the last decades of the seventeenth century many clans fled from upper Rio Grande valley to the Hopi country. These were mainly Tewa people, for hardly had the Spaniards been driven out of New Mexico in 1680 than the eastern pueblos began to quarrel among themselves and, as a rule, the Tano and Tewa were worsted. A few of the former and many of the latter escaped to the province of Alaki (Horn house, Hopi country) between 1680 and 1700.
About the middle of the eighteenth century many of the descend- ants of these fugitives were persuaded to return, being reestablished in new pueblos. It is highly probable that the people who were thus brought back belonged to Tanoan clans, and were not true Hopi, although called ‘t Moquis,” or *‘ Moquinos,” in the accounts of that time, from the fact that they had lived in the Hopi country. In other words, they were Tewa and Tano people who had fled to Tusayan, and not original Hopi. There has been a wave of migration from the Rio Grande to the Hopi country and then a return of the same people to their former homes. No considerable number of true Hopi have
606 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN. 19
migrated to the Rio Grande and remained there, but many Tewa people who fled to Tusayan have never returned to their former homes on the Rio Grande. This is an important fact, and partially explains the existence of so many Tanoan ceremonies in the Hopi pueblos, especially of the East mesa, where Tewan influence has been the strongest. The Hano villagers are of Tanoan stock, as were prob- ably the Asa, who were somewhat modified during their life at Zuni.’ No connected migration story of the Honani clans has yet been obtained, but it is said that they lived at Kicuba, and brought katcinas, which are now in their special keeping. The Katcina clan is also supposed to have come from eastern pueblos, but of that no cireum- stantial proof can yet be given.
Hownant CLANs
The Honani clans once lived at Tuwanacabi, north of the Hopi pueblos, where ruins are still to be seen. They say that the Honani katcinas came up from the Underworld at that point, and that they entrusted themselves to the special keeping of these clans. The Honani migrated to Oraibi from their home at Tuwanacabi, and later some of them went to the Middle mesa, and to Awatobi and Walpi. At the time of the Awatobi massacre, in 1700, some of the Honani women were carried to Mastcomo, near the Middle mesa, where they were divided among their captors, some being taken to Mishongnovyi, and others to Walpi.
These women are not now represented by female descendantsin Walpi, as all the Honani women on the East mesa are domiciled in Sichumovi.* Evidences drawn from the pictography of modern pottery shows that the katcinas were late arrivals at Walpi, and their association with Honaniand Asa clans shows that these two groups were kindred. That the Honani claim to have the katcinas in their special keeping points the same way and supports the legends that this cult was a late addition to the preéxisting Hopi ritual.
Honani (Sichumovi)
Men and boys Women and girls Hozro Kelewugqti Monwt Kokaamu Apa | Teutcunamana Yakwa Kutcamana Totei (Zuni) Sikyanunuma Simotei Seziuta Yoyowaia
1 There is no doubt that the Asa people lived in Zufli, where they left some members of their elan. The descendants of these are now called Aiwahokwe. 2The ancestors of the Honani of Sichumovyi came to that pueblo from Oraibi.
FE WKES] CLANS FROM MUIOBI 607
Monwid Yakwag Simotei¢ Kelewiiqti 9 Kokaamn ? |
Sezutad ] | |
Teuteunamana Kutcamana The Buli or Butterfly clan is regarded as the same as the Honani or Badger. It formerly lived at Awatobi, and, although not now repre-
sented at Walpi, it is important in Sichumovi.
Buli (Sichumovi)
Men and boys Women and girls Ami | Siwikwabi Aksi Lakonemana Cikuli Neanufamana Sezuta Siomana Nanakoci Siwihonima Tabohia Koitshonsi Teoetki Yoyowaia Kotcama Avatcoya
Siwikwabi? Lakonemana ? | | | |
Amit Nanakocig¢ KoitshofsiQ Tabohia# Neanufiamana? Siomanad Aksi¢ Cikuli¢ Seziitay
| Avatcoyagy Koteama
Katerina on ANWucr CLANS
The Katecina or Afiwuci clans were of late arrival at the East mesa, and are reported to have come from the east. The only ruins which have been identified as homes of these clans are Kieu and Winba, or Katcinaba, the small ruin of which is situated about 3 miles east of Sikyatki, in the foothills of the same mesa. There are at present very few people of this group at Walpi, and none at Sichumoyi. Hano contains a considerable number, which would indicate that the main body went to that settlement. The abandoned houses east of the main cluster of Hano, where the site of the Katcina-kiva was pointed out by Wehe, are said to have been once inhabited by people of this group. The modern houses of the Katcina clan of Hano are on the other side of the main house cluster.
608 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN. 19
Kateina or Atiwuei ( Walpi)
Men and boys Women and girls Naka Komaletsi Kuki Nakwainumsi Lomayema Napwaiasi Talawint Lomaiumtiwa
Tu'maia
Sikyawisi
Teoki Q* Naka?y Kiki? Komaletsi 2 | |
Nakwainumsi ? Talawinid Teoki¢ Lomaiumtiwa? j | |
Napwaiasi 2 Turmaia 7 Sikyawisi¢
PaKkaB CLANS
The legends of the Pakab clans are somewhat conflicting, but Pau- tiwa, of the Eagle clan, has given the most intelligible account. His ancestors, he asserts, came from the eastern pueblos, and once inhab- ited a village, now in ruins, called Kwavonampi. This ruin has not been identified, but was probably not far fram Pueblo Ganado, and possibly may have been the same as Wukopakabi (*‘Great reed or arrow place”). It has been suggested that the Pakab (Arrow) was the same as the Awata (Bow) clan, which lived at Awatobi (** Place of the bow”), and additional evidence to support this suggestion is that the Bow priests came from the Bow clans. It is highly probable that the Pakab lived at Awatobi, where they were known as the Awata.
According to Stephen, on authority of Pautiwa, the Eagle clan once lived at Citaimu, now a ruin at the foot of the Middle mesa, which they abandoned, part of the inhabitants going to Walpi, others to Mishongnoyi.
The aftiliation of the Pakab ceremony has an important bearing on the question of clan origin. The Momtcita ceremony peculiar to the Pakab has strong resemblances to a Zuni rite. This ceremony occurs just after the winter solstice, and although it has never been thoroughly studied,’ the author has ample hearsay data concerning it. Pautiwa,
1The author witnessed the Ceremony in 1900,
PEWKES| CLANS FROM MUIOBI 609
the Pakab chief, is also chief of a warrior society called Kalektaka, which the Hopi declare is the same as the Zuni ** Society of the Bow” (Api hlaushiwani). He has a figurine of Piiiikomhoya which corre- sponds with the Zuni Ahaiuta, and when he sets it in place his acts are identical with those of Naiuche, the Zuni Bow chief. On the walls of the room where it is kept there are figures of animals of the cardinal points identical with those at Zuni, and the public dance of the Momtcita resembles the War dance at the latter pueblo.
The evidence is strong enough to show that the Momtcita is closely related to the warrior celebration of the Zuni Bow priests, and it is believed to have been derived from Zuni, from some pueblo colony of Zuni, or from the same source as the Zuni variant, which means that the Pakab clans are of Zuni origin.
The probability that the Pakab (Reed, Arrow) clans were the same as the Awata (Bow) clans makes it possible that Awatobi was settled by the Pakab people. There is nothing in the Pakab legends to forbid this, but on the other hand there is nothing definite to support it except the important statement that there were Pakab people at Awatobi. The Pakab-Awata may then be regarded as the founders of Awatobi, and if this be true there must have been close kinship between Awatobi and Zuni, or some settlement or Pueblo whose inhabi- tants later went to Zuni.
Pakab (Walpi and Sichumovi)
Men and boys Women »nd girls
Pautiwa | Nunsi! Kanu | Teoro
| Piba | Kannae Kiitckwabi | Lenhonima Nae | Kokoma
| Potea Payvunamana Winuta Ponyanumka Tuwasmi | Kumahabi
Ciaum
Sikwi
1Her arm was amputated years ago by Dr Jeremiah Sullivan (Urwici). Dr Sullivan lived for some
years at Walpi, studying Hopi customs.
610 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS (ETH. ANN.19
Nunsi 9 | i} = == = =. | a Pautiwag Teoro? Kanu? Kannae 9 Pibag Winutag Tuwasmi?¢ | | | Ciaum# SikwiZ? Lefihonima ¢ TO 7 7 : Kokoma @ Pavuhhamana ¢ Kiitekwabi¢ Kumahabi ? Ponyanumka 9
Nae? Potecad
Asa OR TCAKWAINA CLANS *
The Asa clans are said to have formerly lived at Kaétibi, near Santa Fe (Alaviya),* and near Abiquiu. They are reputed to have originally been of Tewa ancestry, and to have left the Rio Grande at about the end of the sixteenth century. In their western migration they went to Tukwi (Santo Domingo) and from there to Kawaika (Laguna). From Kawaika they proceeded to Akokaiabi (Acoma), and thence to Sioki (Zuni), where some of this clan still live, being known to the Zuni as the Aiwakokwe clan. How long the Asa lived at the pueblo last named, and whether the Zuni ascribe to the clan an origin in the upper Rio Grande, are unknown.
Some of the Asa continued their migration from Zuni, proceeding to the Awatobi mesa, where they built a pueblo called Teakwainaki (‘‘ village of the Teakwaina clans”), near the wagon road west of the extreme end of the mesa. It is said that katcinas were then with them. They did not remain at this village a long time, but continued to the East mesa. The site of their first village at this mesa is not clearly indicated by the legends; perhaps they joined the Tewa clans, their kindred, above the spring called Isba, and it is said by some that they aided the other Tewa in their fights with the Ute. The Asa legends recount that after they had been in Tusayan for some time they built houses on the end of the East mesa above the gap (Wala), east of Hano. Years of drought resulted in a famine, and the Asa moyed away to Canyon de Chelly, in the *t Navaho country,” where they lived in houses now in ruins. They intermarried with the Navaho, but ultimately returned to Walpi, and found that other Tewa clans occupied their former dwellings, whereupon the Walpi chief assigned them a site for a new village at the head of the ‘Stairway trail,” if they would defend it against enemies. Their houses for the greater part are now
oO" 5S
1The cult of Teakwaina common to Zufii and the East mesa is ascribed to this clan. 2 Alta villa, Spanish ‘* High town,”
FEWKES] ASA CLANS 611 in ruins, although one of them, east of the Wikwaliobi-kiva, is still inhabited by an old woman of the Asa clan.
Toward the end of the eighteenth century the majority of the women of the Asa phratry moyed to another point on the East mesa and founded the pueblo of Sichumovi, where their descendants still live.
The exodus of the Asa people to the Navaho country may have been about the year 1780, when Anza was governor of New Mexico. At that time we learn that the Hopi were in sore distress owing to the failure of their crops, as the legend also states, and many moved to the Navaho country, where men were killed and women *‘ reduced to slavery.” InSeptember of the year named, Anza found that two Hopi pueblos had been abandoned and that forty families had departed.' As the legends declare that the Asa left at about this time for the same region, it is probable that these were the people to whom Anza refers.
It is not unlikely that the Asa and Tewa clans formed a part of the Tanoan people who were forced to leave the upper Rio Grande yalley directly after the great rebellion of 1680. Niel is said to have stated? that at about this time 4,000 Tanos went to Tusayan by way of Zuni, which is the trail the present Asa people say their ancestors took. We are told that they went to Alaki, and as the Ala (Horn) people were then strong at the settlements of Walpi, on the terrace of the East mesa, it is not improbable that their yillage was sometimes called Alaki, or ‘Horn pueblo.” From the Hopi side we find verification of this historical event, for it is said that many people came to them from the great river just after the rebellion of 1680. The number mentioned by Niel, the statement that they went to Oraibi, and indeed all that pertains to the ** kingdom founded by Trasquillo,” may have been from hearsay. At all events the Asa people do not seem to have gone to Oraibi, nor are their clans now represented at this pueblo.
As hearing on the claim of Asa traditionists, the following quota- tion from that well-known scholar, Bandelier, has great importance:
The modern town of Abiquiu stands almost on the site of an ancient village. The town was built in part by Genizaros or Indian captives, whom the Spaniards had rescued or purchased from their captors. The Tehuas of Santa Clara contend that most of these Genizaros came from the Moquis, and that therefore the old pueblo was called Josoge. *
As the Asa legends claim the site or vicinity of Abiquiu as their Rio Grande home, it would have been a natural proceeding if any of
1See Bancroft, Works, vol. xv11 (New Mexico and Arizona), p. 186. 2See Bancroft, op. cit., and others. $ Final Report, part 2, p. 54.
612 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS LETH. ANN. 19
them resettled there when they went back. These ** Joso” (Hopi) were probably Tewa from the East mesa, and as some of the Asa returned to the Rio Grande in the middle of the eighteenth century, it would be quite natural for the Tewa to call the old pueblo on the site of Abi- quiu Josoge (** Hopi pueblo”).
The Asa people, like the Honani, brought some katcinas to Walpi, among which may be mentioned Teakwaina. In the winter solstice meeting of the Asa, at which their peculiar fetishes are exhibited in the kiva, the Asa display as an heirloom an old mask called Teakwaina, which they claim to have brought with them when they came into the country. There is a striking likeness between this mask and those of Natacka, and it is suspected that the Asa brought the Natacka to the East mesa. It is instructive to note that the Asa are not represented in the Middle mesa pueblos and Oraibi, and important light could be shed on this question if we knew that the Natacka were also unrepre- sented in these villages. The author suspects, on good ground, that the Oraibi have no Natacka in the Powamti ceremony.
The similarity in symbolism between the masks of Teakwaina, Natacka, and Calako taka is noteworthy, and it is not impossible that they are conceptions derived from Zuni or some Zuni settlement. The home of Calako was the present ruin of Winima, near St Johns, Arizona, from which place the Zuni Calako came, according to both Hopi and Zuni legends. The Hopi Calako is said to have come from the same place. It is likewise highly probable that the Asa introduced several other katcinas besides the Teakwainas. Sichumoyi, the present home of the Asa, is often called a Zuni pueblo, probably because it was settled by Asa (Aiwahokwe) clans from Zuni. This is probably the Hopi town which the Zuiis say is one of their pueblos in the Hopi country.
Asa people at Walpi
Men and boys Women ; Ametola Wukomana Nivati
Sunoitiwt | Hauta
Kiazru
Hayo
Tu'kia
Afiwuci
Talahoya (Soyoko)
Mu'na
1 EWKES]
ASA CLANS
Asa people at Sichumovi
Men and boys
Women and girls
613
Hola Tuwanainimt Tuwakuku Polici Kukiutei Kiukwaiesi Mae Letaiomana Wacri Poboli Kipo Nuya Sikyatila Hanoko Lomanapoca Talawaisia Nivahonimt Suhtibmana Honainimi Sikavenka Sikyamuniwa Talamana Lomaiisba Hokona Turkwinamt Teoro Payashoya Masaiunima Kalektaka Hewi Taimu Palawica Suki Pucimana Pofici Poli Tu'wanumsi Omowt Pawaiasi Tabohoya Poboli 2
Tuwahainima? Tuwakiikii¢? Kiikiteif? Holag
Turwanumsi 9
Polici 9
| ~
| SikavenkaQ? Talamana? HokonaQ Sikyamuniwag Kalektaka? Q* Q* Sikyatilag Lomanapoca? Suhtbmana 4 Mae? Wacri¢ Kiikwaiesi 9 | | Pucimana 9 Tabohoya? Kipog Letaiomana 9 Pawaiasig Poli? Mumad¢ Tiwkiag Talawaisia 4 | | Nuvahonimi? Honainimt
614 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN. 19
POPULATION OF WALPI AND SICHUMOVI BY CLANS
Walpi Sichumovi
PVs winlwilleeseeee eee 24 Asa TWIT Willits oo < soca 40 Honau winwt-...-.--- 3 Honani wifwt ..------ 13 Katcina wifiwi..-.-..--- 11 Buliswinwilees. oss ese 16 Patkiwiltwil= se see se oe 37 Patki winwi-.-.-....-- 8 Pakab winwnt --.------- 14 Tiawa-Kikite winwi.- 15 Kokop winwt.....---- 16 Pakab wifiwfl .-------- 4 sain ses eee ae 11 Piba-Tabo winwfi --- -- 21 Tiiwa-Kiikiite wihwi.. 14 Oraibi women........- Z Lenya wittww 2.2.2. -- 37 Ala will WUE ao! oe cree 22 Total ..-..-...---- 119 Piba-Tabo winwnt -.--- 16
Rota ar Pees 205
HANO CLANS
The present people of Hano are, in the main, descendants of Tewa clans which are said to have come to the East mesa at the invitation of the Snake chief of Walpi about the end of the decade following the destruction of Awatobi. These clans still speak the Tewa language, but, owing to intermarriage, they are more closely related consanguin- rally to the Hopi than to those speaking the Tewa language along the upper Rio Grande.
The traditions regarding the advent of the ancestors of the Hano people are more circumstantial than those of the other component peoples of Tusayan. The best traditionists state that the ancestors of these clans were invited by an old Snake chief, who was then the kimonwi or pueblo chief of Walpi, to leave their home in the upper Rio Grande valley and settle in Tusayan. The Ute were at that time harrying the Hopi, and four times an embassy bearing prayer sticks was sent by the Hopi to the Tewa chief. The fourth invitation was accepted, and the Tewa clans started westward.
The original home of these clans is said to be Teewadi, and they claim that they speak the same language as the present people of the pueblos of (1) O'ke’; (2) Ka’po; (3) Po’kwoide; (4) Posonwt; (5) Nambe; and (6) Tetsogi. Their trail of migration is variously given. The following route is on the authority of Hatco:
Leaving Tcewadi they went to Jemesi, or Jemez, where they rested, some say, a year. From Jemesi they continued to O'pinp o, called by the Hopi Pawikpa (*‘ Duck-water”). There they rested a short time, some say, another year, then continued to Kipo, or Honaupabi (Fort Wingate). From there they went on to the present site of Fort Detiance, and after halting there a year continued to Wukopakabi (Cot- ton’s ranch) aud to Puneci (Keams canyon). Passing through Puici,
FEWK ES] HANO CLANS 615
they went on to the East mesa, where they built a pueblo on the high land near Isba, or Coyote spring. The site of their pueblo can still be seen here, and obscure house walls may be traced on the ridge of land to the left of the trail above the spring, near the rocky eminence valled Sikyaowatcomo (** Yellow-rock mound”’).!
While living here they used a spring called Unba, near the peach trees west of the mound on which the old pueblo stands. This spring is now filled with sand, and its exact position is problematic, but a spring called Isba, on the east side of the old Hano pueblo, to which reference has previously been made, is still used by the Hano people.®
The original Tewa clans were as follows:
Tewa Hopi English Okuwan Patki Rain-cloud Sa Piba Tobacco Kolon Kae Corn Tenytik | Hekpai Pine Katcina Kateina Nan Tiiwa Sand
*Kopeeli | ——— Pink-shell?
*Kapo lo Atoko Crane
*Koyanni Teosbiici Turquoise
*Tan Tawa Sun
*Pe Kokop? Firewood? Ke Honau Bear
*Tayek
*Tceta | Kiikiite Bivalve-shell
*The clans whose names are preceded by an asterisk are now extinct. Legends current in Hano state that the first kimonwi, or chief, of the pueblo belonged to the Niifi towa.
It will be noticed that several of these clans are named from the same objects from which certain Walpi clans derive their names. Thus at Hano we have Rain-cloud, Tobacco, Corn, Katcina, Sand, and Bear clans corresponding to the same at Walpi. The present village chief, Anote, belongs to the Sa (Tobacco) clan, and his predecessor, Kepo, was a member of the Kolon clan. It is reported that the first pueblo chief of the Tewa of Hano who migrated to Tusayan was
1The shrine of the Sun, used during the Taiitai rite, is situated to the east of this rock. In this shrine are placed, during the Soyalunia ceremony, the tawa saka paho (sun-ladder pahos), the omowt saka paho (raincloud-ladder-pahos), and several forms of hakwakwocis, or feathered strings.
*This spring is owned by the Hano clans, and much of the water which they use is taken from it. The cleaning out of springs when, as often happens, they are filled with drift sand is one of the few instances of communal pueblo work performed by the Hopi. As this time arrives notice is given by the town crier, by direction of the chief (kimonwi), and all the men of the pueblo aid in the work. When Tawapa spring was cleaned out in the autumn of 1898 the male adults of Walpi worked there for three days, and the women cooked food near by, so that at the close of each day's work there wasa great feast. While the work was going on a circle of the old men smoked native eeremonial tobacco in ancient pipes.
616 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN. 19
Mapibi of the Nin (Sand) clan, and Potan of the Ke (Bear) clan is said to have succeeded Mapibi. There are no Tewa women belonging to the Hano clans living in Walpi, the pueblos of the Middle mesa, or Oraibi.
The legends of their conflicts with the Ute, who were making hos- tile inroads upon the Hopi, have several variants, but all agree in stating that the Tewa fought with and defeated the Ute, and that the last stand of these nomads was made on the sand hill east of the mesa. Into that place the Ute had driven all the sheep which they had captured and made a rampart of their carcasses. This place now has the name Cikwitu’kwi (*‘ Meat mound”) from that occurrence. Here the Ute were defeated andall but a few (two or four) were killed. There is an enumeration of the number above the wagon trail to Hano a short distance below the gap (Wala). The men who were saved were released and sent back to join their kindred with the word that the Tewa bears had come to Tusayan to defend it. Since this event the inroads of the Ute have ceased.
Asa reward for their aid in driving back the Ute, the Tewa were given for their farms all the land north of a line drawn through Wala, the gap, across the valleys on each side of the East mesa, at right angles to the mesa; there their farms and homes in the foothills near Isba are now situated. The land holdings of the Hopi clans are south of this line, and the new houses which they have built in the foothills are on the same side.
Almost all the people of Hano speak Hopi as well as Tewa, but even the Hopi men married to Hano women do not understand the language of the pueblo in which they live.
The people of Hano are among the most industrious of the inhabit- ants of the East mesa. Although they number only about 160, they have (in 1899) more children in the school at Keams canyon than all the other six pueblos, which number approximately 1,800 inhabitants.
FEWKES] HANO CLANS Census oF Hano Cians Sa or Tobacco clan | Men and boys Women and girls Anote Okan Asena | Heli Ipwantiwa Kotu Howila Kwan Mota Nuci Yauma Tcebopi Tuwabema Palakae Kaptiwa or | Anote? Okan 2 Heli? Kotu? | | | Mota? | PalakaeQ Kaptiwa 7? Asena? Ipwantiwag Kwai 2 Tcepobi?
Howila? Yaumay Nuci®? Tuwabema 4+
Kolon or Corn clan
Men and boys
Polaka Patunitupi Kano Toto
Peke
Kelo | Komaletiwa Kalaokun Tacena Oba Agaiyo Tcide
Women and girls
Koteaka Nampio Kwentcowt Akontcauwt Talikwia Awatcauwi Heele
Afitce Kumpipi Pelé
Kontce Teaiwt Kweckateaniwt
19 ETH, pr 2—U1——-4
618 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS (ETH. ANN. 19 Koteaka 9 Patuntupi¢ Polaka gy Kano? Nampio fe] | eee Kwentcowt 2 Kalaokui # Komaletiwagy Akonteauwnt 9 Talikwia ¢ Toto? Peke?# Kelo#? Heele? Awatcauwt | | i aaa Agaiyog | Teide? Obad Tacena? Afitce? | | | | | Teaiwh ? Kweckateatiwa 2 KontceQ Pelé? Kumpipi 2? Ke or Bear clan Men and boys Women and girls | Hatco Kaun Mepi Pobi Yoyebelli Ubi Palankwaamti Taletcan Yane Tcetcan Tegi Tcepella Cakwatotci Teakwaina {°) + Teakwainagy Kaui ? Hatco? Teetean 2 Pobi? | baa l Ubi9 Cakwatotci¢ Mepi¢ Yaleteah@ Tcepella? Yoyebelli¢ = Palafikwaama¢
FEWKEs] HANO CLANS Teniik or Pine clan ee ee ee Men and boys Women and girls Nato Kala Tae Katcinamana Lelo Naici Polialla Selapi Yodot Kele Pobitca Akantei Pobinella Tabomana Tope Koitswaiasi Altei Potei Yeba Urpobi Kuta Peta Paoba Ee Tolo Hokona Sapele eee 2 * | 7 Kele? Tabomana 2 Urpobi Peta? Pobinellag Akantci 2 | | | | Koitswaiasi 2 Paoba #7 Alteig Topey Ee? Yebas 2 * | Lelog Pobitcagy Kala? a | P Katcinamana 9 Naici? Poliallay Selapi? Natog Hokona ?
Tolo? |
Kurtag Sapele?
Ea! g
620 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN. 19
Nai or Sand clan
Men and boys Women and girls
Poneauwi Pocilopobi
Pocine | Talabensi
Talaiumtiwa Kae
Galakwai Avatca
Kainali Aupobi
Ku'wanhiptiwa Hermiumsi
Tetokya Koatei
Sia
2 * 1 | | Poncauwi? Pocilopobi 9 Pocineg? Sia? Talaiumtiwad Koatei? Talabensi 9 Avatea ? KaeQ | | Kurwanhiptiwad Tetokyad Hermiumsi ? | | Kainali¢ Aupobi? Galakwaidg
Katcina clan
Men and boys
Women and girls
Kwebehoya Taci
Oyi
Avaiyo Wehe Sibentima Tawihonima Tcuayauma Koloa
Mali
Okun Pintcena Kawaio Ku'yapi Su'tapki Kotcamu
) !
Nokontce Orkotce Kwenka Poteauwt Pen
Pen Sawiyt Niiva Teao
Awe Kalatean | Pobitcan Po'tza Yowailo Teanwi Keselo Paupobi
FEWKES] HANO CLANS 621 Wehe? Sibentima? Tawihonima? Nokontee 2 | | Kwebehoyag Taci? Portza io) Pobitean 2 Kalatcan ¢ | | Kawaio? Kuryapi? Orkun? Pintcena gt Orkotee ¢ Oyi¢ Niiva 2 Avaiyo? Pen 2 Kwenka 2 Poteauwt 2 ed hd | a | | | | Koloag Mali¢ Teao? Surtapkig Awe? Tenayauma @ Peng Koteamug Sawiyt 2 Yowailog Teanwi? Keselo? Paupobi 2
7 Okuwan or Cloud clan
Men and boys |
Women and girls
Kalakwai Kalai Tectia Wiwela! Yate Kelan Solo
Pabe Koktcina Tceikwai Poyi Tukpa* Wati Moto? Peti Pemelle Sunitiwa Tazu* Polikwabi®
Yowaan Sikyumka
Saiya
Kwentce Talitce
Asou
Yekwi Teéeé
Suhub. Keko*
Pobiteawtt
Tawamana
mana
1 Lives at Shufopovi.
2 Lives at Walpi.
3 Lives at Sichumoyi.
622 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS (ETH. ANN. 19
\ Kalakwai¢t Peti¢ Teeikwaig Talitce 2 Pobiteawt § Pemelleg Kalait Pabe?
Kwentece 2 | |
Tetiad Sikyumka ? Wiwelat 2 * i * Yowaan 9 ~ KekoQ Teé Asou ? TawamanaQ Suhubmana 9
| | ee sacl
| Tazug Polikwabi¢ Suiitiwat
| Solo? Yaneg
Totals of Hano clans
Sa towae sjcccoc.c6 oc soccc ceetecit cs seine cle ceeisee se see eee as emeeretmeceleceras 15 Krolon to wate oes Ree oe Se v nese en re ee Sr te te ee a eis Ce re Ae eee 25 Kis owas aoc cad a een win Sia lve cere Steet ane ate eho ee eee ara eet arene 14 U V=) Vol e700: eee een Oe vie) Se ee eo ae tee Get ee ae SBA AS Sea Sct 26 DS Foe Pan: Ee a ee en ee ate ea AS eee Sam SI 5G AO a COC aca 15 Katee stow air 2c ie oi occ eis Sea eS lee ee ee teen 32 Okuwafl ‘towaic oc aac te ronnie ee eee oneness © SOE eee ae eee eee a eeeeeee = 31 Doubtful. 2.2222 sce 2 eee oe Seale cits se eee eee Slee Se eee ieee ine 1
fo): ei een ee Ste es Se niente FAO Sa SO SSSR oS 159
RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES AT WALPI
The personnel of the Walpi religious societies, so far as known, is given in the accompanying lists, which may be regarded as fairly com- plete for the male but only approximate for the female member- ship. Asa rule, the women members of a society may be said to be the members of the clan which introduced it, and some others. It
FEWKES] RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES OF WALPI 623
is not necessary to mention the names of the participants in the katcina dances, as the organization may be said to include all the men and the older boys of the pueblo. So also the names of those who participate in the Soyalufia, or Winter-solstice gathering, are not given, for, from the nature of the festival, it includes all the families in the village. The following list includes the main religious societies in Walpi:!
From Tokonabi
NewibwimpkKide--- sees ee see Ala clans. eRG UNI Ki ey ae ee ee Tectia clans.
From Palatkwabi and the Little Colorado pueblos
(Kewalkeyran tiie er ose ee ee Patki clans. LAIR oN ew Sa oes Ss oseee eee Patki clans. ATLL GE oe apse ewe aim deed eS Patun clans. Watabisteniblet os. Soa. ase Patufi clans. eRe tau key 2 ee eee ee Piba clans.
Mam Zrau tiles eer se Patun clans. @akwalleiiy astra. = aac ss Lefiya clans. Macilenvy aie ter aoe ee = see Lenya clans.
From an Eastern pueblo, Kwavanompi (derived from Zuni?) Kalektakaera- eas scene scene ae Pakab clan.
The Katcina society, which includes all males, practices the katcina cultus, and while each performance has its own derivation, all came from eastern pueblos. In order to show whence it came to Walpi each masked personage should be mentioned in order.”
Katcina altarsof Powamti and Niman--.Kateina clans -.___-- Kicuba.
HOtOtO See eee sasa-< cece aces ae Kokop clans -.------ Jemez.
Sio Humis (Zuni) and Humis-_._____- Jemez clans?.......- Jemez. Calakon(Sioror7un) ese =) see eee Honani clans-.-___-- Zuni.
Teakwaina (Natacka) .-...........-- PASE CLAN See mae =e se Zuni.
RSIUG), See aeisies dA ae eh pe RRR ee 5 os Zuni.
MACRO ME e oe eta Sata oe = ni TS eae ee Oe wi ocincecisn Navaho.
WAG) fenbe at aah 5 anos eee ees BSCS Se Sao See wee Zuni.
DERE je NS yl a i, Zuni.
JAY eR Sb 0 3585 SSO Cee RI eEe nes Hos Soda ee aaa Zuni.
SOM OMIM seer a8 lo eee eerie seaSe ees ce Several eastern pueblos. Sawyers ort cy Ee OR FR, ous he. St Keres pueblo?. IKON ONIN Owss eee see cra-t 3S ke ree Rar <steoe eae Fe Hayasupai Indians. lah awa hies seer yas aoe eee ate aye e== eee ee Kicuba. SOVOkMANg eae a see ones ast sees Onan Gases see ctr Keres pueblo. Monwuop ress oeeeeeee 2 = oe eee Honani.
13 Ko) 032 les a ey he ee eee SPE NSD fem aes e Sete Zuni.
1 This list does not include such societies as the ‘‘doctors’"—the Poewimpkias or Yayawimpkias— who are called in to cure disease, and some others. *The derivation of many other katcinas will be given in a later article.
624 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS (ETH. ANN. 19
RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES FROM TOKONABI
The Walpi clans which came from Tokonabi were, as has been shown, the Horn-Snake, and the present survivors of these components are represented by two societies of priests called Tctia-wimpkias and Teiib-wimpkias, that is, Snake priests and Antelope priests.
These societies are regarded as the oldest in Walpi, and the cere- monies which they perform are survivals, possibly with some moditi- vations, of a worship practiced in the former home of the Snake and Horn clans at Tokonabi. The nature of the rites at Walpi in early times may be judged from that of their modern survivals, namely, the Snake dance in August of odd years, and certain ceremonials in January of the same years.
SNAKE-ANTELOPE SOCIETIES
When Walpi was founded it contained, as has been shown, clans belonging to the Snake-Horn and the Bear groups, and probably all males older than young boys participated in their great ceremony, the Snake dance. Since that early time the advent of other families has considerably changed the social connections of the personnel of the societies, and their membership has outgrown clan limitation. The expanded societies called Snake and Antelope are now limited to no clan, but include members of all. The chief, however, and the majority of the members still come from the Snake clan, and include all its men. The extent to which the transformation of the early Snake-family worship has gone, in becoming a composite worship practiced by a dual society with a membership from all existing clans. may be seen by an enumeration of the present Snake and Ante- lope priests.
The existence of these two sacerdotal fraternities supports the tradi- tionary declaration that the original people who settled on the site of Walpi included two groups of clans, the Horn and the Snake. There is also evidence in their rites that a Bear and a Puma clan were like- wise represented in this early settlement, for in some of the secret ceremonies of the Snake dance we find both the bear and the puma personated.
The nature of the ceremonial calendar of the Snake-Horn people when these clans came to the East mesa and settled on the terrace under Walpi may never be known. Many rites have been dropped in the course of time, or have become so merged into others that their identity is difficult, perhaps impossible, to discover; but there are two ceremo- nies of the most ancient Snake-clan rites of Walpi which survive to
FEWKES] RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES OF WALPI 625
our day. Since the Snake dance was first celebrated in the ancient pueblo it has been somewhat modified by contact with the rituals of other clans, but even now it retains certain characteristics of a rude animal worship or zodtotemism. With modification has come a change in its purpose, so that at present it is a prayer for rain and for the growth of corn—a secondary development due mainly to an arid enyironment. Membership of the Antelope Society
Individual | Clan Individual Clan VV il etree et Teta Kable eee aetee | Kokop le Wilksyaitiwaij see a. -- Tctia We Rise hecvlls ears ae eee | Lenya Tonya aero Tectia | Kalkan ieee esas | Tiiwa | ANGWARDS 2 ee ooeeee Patki Wewettss ces snec je (Re) Ih Tessie s SMe ase a8 Patki || WON = se cesos | Ala Tcoshoniwti ------ Patki
Membership of the Snake Society
| Individual Clan Individual Clan
|
| KSopelieeseeecees: | Tetia y Ghy sale oe pe soas Asa Sikyahoniwa -.--- Telia PUnyatol (eee eee Asa ioe e248 eooee Tectia @ikuliyoae se sass, Buli Nuvawinu ......-- | Teiia fh Beanie Bes 2a ee | Buli Senn Meas see ects Tectia ) MOWED ooeocone | Honani Efonatiwill, se e-- Tectia PAD eee aaa Piba Koyowaiamt - sop | Teta Sikyaweamti--..-.- Piba Supelaes-s-co-25 | Patki Kanuleeeeeeee eee | Pakab Kwatcakwa..-..--.- Patki IPD ae eae Pakab WES ll se eodesoae| Patki Siskyamii_---....- | Tabo IROCtORe ee eeeiosce Patki lslonOyal o-ssoa5sce | Tabo Citaimieeeeeee ee | Patki | Lomaiumtiwa----- Katcina Na Cltaeee cs cna ae Patki | Torkwi-...-.--.-.| | Lefiya Neazraeen sass 5-2 =e Patki ep ConGie= severe sees | Ala Malahoyaeeo-ece- - Asa Nakavaee—=cissccce Kokop Lomanapoca . - - --- Asa Sikyabotima ..-... Tiwa Sikivatilapeeeeeeee Asa Ratuntuplee seeee- | Kolon ING ENS se ceae ace Asa Kanousee. cect Kolon Maen see’ 2 Soe): Asa WWiiwelamsee soe 3.2 Okuwan
626 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS (ETH. ANN.19
RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES FROM PALATKWABI
The migration of clans from the south to Tusayan began very early in the history of the Hopi, and we are fortunately able to speak defi- nitely of the movements from this direction in the seventeenth century. These were in part brought about by the inroads of a nomadic people, the Apache, who at the close of the sixteenth century began to raid the sedentary people of southern and central Arizona. Their attacks were at first weak, but gathered strength during the following cen- tury, until at the close of the year 1700 the entire central part of Arizona had passed under Apache control. The villages along the Little Colorado held out until about the close of the century, but their inhabitants were ultimately forced north to join the Hopi.
These fugitives took refuge among the Hopi in groups of clans at intervals as one after another of the southern pueblos was abandoned. The earliest group seems to have been the Patun, after which fol- lowed the Patki, the Piba, and others. There may have been others varlier than the Patuf people, and possibly the Lenya was one of these, but the Patun clans founded some of the oldest pueblos in the Hopi country, as Mishongnoyi and Teukubi.
As Mishongnovi is mentioned in the list of Hopi towns at the end of the sixteenth century, we may assume that the advent of the Patun clans was prior to that date; and the fact that there were both Patun and Piba (Tobacco) clans in Awatobi shows that they came before the advent of the Patki people, which must have occurred shortly after Awatobi was destroyed, for no one maintains that the Patki lived at thattown. They hada pueblo of their own, called Pakatcomo, 4 miles from Walpi, in which lived Patki and Tiiwa or Kiikute clans.
ALA-LENYA SOCIETIES
The Ala-Lefya clans brought a new cult to Walpi, which survives in the Flute (Lefya) observance celebrated during alternate sum- mers. In some of the Hopi pueblos there are two sections of the Flute priesthood, called the Blue Flute and the Drab Flute, but at Walpi the latter is extinct and the ceremonies of the two are consolidated.
The existence of two divisions of Flute priests, and the fact that the Ala-Lenya group of clans is composed of two main divisions, would seem to show that the dual sacerdotal condition reflected the sociological status; that one society sprang from the Ala, the other from the Lenya components. In the present celebration of the Flute there are flute elements in both societies where they exist in dual sections.
FEWKES] RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES OF WALPI Membership of the Flute Society * Individual Clan Individual Clan
SUMO, ese soeeese Lenya Kwatcakwa - ---- Patki Wiupaestosen tees Lefiya Ametola..-..--- Asa WKe\btetN & esc ooe cose Teta Tctiavema (?) Asa Honiyiles- seas eee Tetia (lamieeeee sees Piba Kopelit@eese.=-4- Teta Wanita ee Pakab Supelateecessccen. Patki Sikyabotima
1There are other members of this society not here mentioned.
PATUN-PIBA-PATKI SOCIETIES
The Patun (Squash) clan probably introduced into the Hopi pueblos the Aaltd, Wiiwiitcimti, and Mamzrauti (a woman’s priesthood) societies; the Piba (Tobacco) brought the Tataukyamt; and the Patki As these clans came from the south, there are many resemblances in the rituals of
(Rain-cloud) brought the Kwakwanti and Lalakontt.
their priesthoods.
are given in the following lists:
Membership of the Aalti Society
The names of the members of these priesthoods
Clan
Individua! | Clan Individual INR ELSI ee ee Pakab l) “Meares eerex =e WIRES seaatase Asa IRON) Coeceesbec Malahoyasese + o--- Asa Kwatcakwa. - ---
lemEPatrtaseee ee see Asa Teoshoniwt iksyatilaeeeee-es | Asa IWawela@eneccee=- Niuiva tee eee a | Asa Talast aoe IGGVAnts seaoeooses Asa Honauwl! ---2-- Simotcieeeeeeeeeee Honani Lelentci -...---- SWioyowalapesees sss Honani ihetcom Oaeeerees Walkiwelece cece eas Honani Lay eee ears la JNO 2c ree Honani Gil ail peeseaesce ERCOLCKimaeeeer seas Buli Tawihonima Samiaeteeumte os ss Tiiwa SViainle seen Vee Malka ayy ys2P ose Tiwa Koitswint ....-- NEKO" .osaoesece Tiiwa ANE ete es wets Kakaptleems see see Tiwa Bontimaess2ee= Mateuwtl.---.--.- Tiiwa Rem eee ee Talanainiwt -----. Tiwa Honyiis- =< ss.<= Kotkans.eaace= 2s: Honau Lomavoya------ Mepilssss)-eneess: Ke Wistiiesen= seca
Patki Patki Patki Patki Okuwan Tabo Tabo Tabo Tabo
Lenya
Katcina
Katcina
Okuwan.
Kokop
Kokop
Ala Ala
Teta
Tetia
Piba
3 Lives in Zuii.
628 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS (ETH. ANN, 19
Membership of the Wiuviitcimtt Society
Individual Clan } Individual Clan Sunoitiwa ...----- Asa | Sikyahonauwi.... Tawa Reuter Asa Pavativalaseeec== | ‘Tiiwa Tuwakuku ---.--- | Asa | Sikyabotima.-----. | Tuwa Ametolasss.=s-=-} Asa Botcaees see eee / Pakab
ElayOye cece class= Asa | Sikyapiki*........ Tawa
IRAs est ea eee rere Asa Homiovileene secon Piba
| IDE s26- ss nodenos | Asa We Wetlaknccoeeeeeee | Okuwan
WieiKopelive= seamen eo) “aan |) elukpalsese ames aoe | Okuwati
| Moumi..--: een Oe | Teiia |) Wena ane se | Patki |
| Sikyahoniwa -..-. Teita Kona biases ene | Kokop San ayas seen Telia Kiateien tase eee | Kokop
| Nuvaiwinti -...-.- | Teta \iMahoes-neeoesse Kokop RG alae eee ee | Tabo Nake) 225 Geese | Katcina MuUktel -Vssee eee se | Tabo |) AUER abo oe | Katcina
| Sezuta = =e 2 | Buli | Sikyabentima..--- Ala
| Lelojseseeeeeeeees| chenwik | Honyamtiwa....-- Ala
|
1 Lives in Shumopovi.
Membership of the Tataukyamt Society
Individual Clan | Individual Clan
16 [hol ee ee eno Piba | REP NGE) oe eccheccocicn Lefiya Namokit = essen Piba | Samal 2S. 2eeeeece Lenya Stishigifheshill = 2S heaesose- | Piba || “Pakabiss<o-s-0 seciece | Lenya Nat Waser ereceeciee se = Piba Stpela’ os. .22)--< esc) | Patki Masahoniwt.--.---..- Piba | IKowazra) =2Sscamec-sos Patki WapW se sa=cce eee eae Piba \) Nanas eas cee | Patki ‘Annie he © 5.9 Feet ane Bul: -|hoNato..-).--seeiere Teniik HOzZr0k see ~2 Sacre oe = | Honani Wikin.eatcascessesees | Teta MOR wily fetishes Honani Koyowaiamii ....----- Teta FLO ZTO = erine oe See ree | Honani N86 So. <ee eee | Pakab Sokoniien.cssseseeree | Ala Wi (Pibaie. 5 coe. seen nee | Pakab Subimupe sees eae cee Ala Ny Laels Joe aceee sesine Kateina
|) MVialtowtetr sacese =o Ala || Sibentima...........-| Katcina | MconOr es s-5eee cee eee Ala | Sutil Seateeesacceee ss Kiikiite | Mahore2ees-2 5. ocean Kokop || Wiaerl<semecsemesecs --| Asa WG eSOvNs Seete ae acisceeers Kokop 1 Tate a ees see erate Asa Sami ase seacine see | Kokop || «Real kayemaseee ees seca Tiwa WikpallacsSemeso<ce er | Lefiya
1 Lives in Zuni.
FEWKES] RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES OF WALPI 629
Membership of the Kwakwantti Society
Individual Clan Individual Clan
le Atmsnitat ence se = 5 Patki \MaIMictaeiee eR ee fo Sa |
| KWaaies ses sosiece =e = Patki | Nuvaiwind .........-- Teta Ee be Patki | Wikyatiwa ..........- | Teiia (PaCaet ae sere come aoe Patki ee Reniuintcleeeee seem ere (?) Sakwistiwa .-.-..----.| Patki | AVvalyOrmasose essen. Katcina Citainmim see | oe Patki | TOtCimn ee eon ee Honani Gunite cee. So. oes: IisPREKiCn ier (ar Cikulimes teres easeon: Buli Wetitisesel ses cecsss | Okuwan Nanakociteaesees- fees Buli RG Yale aes ece see secre | Okuwan TMU ANG omespoeneeseee Asa GS oe Sansa ees | Okuwan || Lomaiisba --..-.------ Asa KMelane=ses 22 seceeene | Okuwan | Turkwinamti ........- Asa Pitkone 4s seecer cee Tabo Naminhu...--- Geren Tawa Tukaley esse ee eno | Tawa || ‘Namoki .-.-...---.... Piba tibenimam=s seer sees | Kikiite | BRe Ws Aste oocepaseS Piba
Kise) BAF te) et Se ete eee | Ala | “DetalyOs-cesses ces as Piba
| pyRUR KGW tacos See se | Lenya | Kano! ote cenescceceess Kolon
eeNitiomaee ss aeseeee el | Lefiya |
The women’s society which was introduced by the Patki people is called Lalakontt, and its ceremony at Walpi in 1891 was participated in by the following persons:
Membership of the Lalakontti Society
Women! Clan {| Men Clan po | ieee | Koiisy msi Patki NetCom | Ala | | REGEN o eeecadaoe Patki eeeAtmn c tala ae see a oe | Asa | Keumawensie ss sener == Patki | Kewatcakwai..-.2-5--- | Patki | | eave eon eee Patki Supelate ep sseee aes | Patki
The author has not learned the names of all the members of the Mamzrautii society, but those of the more important participants in its 1892 performance are as follows:
1 The list is incomplete, but it includes the chief priestesses.
630 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS [ETH. ANN. 19
Membership of the Mamzrautt: Society
Women Clan Men | Clan | Salikowe. oe occ. eecehoe Telia SUDO eee eee ee Asa Sakabenkas.-o2-- 5-2 Kokop Ametola a. 3-2 -Se25-26 Asa Naclumsinass pees Patki | Supelasssesh ope 32 er Patki 25 other women..-.... | Kwatcakwa..:..2.-..- Patki
INVA WAN) se eee one Teta Wt Walkie on eS ae Teila I MELO Ty. apace Tetia
THe KALEKTAKA SOCIETY
The society of warriors called the Kalektaka was introduced by the Pakab clans, and their ceremony, the Momtcita, bears a very close likeness to that of the Priesthood of the Bow at Zuni. From these resemblances this society is regarded as of New Mexican origin, but among the Hopi it is simply the celebration of the Pakab clans and does not dominate the rites of any society previously mentioned. It is one of many cults, and, like others, was introduced by certain definite clans and has not obtained a hold upon others. In this its relationship differs from that of the Society of the Bow in the Zuni ritual.
KATCINA CULTS FROM NEW MEXICAN PUEBLOS
We come now to discuss a cult at Walpi which in many ways is unique, and so markedly different is it that we have no difficulty in distinguishing it from the cults already mentioned. The one feature which separates it from the others is the existence of masked person- ations—men wearing helmets or masks to personate supernatural beings. In its origin it is unlike any other, for it was not brought to Walpi by any one group of clans, but by several, the arrivals of which were separated by considerable periods of time, even generations. The kateina cult is therefore not homogeneous, for not only did different clans contribute to it, but these clans came from pueblos geographi- cally remote from one another. There is no one Katcina society limited to one group of clans, but all men and boys may and do enter into the performance of katcina dances. In this heterogeneous collection of allied cults we find some introduced by the Honani, some by the Asa, some purchased or borrowed from neighboring tribes. Some of the katcina dances are worn down to a single public masked dance from which all seeret rites have disappeared. Two at least, the Powamt and the Niman, are of nine days’ duration.
FEWKESI KATCINA CULTS 631
To look for the origin of the katcinas as a whole in any one family or clan would be fruitless. We must seek the independent origin of each. But there is one source to which we can turn for the two great katcina celebrations—the Powamti and Niman—and that is the Kat- cina (Anwuci, Crow) clans.
Happily, however, we can find that the general direction whence all the important katcinas came was the east—the New Mexican pueblos — where the same ceremonies still survive in modified form.
TCUKUWIMPKIYAS
An order of priests called the Tateuktt, or Mudheads—men wear- ing cloth masks with large knobs on their tops and sides to Tusayan from the New Mexican pueblos. They do not belong to the ancient Hopi ritual, but came with those clans who brought the katcinas, with whom they appear in modern ceremonies. This order is very ancient in the pueblos from which it came, as are likewise the katcinas, but they do not belong to the cults of the clans from Tokonabi or Palatkwabi.
was brought
SUMAIKOLIS
The Sumaikoli priests and cult are closely connected with the katci- nas, and are supposed to have been introduced into Tusayan from New Mexico.
THE EAST MESA RITUALS
Walpi is the only pueblo on the East mesa where a true Hopi ritual is celebrated, but it has become more protoundly affected by intrusive clans of other stocks than that of any other Hopi pueblo. This modi- fication, due to the vicinity of Sichumoyi and Hano, is particularly marked in the great katcina observance called Powamn, which differs greatly from the Oraibi performance of that name. The clans which have been of greatest importance in bringing about this modification are the Asa‘ and the Hano clans, none of which exist at Oraibi.
The Walpi Ritual
UNTENA soo Sas oouSeESeaGee Pa (Winter Snake or Flute). Mucaiasti. Winter Tawa-paholawt.
NE SABENAY GnebocosSanSona[e Powamu. Winter Lakone-paholawnt. Manchimse=seeeissasseaiceee Unkwanti or Palilukonti. Sumaikoli.
Winter Marau-paholawt.
1The author ascribes the introduction of the Natacka at the Powamti ceremony of Walpi to the Tcakwaina or Asa clan.
652 TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS (ETH. ANN. 19
April june ee ee = ae see ee Abbreviated Katcina observances. Niman-katcina.
July cess cea terior eee Tawa-paholawt.
AUP UStye lacie ow ohones okie Snake or Flute dance in alternate years.
Septemberss s26esecne. cee Lalakonti.
Octoberss= 5-3 asssen oe Mam~zrauti.
INOVem Der eao= ee ace ae Wiiwutcimti or Naaenaiya.
December see sccce sae Sovaluna. Momtcita.
This ritual is practically that of the four other Hopi pueblos, in which it is repeated with some variation in details.*
The Sichumovi Ritual
JANUAr ys senses ee ee Pamu'ti. Zuni Return Katcina. Ne pruainyy ae eee eee Powamu. Katcina visitors to Walpi kivas.? Mareh 2 if sa2eecee= = Paltilikonti. April-June <2 = ese eeeet \bbreviated Katcina observances. Jiilivis 1-2 seers oee Sio Calako (occasionally). September. .--..-----2 Bulintikibi (occasionally) . October. 2 See a Owakiilti (occasionally ). December...-.----.--- Soyaluna (contributes to Walpi celebration).
As Tewa (Asa and Honani) clans predominate in Sichumoyi, katcinas largely predominate in this pueblo. The Bulintikibi is intrusive, unlike Hopi ceremonies, and almost identical with one of those still celebrated in the eastern pueblos from which the Asa came. The Sio Calako is an incorporated Zuni observance greatly abbreviated. From a ceremonial point of view the Sichumovi ritual is closely related to that of eastern pueblos, and just those elements which it shares with the Hopi ritual are the elements which haye been introduced into Walpi by clans from the same region of the pueblo area from which the Sichumovi settlers came.
The Hano Ritual
January .....--...----.- Abbreviated Katcina observances. * Rebruary) =-s-ssss-enece Powamt katcina visitors to Walpi kivas. * Marchi 2-25 -eeee ne Palilukonti.
Avpril—Junev: sec sees ee <u Abbreviated Katcina observances.
JULY asm Stee cease Tawa-paholawt (sun prayer-stick making). AUpURstEY << ane oess cee Sumaikoli.
September-October. . .-- Howina (oceasionally) .
December 2. 5.255 0225-- Tafitai (winter solstice rites).
Warrior celebration.
1 For bibliography of ceremonies see American Anthropologist, vol. X1, 1898. 2In 1892, Hahaiwiigti, Natackas, Kawaika (Keresan) katcinas.
$In 1892, Tacab, Humis, ete., personations
4In 1892, TateuktQ (Mud-heads), Natackas, Hahaiwiigti, Teakwaina kateinas with squash blossoms
in their hair.
FEWKEs] CONCLUSIONS 6338
In this ritual of Hano, which is a fragmentary survival of that at Teewadi, the Rio Grande home of the Hano clans, the Tawa-paholawi, Sumaikoli, and Tantai are in a way characteristic and are essentially different from those of a Hopi pueblo. The Hano celebrations in the January and February moons take the form of personations of katci- nas, who visit the Walpi and Sichumovi kivas as well as their own. No katcina altar has yet been seen in this village, and there is no presentation of the Powamfi, Niman-katcina, Snake or Flute, Lalak- onti, Mamzrauti, Wiiwiitcimti, or Momtcita in this Tewa pueblo. To the great katcina celebrations of Powamti the Hano send katcina per- sonators, and there are certain simple rites connected with the Powamt in some of their houses and kivas, as that of Ahole elsewhere! described, but these are fragmentary. Both Hano and Sichumoyi contribute katcina personators, who visit the Walpi kivas, and this renders the Powaimti in that village different? from that in other Hopi pueblos.
CONCLUSIONS
The following conclusions are reached in the preceding studies:
1. The pueblo of Hano is Tanoan in language and culture; it was transplanted from the upper Rio Grande valley to the East mesa of Tusayan. Its religion is intrusive, and its ritual resembles that of Walpi only in those features which have been brought by kindred clans from the same region.
2. The religious ceremonies of Sichumovi are also intrusive from the east, because the majority of its people are descended from colonists from the same region as those who settled Hano. The Hopi language is spoken at Sichumovi, but the ritual is purely Tanoan. The rituals of Sichumovi and Hano are allied to those of certain New Mexican pueblos.
3. The pioneer settlers of Walpi were Snake and Bear clans. the former predominating, and the first increase was due to an addition of Horn clans which once lived at the now ruined pueblo of Tokonabi, the place from which the Snake clans also came. These Horn people were mixed with Flute clans from the Little Colorado. The majority of the clans and the most distinctive ceremonies in the Walpi ritual came from southern Arizona, and the many resemblances in the Hopi ritual to that of the eastern pueblos is due to eastern colonists who sought refuge in Walpi.
4. The conclusion that the present Hopi are descended wholly from nomadic people from the north is questioned, except within the limi- tations mentioned. Some parts of the ritual which are distinetly Hopi are found not to have come from the north, but from the south,
1Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. ?The existence of Natacka at the Walpi Powamn is due probably to Sichumoyi or Hano clans, possi- bly to the Asa ef the former pueblo.
19 nrH, PT 2—O1
5
LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS
COSMOS MINDELEFF
ILLUSTRATIONS
Page
PPATEPXe Sle blaniotsummen settlement. .-=--=sseeeeeesseneccerecceecsse O39 XXII. Plan of ruin showing long occupancy.-----....---------------- 640 XXIII. Plan of Walpi, showing distribution of clans..-.......-...-..-. 643 XXIV. Plan of Sichumovyi, showing distribution of clans...........-.-- 645 XXV. Plan of Hano, showing distribution of clans -.....---.--.---.-- 647 XXVI. Plan of Mishongnovyi, showing distribution of clams --.-...-..-- 649 XXVII. Plan of Shipaulovi, showing distribution of clans ..........--.. 650 XXVIII. Plan of Oraibi, showing distribution of clans............-..---- 653 Figure 3. Plan of ruin showing brief occupancy.....--....=..-------...---- 649
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LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS
By Cosmos MINDELEFF
Of the many problems which perplex the student of the cliff ruins and other house remains of pueblo origin in the Southwest, two are of the first importance and overshadow all the others. These are (1) the enormous number of ruins scattered over the country and (2) the peculiarities of ground-plan and their meaning. The two phenomena are so intimately connected that one can not be understood or even studied without the other.
The ancient pueblo region extends from Great Salt lake to beyond the southern boundary of the United States and from the Grand canyon of the Colorado to the vegas or plains east of the Rio Grande and the Pecos. Within this area of about 150,000 square miles ruins can be numbered almost by thousands. Such maps as haye been pre- pared to show the distribution of remains exhibit a decided clustering or grouping of ruins in certain localities. Much of this is doubtless due to the state of our knowledge rather than to the phenomena them- selves; that is to say, we know more about certain regions than about others. Yet from the data now in hand it is a fair inference that ruins are generally clustered or grouped in certain localities. There were apparently a number of such centers, each the source of many subordinate settlements more or less scantily distributed over the regions between them.
This distribution of ruins lends color to a hypothesis advanced by the writer some years ago, which affords an at least plausible explana- tion of the immense number of ruins found in the Southwest. The key to this problem is the extended use of outlying farming settle- ments. All lines of evidence—history, tradition, mythology, arts, industries, habits and customs, and above all the ruins themselves agree in establishing the wide prevalence, if not the universal use, of such settlements, as much in the olden days as in modern times, and as much now as ever.
The ruins are of many kinds and varieties; no two are quite alike, but there are external resemblances which have led to several attempts
639
640 LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS [ETH. ANN.19
at classification. The results, however, are not satisfactory, and it is apparent that we must look further into the subject before we can devise a good classificatory scheme. It seems to the writer that all the plans of classification hitherto published have put too much stress on the external appearance of ruins and not enough on the character of the sites which they occupy or on the social and tribal conditions indicated by such sites.
Pueblo architecture is essentially a product of the plateau country, and its bounds are, in fact, practically coincident with those of that peculiar region popularly known as the mesa country. Peculiar geo- logical conditions have produced a peculiar topography, which in turn has acted on the human inhabitants of the country and produced that characteristic and distinctive phase of culture which we call pueblo art. The region is in itself not favorable to development; in three essen- tials, cultivable land, water, and vegetation, it is anything but an ideal country, although blessed with an ideal climate which has done much to counteract the unfavorable features. But through a great abun- dance of excellent building material, the product of the mesas, and through peculiar social conditions, the product of the peculiar environ- ment, whereby a frequent use of such materials was compelled, pueblo architecture developed.
It seems probable that in the early stages of the art of house building among these people they lived in small settlements located in or near the fields which they cultivated, for the pueblo tribes have always been an agricultural people, living principally by the products of the soil. In the olden days, before the introduction of sheep and cattle, they were even more agricultural than they are now, although at that time they had a food resource in their hunting grounds which is now lost to them. It seems probable that for several centuries the people pur- sued the even, placid course of existence which comes from the undis- tirbed cultivation of the ground, with perhaps now and then some internecine war or bloody foray to keep alive their stronger passions.
In the course of time, however, other tribes drifted into the region, and, being wild and accustomed to the hardy life of warriors, they soon found that they were more thana match for the sedentary tribes which had preceded them. The latter were industrious, and, being more or less attached to certain localities, were enabled to lay by stores against a possible failure of crops. At the present day in some of the pueblos the corn is thus stored, and sometimes great rooms full of it can be seen, containing the full crops of one or two years. Undoubtedly the same custom of storing food prevailed in ancient times, and the wilder tribes found in the sedentary villages and in the fields tributary to them convenient storehouses from which to draw their own supplies. If the traditions are at all to be trusted, there was no open war nor were there determined sieges, but foray after foray was made by the
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIi
PLAN OF RUIN SHOWING LONG OCCUPANCY
irs
ae. e- Bind pF Piats
7 e = ow te "us te 9 ein mee
MINDELEFF] CAUSES FOR CHOICE OF MESA SITES 641
wilder spirits of the nomadic tribes; fields were raided when ripe for the harvest, and the fruit of a season’s labor was often swept away in anight. It soon became unsafe to leave the village unguarded, as a descent might be made upon it at any time when the men were away, and the stores accumulated for the winter might be carried off. But the detail of a number of men to guard the home was in itself a great hardship when men were few and subsistence difficult to obtain. Such were the conditions according to the ancient traditions.
Under the pressure described the little villages or individual houses, located primarily with reference to the fields under cultivation, were gradually forced to aggregate into larger villages, and, as the forays of their wild neighbors continued and even increased, these villages were moved to sites which afforded better facilities for defense. But through it all the main requirement of the pueblo builder—con- venience to and command of agricultural land—was not lost sight of, and the villages were always located so as to meet these requirements. Generally they were placed on outlying spurs or foothills overlooking little valleys, and it should be noted that at the time of the Spanish discovery and conquest, three centuries and a half ago, a considerable number of the villages were so located.
There seems to be little doubt that the first troubles of the pueblo builders, aside from those arising among themselves, which were not sufficiently important to influence their arts or architecture, were caused by the advent of some tribe or tribes of Athapascan stock. Afterward, and perhaps as late as the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Comanche extended their range into the pueblo country, and still later the Ute found profit in occasional raids over the north- ern border. It is quite probable, however, that in the beginning, when pueblo architecture was still in an early stage of development, none of the tribes mentioned were known in that country.
Eventually the housebuilders found it necessary to remove their homes to still more inaccessible and still more easily defended sites, and it was at this period that many of the mesas were occupied for the first time. The country is practically composed of mesas, and it was aneasy matter to find a projecting tongue or promontory where a vil- lage could be built that would be accessible from one side only, or perhaps would be surrounded by cliffs and steep slopes that could be scaled only after a long and arduous climb over a tortuous and dif_i- cult trail. Building material was everywhere abundant and could generally be found within a stone’s throw of almost any site selected.
Few of the villages at the time of the Spanish conquest were located on mesa sites, but numbers of them were on the foothills of mesas and sometimes commanded by higher ground. At that time Acoma occupied its present location on the mesa summit, one of the best if not the best and most easily defended in New Mexico, as the
642 LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS [ETH. ANN. 19
Spaniards found to their cost after an unsuccessful assault. But this location was at that time unusual, and was doubtless due to the fact that the people of Acoma were, like the wilder tribes, predatory in their instincts and habits, and lived upon their neighbors.
When the little settlements of the first stage of development were compelled to cluster into villages for better protection, a new element came into pueblo architecture. The country is an arid one, and but a small percentage of the ground can be cultivated. Except in the yval- leys of the so-called rivers, arable land is found only in small patches here and there—little sheltered nooks in the mesas, or bits of bottom land formed of rich allayium in the canyons. Easily defended sites for villages could be found everywhere throughout the country, but to find such a site which at the same time commanded an extensive area of good land was a difficult matter. It must be borne in mind that the pueblo tribes in ancient times, as now, were first and fore- most agriculturists, or rather horticulturists, for they were not farm- ers but gardeners. Depending as they did upon the products of the soil, their first care was necessarily to secure arable lands. This was always the dominating requirement, and as it came in conflict with the clustering of houses into villages, some means had to be devised to bring the two requirements into accord. This was accomplished by the use of farming shelters, temporary establishments occupied only during the farming season and abandoned on the approach of winter, but located directly on or overlooking the fields under cultivation.
The ultimate development of pueblo architecture finds expression in the great clustered houses which remind one of a huge beehive. As the wilder tribes continued their depredations among the inoffensive villagers, and, with the passing of time, grew more numerous and more and more bold in their attacks and forays, the pueblo tribes were forced to combine more and more for protection. Groups of related villages, each offering a point of attack for savage foes and rich plun- der when looted, were compelled to combine into a single larger pueblo, and as reliance was now placed on the size of the village and the number of its inhabitants, these large villages were located in wide valleys or on fertile bottom lands, the people again returning to their original desire to live upon the lands they worked.
Under modern conditions, when the depredations of the wild tribes have been terminated by the interference of a higher and stronger civilization, the houses are reverting to the primitive type from which the great pueblos developed. But so late as ten or twelve years ago the Hopi or Tusayan villages were under the old conditions and were sub- jected to periodical forays from their immediate neighbors, the Navaho, Young warriors of the latter tribe ravaged the fields of the Hopi, more perhaps for the pleasure it afforded them and on account of the old traditions than from any real necessity for food as they destroyed more
NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIII
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
OkM ACO RALTIMORE
A
PLAN OF WALPI SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF CLANS
MINDELEFF] USE OF FARMING SHELTERS 643
than they took away. If they found anyone in the fields, they would beat him, or perhaps kill him, merely for the amusement it seemed to afford. It was the Navaho method of ‘‘ sowing wild oats.” There is little doubt that the pressure which bore on the Pueblos for at least some centuries was of this nature, annoying rather than actually dan- gerous. No doubt there were also occasional invasions of the country of more than usual magnitude, when from various causes the nomadic tribes had either an abundance or a scarcity of food, and, knowing the character of the villages as storehouses of corn and other products, or impelled by old grudges growing out of former forays, a whole tribe might take part in the incursion, and perhaps try themselves by an assault on some village of considerable size. But such expeditions were rare; the pueblo tribes were annoyed rather than menaced. Eventually, however, they found it necessary to provide against the ever-present contingency of an invasion of their country, and the great valley pueblos were developed.
As aggregation of the little settlements into villages and of villages into great valley pueblos continued, the use of farming shelters grew apace. No matter what the conditions might be, the crops must be grown and harvested, for the failure of the crops meant the utter annihilation of the people. They had no other resource. They were compelled to combine into large pueblos containing often a thousand or fifteen hundred souls, a condition which was at variance with their requirements and manner of life; but they were also compelled to till the soil or starve. The lands about the home villages were never sufficient for the needs of the people, and in consequence a consider- able portion of the population was compelled to work fields more or less distant from them. Thus, in the ultimate stage of pueblo devel- opment the use of farming shelters was as much or more in evidence, and as much a necessity to the people, as in the prior stages.
This sketch of the development of pueblo architecture exhibits a sequence; but it isa cultural, not a chronologic, one. The data in hand will not permit the determination of the latter now, but within a given group sequence in culture and sequence in time are practically synony- mous. The time relations of the various groups, one to another, must be determined from other evidence.
The use of farming shelters has been a most important factor in producing the thousands of ruins which dot the mesas and canyons of the Southwest, while another factor, the localization of clans, has worked with it and directed it, as it were, in certain channels. All the evidence which investigation has revealed, from traditions to the intrinsic evidence of the ruins themselves, concur in establishing the fact that the pueblo tribes were in slow but essentially constant move- ment; that movement has continued down to the present time and is even now in progress. Viewed across long periods of time it might
644 LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS [ETH. ANN. 19
be regarded as a migration, but the term has not the same meaning here that it has when applied to the movements of great masses of humanity which have taken place in Europe and Asia. In the pueblo country migration was almost an individual movement; it was hardly a tribal, certainly not a national,exodus. Outlying farming settle- ments were established in connection with each important village. In the course of time it might come about that some of the people who used these establishments at first only during the summer, retiring to the home village during the winter, would find it more convenient to remain there throughout the year. At the present day some of the summer villages are fifteen miles and more from the home pueblo, and it must have been at best inconvenient to live in two places so far apart.
The home villages can be distinguished from the summer places by the presence or absence of the kivas, or sacred ceremonial chambers. For as practically all the rites and dances take place after the harvest is gathered and before planting time in the spring—that is, at the sea- they are performed in the home
son when the men have some leisure pueblos, and only such villages have kivas.
When, from prolonged peace or for other reasons, some families allowed the inconvenience of moving back and forth to dominate over counter motives, and remained throughout the year at the summer place, they might build a kiva or two, and gradually, as others also decided to remain, the summer place would become a home village. As the population grew by increment from outside and by natural increase this village would put out farming shelters of its own, which in the course of time might supplant their parent in the same way. The process is a continuous one and is in progress to-day. The sum- mer village of Ojo Caliente, 15 miles from Zuni, and attached to that pueblo, has within the last decade become a home village, occupied throughout the year by several families, and during the farming sea- son by many others. Eventually kivas will be built there, if this has not already been done, and Ojo Caliente will become a real home vil- lage and put out farming shelters of its own. Such is also the case with the pueblo of Laguna, which is gradually being abandoned by its inhabitants, who are making their permanent homes at what were for- merly only summer villages.
It will thus be seen that a comparatively small band might in the course of a few centuries leave behind them the remains of many vil- lages. In the neighborhood of the Hopi towns there are at least 50 ruins, all, or practically all, of which were left by the people who found their present resting places on the summits of the rocky mesas of Tusayan. And with itall it is not necessary to assume great periods of time; it is doubtful whether any of the ruins of Tusayan are much more than four hundred years old, and some of them were partly
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MINDELEFF] CHARACTER OF MIGRATIONS 645
inhabited so late as fifty years ago. Including the present location, three sites of Walpi, one of the Hopi towns, are visible from the sum- mit of the mesa. According to the native traditions the last movement of this village, only completed in the present century, was commenced when the Spaniards were in control, over two centuries ago. It is said that the movement was brought about by the women of the village, who took their children and household goods up on the summit of the mesa, where a few outlooks had been built, and left the men to follow them or remain where they were. The men followed.
Among the inhabited villages the home pueblo can be distinguished from the summer establishments by the presence of the kivas, and often the same distinction can be drawn in the case of ruins. In many of the latter the kivas are circular and are easily found even when much broken down. Aside from this the plans of the two classes of villages can often be distinguished from each other through their general character, the result of the localization of clans previously alluded to.
The migratory moyements of a band of village builders often con- sumed many years or many decades. During this time subordinate settlements were put out all along the line as occasion or necessity demanded, and were eventually abandoned as the majority ot the people moved onward. Hopi traditions tell of such moyements and rests, when the people remained for many plantings in one place and then continued on. As a rule there was no definite plan to such a moyement and no intention of going to any place or in any direction; the people simply drifted across the country much as cattle drift before a storm. They did not go back because they knew what was back of them, but they went forward in any direction without thought of where they were going, or even that they were going at all. It was a little trickling stream of humanity, or rather many such streams, like little rivulets after a rain storm, moving here and there as the occurrence of areas of cultivable land dictated, sometimes combining, then separating, but finally collecting to form the pueblo groups as we now know them.
There is no doubt that in addition to this unconscious drifting migration there were also more important movements, when whole villages changed their location at one time. Such changes are men- tioned in the traditions and evidenced in the ruins. There is a multi- plicity of causes which bring about such movements, many of them very trivial, to our way of thinking. While the climate of the pueblo country is remarkably equable and the water supply, although scanty, is practically constant over the whole region, local changes often occur; springs fail at one place and burst out at another; some seasons are marked by comparatively abundant rains, others by severe droughts. The failure of some particularly venerated spring would
6
19 ETH, PT 2
646 LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS [ETH. ANN. 19
be deemed good cause for the abandonment of a village situated near it, or the occurrence of several years of drought in succession would be construed as a mark of disfavor of the gods, and would be followed by a movement of the people from the village. Even a series of bad dreams which might be inflicted on some prominent medicine-man by overindulgence in certain articles of food would be regarded as omens indicating a necessity fora change of location. Such instances are not unknown. Toothache also is dreaded for mythic reasons, and is construed asa sign of disfavor of the gods; so that many a village has been abandoned simply because some prominent medicine-man was in need of the services of a dentist. Many other reasons might be stated, but these will suffice to show upon what slight and often trivial grounds great villages of stone houses, the result of much labor and the picture of permanence, are sometimes abandoned in a day.
But while such movements en masse are not unknown, they have been comparatively rare. The main movement of the people, which was a constant one, was accomplished through the custom of using out- lying farming settlements. Such settlements were commonly single houses, but where the conditions permitted and the area of cultivable land justified it, the houses were grouped into villages. These were always located on or immediately adjacent to the land which was worked, and in some instances attained considerable size, but as a rule they were small. The practice was universal throughout the length and breadth of the pueblo country, and the farming shelters took various forms as the immediate topographic environment dictated. Even the cliff ruins are believed to be farm shelters of a type due to peculiar physical con- ditions, but as this idea has been exploited elsewhere’ by the writer it need not be developed here.
The occupancy of farm shelters, whether individual rooms or small villages, was necessarily more or less temporary in character, and as the population moyed onward the places would be finally and completely abandoned. It would often be difficult to obtain from the study of the ground-plan of a ruin, generally all that is left of it, any idea of the people who inhabited it and of the conditions under which they lived ; but there is another element by the aid of which the length of time during which the village was inhabited and of the conditions under which such oceupancy continued may often be approximated. This is the localization of clans, to which allusion has been made.
The constant movement of the tribe, due to the use of outlying farm- ing settlements, which has been sketched above, has its analogue within each village, where there is an equally constant moyement from house to house and from row to row. The clans which inhabit a village are combined into larger units or groups known as phratries: locally such
1The Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, in the Sixteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
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clans are said to ** belong together.” In the olden days each phratry occupied its own quarters in the village, its own cluster or row, as the case might be, and while the custom is now much broken down, just how far it has ceased to exercise its influence is yet to be determined.
In the pueblo social system descent and inheritance are in the female line. This custom is widely distributed among the tribes of mankind all over the world and has an obvious basis. Among the Pueblos it works in a peculiar manner. Under the old rule, when a man marries, not having any house of his own, he goes to his wife’s home and is adopted into her clan. The children also belong to the mother and are members of her clan. -In many of the villages at the present day a man may marry any woman who will marry him, but in former times marriage within the clan, and sometimes within the phratry, was rig- idly prohibited. Thus it happened that a clan in which there were many girls would grow and increase in importance, while one in which the children were all boys would become extinct.
There was thus a constant ebb and flow of population within each clan and consequently in the home or houses of each clan. The clans themselves were not fixed units; new ones were born and old ones died, as children of one sex or the other predominated. The creation of clans was a continuous process. Thus, in the Corn clan of Tusayan, under favorable conditions there grew up subclans claiming connection with the root, stem, leaves, blossom, pollen, ete. In time the relations of clans and subclans became extremely complex; hence the aggrega- tion into larger units or phratries. The clan isa great artificial family, and when it comprises many girls it must necessarily grow. Such is also the case with the individual family, for as the men who are adopted into it by marriage take up their quarters in the family home and children are born to them more space is required. But additional rooms, which are still the family property, must be built in the family quarter, and by a long-established rule they must be built adjoining and connected with those already occupied. Therefore in each village there are constant changes in the plan; new rooms are added here, old rooms abandoned there. It is in miniature a duplication of the pro- cess previously sketched as due to the use of outlying shelters. It is not unusual to find in an inhabited village a number of rooms under construction, while within a few steps or perhaps in the same row there are rooms vacant and going to decay. Many visitors to Tusayan, noticing such vacant and abandoned rooms, have stated that the popu- lation was diminishing, but the inference was not sound.
On the other hand, the addition of rooms does not necessarily mean growth in population. New rooms might be added year after year when the population was actually diminishing; such has been the case in a number of the villages. But the way in which rooms are added may suggest something of the conditions of life at the time of building.
648 LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS ELH. ANN.19
The addition of rooms on the ground floor, and the consequent exten- sion of the ground plan of a house cluster, indicates different condi- tions from those which must have prevailed when the village, without extending its bounds, grew more and more compact by the addition of small rooms in the upper stories.
The traditions collected from the Hopi by the late A. M. Stephen, part of which have been published,' present a vivid picture of the conditions under which the people lived. The ancestors of the present inhabitants of the villages reached Tusayan in little bands at various times and from various directions. Their migrations occupied yery many years, although there were a few movements in which the people came all together from some distant point. Related clans commonly built together, the newcomers seeking and usually obtaining permission to build with their kindred; thus clusters of rooms were formed, each inhabited by a clan or a phratry. As occupancy continued over long periods, these clusters became more or less joined together, and the lines of division on the ground became more or less obliterated in cases, but the actual division of the people remained the same and the quar- ters were just as much separated and divided to those who knew where the lines fell. But as a rule the separation of the clusters is apparent to everyone; it can nearly always be traced in the ground plans of ruins, and even in the great valley pueblos, which were probably inhabited continuously for several centuries, the principal divisions may still be made out. In the simpler plans the clusters are usually well separated, and the irregularities of the plan indicate with a fair degree of clearness the approximate length of time during which the site was occupied.
A plan of this character is reproduced in figure 3, showing a ruin near Moenkapi, a farming settlement of the people of Oraibi situated about 45 miles from that village. There were altogether 21 rooms, disposed in three rows so as to partially inclose three sides of an open space or court. The rows are divided into four distinct clusters, with a single room outside, forming a total of five locations in a village which housed at most twenty-five or thirty persons. The continuity of the wall lines and comparative regularity of the rooms within each cluster, the uniformity in height of the rooms, which, if the débris upon the ground may be accepted as a criterion, was one story, and the general uniformity in the character of the masonry, all suggest that the site was occupied a short time only. This suggestion is aided by the almost complete absence of pottery fragments. It is a safe inference that persons of at least five different clans occupied this site.
A plan of interest in connection with the last is that shown in plate xx1, which illustrates the modern village of Moenkapi, occupied only during the summer. Here we have two main clusters and two
1A Study of Pueblo Architecture, in the Kaghth Annual Report of the Bureuwu of Ethnology.
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MINDELEFF] CLAN LOCALIZATION AS SHOWN BY PLANS 649
detached houses, but the clusters are not nearly so regular as in the plan aboye, nor are the wall lines continuous to the same extent. This place is spoken of by the people of Oraibi as of recent establish- ment, but it has certainly been occupied for a much longer period than was the ruin near it. It is apparent from an inspection of the plan that the clusters were formed by the addition of room after room as year by year more people used the place in summer. It will be noticed that the rooms constituting the upper right-hand corner of the larger cluster on the map, while distinct from the other rooms, are still attached to them, while two other rooms in the immediate vicinity
Fic. 3—Plan of ruin showing brief occupancy.
are wholly detached. This indicates that the cluster was occupied by one clan or by related families, while the detached houses were the homes of other families not related to them. Thus we have in this village, comprising about the same number of rooms as the ruin first described, at least four distinct clans.
Detached rooms, such as those shown on these plans, always indi- cate a family or person not connected directly with the rest of the inhabitants, perhaps the representative of some other clan or people. A stranger coming into a village and wishing to build would be required to erect his house on such a separate site. In the village of Sichumoyi (shown in plan in plate xxrv) there are two such detached
650 LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS [BPH. ANN. 19
houses directly in front of the main row. One had been built and was inhabited at the time when the map was made by a white man who made his home there, while the other, which had been abandoned and was falling into ruin, was built some years before by a Navaho who wished to live in the village. The former was subsequently sur- rendered by the white man and occupied by some of the natives. The localization of clans worked both ways. Not only was a member of a clan required to build with his own people, but outsiders were required to build outside of the cluster.
The same requirement is illustrated in plate xxi, which shows the plan of Hawikf, one of the ancient ‘*Seven Cities of Cibola,” near the present Zuni. The standing walls which occupy the southeastern corner of the ruin are the remains of an adobe church, while the build- ings which stood near and to the north of it, now marked only by lines of débris, were the mission buildings and offices connected with the church. They are pointed out as such by the natives of Zuni to-day. All these buildings were set apart und were distinct from the village proper, which occupied the crest of the hill, while the buildings mentioned were on the flat below.
This was the first discovered city of Cibola,! the first pueblo village seen by the friar Niza in 1539, and the first village stormed by Coro- nado and his men in 1540. It was abandoned about 1670 (7) on account of the depredations of the Apache. The plan shows that the site was inhabited for a long time, and that the village grew up by the addition of room after room as space was needed by the people. Notwithstand- ing the fact that no standing walls remain, and that the place was aban- doned over two centuries ago, six or seven house-clusters can still be made out in addition to the buildings erected by or for the monks in the flat below. Dense clustering, such as this, indicates prolonged occu- pancy by a considerable number of people, and probably two centuries at least would be required to produce sucha plan. The long and com- paratively narrow row to the left of the main cluster suggests an addition of much later date than the main portion of the village.
The maps of the villages Walpi, Sichumovi, Hano, Mishongnoyi, Shipaulovi, and Oraibi, which are presented herewith, show the dis- tribution of the clans at the time the surveys were made (about 1883). At first glance the clans appear to be located with the utmost irregularity and apparently without system, but a closer study shows that notwith- standing the centuries which have elapsed since the period covered by the old traditions of the arrival of clans* the latter are in a measure corroborated by the maps. It is also apparent that notwithstanding the breakdown of the old system, whereby related peoples were required to build together, traces of it can still be seen. It is a matter of regret
1See Hodge, First Discovered City of Cibola, in American Anthropologist, yii1, April, 1895 2 These traditions are given in detail in the preceding paper.—Eb.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII
A. KOEN i CO. BALTIMORE
. PLAN OF SHIPAULOV] SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF CLANS
MINDELEFF]
that the data are incomplete. The accompanying table shows the dis- tribution of the families within the villages at the time of the surveys, but some of the clans represented, which do not appear in the tradi- tions collected, are necessarily given as standing alone or belonging to unknown phratries, as their phratral relations were not deter- The clustering of houses was a requirement of the phratry
mined. rather than of the clan.
CLAN DISTRIBUTION
IN TUSA
YAN
Beane CS clomm nicl wins nisi , Rope families -.......-.--.- |spiaer fares ee se =~ = jSnake families -........-.-- \Cactus families...........-.
Horn families ...-- +Plute families ...-...-.-..-- | Firewood femiliesse.— =...
Hawk families.........-....
ee LheeMbl eee Ss eeneceearoc
Katcina families ........... , Paroquet families {Cottonwood families PAIR AT AINTH Se tetra Sens co aac
Badger families ..-. Water (Corn) families. ..__. Water (Cloud) families. -... Reedifamilies).....--..---.: Lizard families
) Rabbit families............. Sand families Tobaeco famili
Sivwap (Shrub) families. -.. Coyote families. -.-....:.---- Oywilkfamiliess ences. cece... -
Red Ant families...........- |
BOWMAMIUIES) 2. see === 5
Squash familie Snovwitamiltesi 2 oo. 1-22 --- Batkimitamiiess osc -2- sss. j) Mothitamilies<.......------- Grane'families-.- <<... .2-.5:- Meseal-cake families
Distribution of families : el & Z B. = SI S| 3 = A 3 se z = S S = a | & 3 Ei 6 =
| | =a
Mates cd| Gas eect 6 9 | 6 5 6 peeeeerel Hanan rl aama tan yl eee eal Beso 5 SH emcee | teniseceel eetceer] boceaaaA 2 3 i ee |e ye eee | ee 6 De |) tee olteee sce eee |) eee ee Bae eee 1 5 Rae sanea looseness enactod nocso<5rl bosoanee 5 PAT pe eseccd paos= ene meesesed Goce lsooncosd| 2 ES otace hesoeece! beisSesed | BP eoopdarse sconcnor 3 1 | Soe 8 heal Bete ieee 6 23 al 1 2 1 15 9 29 gears |e cel oceeoee Dic rersces 1 3 Py Nieecessul-sossans A Ne ctincasce 1 5 11 3 3 3 9 0 Beeeaital aeeernee Gcececee 13 Che ereeen | 80 |e 13 24 fey Sees { 5h te seeees 9 19 s 3 6 | 4 tad | Soeci oa 22 (Wi Beeossq Onaccoda beqeacte meadeboce 31 1 4 De eserets Weeeeee 20 3 1 Bee PScpetodl .acerers| sae eectss 11 15 it? | eaeee 8 9 | 1 it] DA aera ak (ee ee Lene 4 D6 len eS || Pern eee eneaa |e eee estan S 2 2 | Sse 2 ile ||eers 17 22 Oe Be res Gesell sane ha eee 9 abl 9 jl eceeee se tetcoe| |aoeere| cease Meee v eis |e coceeks oe (acest se Recent | Pao 4 4 4 1 Wea ae Ue A ecicesce) Menenasel eseeae 1 2 ores |seenec. |Sseerce|E BA tae Gees es: 1 1 Rerere ee [ote Scike ot [ Soc epen: S| Oe el 1 1 Yaullen me 35 58 22 149 340
The determination of the clans shown on the maps was made by the late A. M. Stephen, whose qualifications for the work were exceptional. Doubtless there are some errors in it, for it is a difficult matter to
652 LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS (ETH. ANN. 19
determine the relationships of nearly 400 families, and the work was brought to an end before it was entirely finished. But the maps illustrate a phase of life of the village builders which has not hereto- fore attracted attention, and which has had a very important effect on the architecture of the people.
Through the operation of the old custom of localizing clans, although it is now not rigidly adhered to as formerly, the plans of all the villages have been modified. The maps here presented show them as they were in 1883, but ina few cases known to the writer the changes up to 1888 are shown by dotted lines. If now or in the future new surveys of the villages be made and the clans be relocated, a mass of data will be obtained which will throw much light on some of the conditions of pueblo life, and especially on the social conditions which have exercised an important influence on pueblo architecture.
The table showing the distribution of families in the villages presents also the number of families. The most numerous were the Water people, comprising in various clans no fewer than 121 families, or over a third of the total number. These were among the last people to arrive in Tusayan and they are well distributed throughout the yil- lages. It will be noticed, also, that while a scattering of clans through- out the villages was the rule, some of them, generally the older ones, were confined to one village or were concentrated in one village with perhaps one or two families in others. The Snow people were found only in Walpi, but these may be properly Water people and of recent origin. The Snake people were represented by 5 families in Walpi and 1 in Oraibi, although they were among the first to arrive in Tusayan, and for a long time exercised proprietary rights over the entire region and dictated to each incoming clan where it should locate. The largest clan of all, the Reed clan, was represented by 6 families in Walpi and 25 in Oraibi, a total of 31 families, or, by applying the general average of persons to a family, by 155 persons. In Oraibi, the largest vil- lage, there were 21 distinct clans, although 7 of them were represented by only 1 family each. In Shipaulovi, the smallest village, there were 20 families of 2 clans, and three-fourths of the inhabitants belonged to one of them. In addition there is one family of the Water people, and in fact in each of the villages one or more clans is represented by one family only. It will be noticed that in Shipaulovi the two clans were still well separated and occupied distinct quarters, although the houses of the village were continuous.
The scattered appearance of the clans on the maps is more apparent than real. It is unfortunate that the phratral relations of the clans could not be completely determined, and it is probable that were this done the clans would be found to be well grouped even now. Even the insufficient data that we have appear to show a tendency on the part of the clans to form into groups at the present day, notwithstand-
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MINDELEFF] DESIRABILITY OF NEW SURVEY 653
ing the partial disintegration of the old system. At the present time the house of the priestess of the clan is considered the home of that clan, and she has much to say about proposed marriages and other social functions. There is no doubt that in ancient times the localiza- tion of clans was rigidly enforced, as much by circumstances as by rule, and the ground plans of all the ruins were formed by it. As has been before suggested, a resurvey of the villages of Tusayan and a relocation of the clans, after an interval of some years, would probably develop data of the greatest value to the student of pueblo architecture, when compared with the plans here presented.
MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS
BY
THOMAS GANN
CONTENTS
Tmtroductton ee wse cee scien ates asc acne ocee (sce ee mse seinecisiectiinjascoes Dist ULODPO Mune Nn OUNGS) series soem = oe oe rare ae eee eee see ee nacre Charactenisticsrotmmoundileme = 22a... scescc meee cee cece peewee ee neer eons Paimtingsioniunenvallsiwithimem ound)! ose see eee eas aes cess = Historical data gained by study of mound 1-.--.-.---.--------------------- The builders of the mound-buried temple -.....------.....-----.------- the destroyers ofthe mound-buried temple=-- <= - 2-5. 20<c see cece Probable date of the building of the temple -......--------------------- Othermround-bumed structures]. a= stereo ee eee ee oe nee eee
Mounds containing pottery idols and animals ----....---------------
AG OOkKoutANOUNG Ne see <5 55 sci as te Sees Oars eee eieteinnee sinae nce e anes Othenexcavratedimoundst22 2. 2 ssa sue secon eee eeeeenisee se eeeeececee Unexcavatedmmoungs=:—- ass." 5-" 4.2550 ee «See eee een smen eas Wmndereroundmock-hewil TESCrVOILS sere iae ele cece eeieie ic eielsiciciseaieiince iis
PLATE XXTX.
XOXO. NXT DOO DE XXXII. XOCXIV. MOXY. XXXVI. RKXVIT. SOOO OT.
XX XEX.
LLLUSTRATIONS
Painted stucco on east half of north wall, mound 1, Santa Riba ee ae eee = Se aoe a eee eee emeees
Animal effigies and idol’s head from mounds 2 and 6, Santa
Animal effigies from mounds 2 and 6, Santa Rita. --....------ Tiger effigy from mound 6, Santa Rita__.-..-.-.-..---------- Human effigy from mound 6, Santa Rita..........---------- Great central lookout mound (7) at Santa Rita, with earth-
work Stone tiger head from mound 8, Santa Rita..........-..-----
Fig. 4. Plan showing relative position and size of 24 mounds at Santa Rita-- - 5. Painted stucco on east wall, mound 1, Santa Rita..........-....----- 6aPlankormoundss (Santa Ritac. ses ser eee cee seen eee eee cine ee seie se
7. Pottery urns from mounds 2, 5, and 6, Santa Rita ...........-..-----
Page
666
662 666 678 680
MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS:
By THomas GANN
INTRODUCTION
Such parts of British Honduras as have thus far been explored have proved extraordinarily rich in archeologic material of interest; but, unfortunately, owing to the impenetrable character of the bush, by far the greater part of the colony remains unexplored.
One remarkable fact in connection with the distribution of mounds, or cerros, throughout the colony is that wherever they exist good maize-producing land is certain to be found, consequently the present Indians, taking advantage of their forefathers’ experience in removing their villages (which, owing to the rapid exhaustion of the soil, they are compelled to do at frequent intervals), invariably make their clearings in the vicinity of these groups of mounds, confidently antici- pating a good crop of maize.
Near the village of Corozal, in the northern district of the colony, a clearing of about 500 acres was made some years ago, which was subsequently planted with sugar cane, and is now known as the estate of Santa Rita. When the clearing was first made between forty and fifty mounds were discovered, and it was found that the majority of these were built to a great extent of large blocks of limestone, many of which were squared, as if they had previously formed part of a build- ing. As stone is scarce in the vicinity a number of the mounds were completely destroyed in order to obtain the stone for erecting houses and water tanks. Of the pottery and other remains which must have been brought to light during the demolition of these mounds there is unfortunately no record, and the probability is that they were thrown away as useless.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE MOUNDS
The site chosen by the builders of these mounds for their residence is one of the most favorable for many miles around, being on an extensive plateau 50 to 100 feet above the sea level, about one mile inland, and separated from the sea by a belt of swampy, malarial land, which must have formed a strong natural protection against enemies
19 ETH, pr 2 7 661
662 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [ETH. ANN.19
from seaward, the main, if not the only, direction from which they might be expected. The soil upon the plateau is remarkably produc- tive. The only apparent drawback to the location is that the nearest fresh-water supply, namely, Rio Nuevo, is at a distance of several miles; but, as will be shown, this defect was remedied by the construction of underground reservoirs.
When the work of excavation among these mounds was first begun,
Fic. 4—Plan of mounds at Santa Rita.
in 1896, thirty-two of the original number were intact. Of these, six- teen have, up to the present time, been thoroughly explored, and it is the object of the present paper to give some account of their construc- tion and contents.
For descriptive purposes the explored mounds may be divided into three classes, as follow:
1. Mounds constructed over buildings.
2. Mounds containing
g, superficially, two broken pottery images, and
GANN] WALLS WITHIN MOUND 1 663
more deeply, or on the ground level, painted pottery animals either within or immediately adjacent to a pottery urn.
3. Mounds which constitute the solitary representatives of a class, and those of unknown or doubtful use.
CHARACTERISTICS OF MOUND 1
The most important of the mounds erected over buildings (class 1) was without doubt that marked 1 on the accompanying plan (figure 4), as the walls of this building were covered externally with painted stucco, which, notwithstanding the dampness of the climate, was found to be in an excellent state of preservation. This mound was situated near the edge of the plateau, at a distance of 580 yards from the large central mound (7). Before excavations were com- menced the mound was found to be 290 feet in circumference, 80 feet in length, 66 feet in breadth, and 14 feet in height. A tradition existed among some of the older employees on the estate of Santa Rita that when the brush was first cleared from this mound there stood on its summit a wall 4+ or 5 feet high and several yards long, which had been pulled down in order to obtain the squared stone of which it was built. No trace of this wall was seen when the outside of the mound was examined, but by digging into it, toward its east end, a wall was discovered at a depth of a few inches, which, on being cleared, was found to be a little over 4 feet long. Ata height of 4 feet 10 inches above the ground-level a triangular stone cornice projected, and below this the wall was entirely covered with painted stucco, the device on which will be described later. Above the cornice the wall was com- posed of roughly squared stones, and varied from 2 to 3 feet in height. It rested on a floor of smooth, hard, yellowish cement, which was con- tinuous with the painted stucco. Its south end was broken down, and its north end joined the north wall of the building covered by the mound.
Unfortunately, when this wall was discovered there was no tracing paper to be had in the district, and I had to copy the design painted on the stucco with a very imperfect improvised substitute. After Thad traced the outline of about half the mural painting, some mis- chievous Indians came in the night and removed the whole of the stucco. This is especially to be regretted, as toward the broken end of the wall a number of hieroglyphics were massed together, reaching from the cornice to the floor, which were entirely lost.
The north wall of the building was the only one entirely unbroken throughout its extent below the cornice. It measured 35 feet 8 inches in length and its center was pierced by a doorway 3 feet in width. The upper part of the mural decoration on this wall was in a remark- ably good state of preseryation, but, owing probably to dampness,
664 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [ETH. ANN. 19
nearly the whole of the lower part had become effaced. Fortunately, on that part of the wall adjacent to the doorway the painting was per- fect from cornice to floor. This wall, like the others, rested on a layer of hard cement continuous with the stucco which covered it.
Of the west wall, which was the last to be exposed, 9 feet remained standing. It was the best-preserved wall in the whole building, the entire mural painting, from cornice to floor, being almost perfect.
Of the south wall of the building not one stone remained upon another; but as the mound was built mainly of squared stones, and as there were many such in the line of this wall still retaining pieces of painted stucco, it seems probable that this wall was decorated sim- ilarly to the others.
The triangular stone cornice extended along all the walls at a uni- form height of + feet 10 inches from the ground; its wpper surface was oblique, its lower surface horizontal; and it projected 35 inches from the wall. The layer of hard cement on which the building rested could be traced outward from its walls a distance of + or 5 feet, where it ended ina jagged edge. Its superficial layer was light yellow in color, and so-hard that it was difficult to make any impression on it with a machete; the deeper layers, however, were much softer. This cement layer was placed about 2 feet above the ground level.
The interior of the building was without cornice, and was completely covered with plain, unpainted stucco. The floor was on a level with the ground outside the walls, and was of the same hard cement which covered it.
The plain stucco covering the interior of the building was in very close contact with the wall, from which it could not be removed, except in smal] pieces. The painted stucco on the outside, on the other hand, was separated from a subjacent layer of similar material by a very thin layer of dark, friable clay, rendering it easy to remove large pieces of the stucco without much damage to the painting. The second layer of stucco also bore traces of painted figures, but they were so indistinct that even if the superficial layer had all been carefully removed, it would have been impossible to copy them. Beneath the second layer there existed a third layer, which also bore faint traces of having originally been covered with colored devices.
The greater part of the walls above the cornice had been broken down, but in places they rose to a height of 5 feet. The mortar used in con- structing the building was soft and friable, and contained large lumps of limestone. The walls were throughout uniformly 14 inches thick.
During the excavation of this mound a large number of potsherds were found; some of them roughly made, others nicely decorated with geometric devices in red, black, and yellow; afew were glazed. Two stone spearheads were also found—one, triangular in shape and 44 inches in length, was made of yellow flint; the other, of leaf shape, 3
GANN] PAINTING ON EAST WALL 665
inches in length, was chipped from translucent, grayish flint; the points of both had been broken.
The greatest possible care had evidently been taken by the builders of this mound to preserve, both from weather and from accident, that portion of the painted stucco which remained intact. This was more especially apparent in the north and west walls, where the method adopted was as follows: Built up from the cement floor, par- allel with the walls and at a distance of 1 to 2 inches from them, was a wall consisting of rough blocks of limestone, reaching nearly as high as the cornice; extending outward and downward from the latter, a layer of cement 7 to 8 inches thick met this wall and continued for several feet toward the circumference of the mound. By this ingenious arrangement all the rain which drained along the wall was, on reaching the upper surface of the cornice, directed outward along the roof-like layer of cement, so that it could not reach the painted stucco, which was also protected from the surrounding damp earth by the rough wall built up parallel with it, but not touching it. The only injury, in fact, which the wall suffered was from the roots of plants which had penetrated the cement layer and fixed themselves to the stucco. In removing some of these it was almost impossible not to injure the painting.
PAINTING ON THE WALLS WITHIN MOUND 1
Of the painting on the east wall (figure 5), unfortunately, only a rude outline of the least interesting and important part has been pre- served. The table of hieroglyphics, which should have occupied the whole of the left of the picture, as has been before explained, has been irredeemably lost. Next to these, and occupying the central part of the picture, were depicted two human beings who, from their attitudes, evidently were represented as engaged in combat. One of the figures is gone, only a part of his weapon being visible. The outline of the other is shown at 4 in the figure. In the original each of these warriors stood with the body thrust forward, the right foot advanced, and the right hand, in which was held a cruciform weapon, uplifted. The warrior on the left was apparently warding off a blow with the handle of his battle-ax. There can be little doubt that these weapons were the ordinary stone ax-heads—numbers of which are found in the vicinity—hafted in a wooden handle and held in place by a thong of leather or henequen fiber. This is well shown in the original, but in the rough outline given in figure 5 it is not by any means so apparent. On the extreme right of the picture is the upper part of the figure of an old man, seemingly watching the com- bat. This is probably meant to represent the god Quetzalcoatl, or Cuculcan of the Maya, as in headdress and profile he bears a marked
666 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS (ETH. ANN. 19
resemblance to figure 8 of plate xxx, which is undoubtedly meant to represent this deity. Figures / and c are both decorated with elaborate feather-ornamented headdresses. The warrior in the center appears to be carrying a human figure on his back.
That portion of the north wall which extended between the east wall and the doorways was decorated with ten figures (plate xxrx). Unfor- tunately, the paintings from the lower part of the first eight figures to the ground had been almost destroyed by dampness, owing to the fact that the protecting wall had bulged inward and was there in contact with the stucco. The first seven figures evidently represent a line of captives, as all their wrists are bound. The first, second, and third
Fic. 5—Printed stucco on east wall, mound 1, Santa Rita.
figures are attached to each other by the rope which binds their wrists, as are also the fourth and fifth,and the fifth and sixth. The rope passes oyer the right shoulder of the eighth figure, and is held by him with both hands (which appear to be both left hands) and ends with the ninth figure; but owing to the obliteration of a portion of the painting at this point it is impossible to see what he is doing with it.
All the figures have very elaborate headdresses, composed chietly of plumes of red, yellow, and green feathers, together with varicolored bands, squares, and circles, which are no doubt meant to represent metal work and jewels. The headdress of figure + is further orna- mented with a piece of platted work, the upper part colored red, the
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lower blue, not unlike various colored ornaments made by the modern Maya from henequen fiber. The front of the headdress of figure 1 is ornamented with the head and outstretched wings of an eagle; that of figure 2 with the head of a dragon, in which the lower jaw appears to be wanting; that of figure 3 also with the head of a dragon. Figure + has a square human face placed well above and in the front of the headdress. Figure 5 has a dragon’s head in front, immediately above the face. Figure 6 has a small dragon’s head in front of the headdress and a large one behind it. Figure 7 has in front, immediately above the face, a tiger’s head, and at the back a dragon’s head. In figure 8, owing to the obliteration of the stucco, the upper part of the headdress is wanting. The headdress of figure 9 has in its front the head of an animal resembling a raccoon. The individual himself is standing upon an animal (probably a pepisquinte) at full gallop. His left foot rests on the animal’s head, his right foot on its rump.
Each figure is ornamented with large earrings, whose prevailing shape is oyal or circular, and which have pendants hanging from their centers. Figure 1 has projecting from the right ala'‘of the nose an ornament somewhat resembling in shape a right-angle triangle, the side oppo- site the right angle being divided into three steps. In figure 2 the nose ornament consists of two nearly circular objects attached to the tip of the nose, one in front of the other. Figure 4 is similarly deco- rated. Figure 5 has projecting from each ala of the nose ornaments similar to that in the right ala of the nose of figure 1. Figure 6 is decorated with a J-shape lip ornament. Attached to the right ala of the nose of figure 9 is a small object which resembles half a bow.. Of figure 10 only the outline has been preserved; it is, therefore, impossible eyen to conjecture what it was intended to represent.
Immediately beneath figure 9 is a serpent’s head, decorated with an elaborately ornamented circular collar; the body is broken off short, and the small portion remaining has numerous curved spines on its dorsal surface.
Immediately beneath figure 10 is depicted a highly conventional representation of a fish with a plume projecting from its mouth.
The second half of the north wall, extending from the doorway to the west wall, was decorated with nine figures (plate xxx). Unfor- tunately the whole of the lower portion of this part of the wall had been destroyed by dampness, and a great part of three of the figures had also been obliterated. The first figure on this part of the wall has not been copied, as it was precisely similar in design to the correspond- ing figure on the opposite side of the door (shown in plate xx1x, figure 10). Figure 1 appears to be holding in each extended hand a conical object as a gift or offering. In excavating a mound some eight miles from Santa Rita a number of broken clay figures were discovered,
668 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [ETH. ANN, 19
one of them holding in its hand an object almost exactly similar to that held in the right hand of this figure, and in unearthing the idol shown in plate xxx11, figure 2, a similar object was found. Figure 2 was so indistinct that it was impossible to trace it properly. The original was evidently meant to represent a highly ornate structure, the upper part of which is shown in the figure to be supported on each side by two monsters, a part of one of which is seen in the lower left-hand corner of the figure. Figure 3 is holding in the left hand, apparently as an offering, a dwarf or a baby.
On comparing this figure with that sculptured on the left slab of the Temple of the Cross at Palenque’ it will be seen that a remark- able resemblance exists between them. The facial profiles are almost identical, the headdresses are very similar (except that in the Palenque figure the plumes of feathers are absent), and there is strong simi- larity in each case between the gift or offering and the mode of presenting it. The Palenque figure appears to be standing upon the head of some monstrous animal, whereas figure 3 is sitting within the widely open jaws of an animal, which, for want of a better term, has hitherto been called a dragon, whose jaws, curved teeth, and eye, with its conventional eye ornament, are clearly shown.
Figures 4 and 5 were much injured by dampness. They will be referred to in dealing with the wall as a whole. The profile of figure 6 differs somewhat from that of all the others. The nose is small, straight, and less Semitic in character, while the forehead is more nearly upright. Figure 7 is apparently undergoing some sort of torture or punishment, as he is trussed up in a very constrained position on a low platform. His right elbow appears to have been either broken or dis- located. Figure 8 probably represents Quetzalcoatl, or Cuculcan of the Maya, the god of the air, whose name in both languages signifies ‘* feathered serpent,” as he holds in his right hand a serpent with a plume on its head; moreover, two serpents with feather markings are coiled around his body, and the profile is that which is usually ascribed to this god. ‘The elaborately ornamented feather-work headdresses are prominent in all the figures, as are also the large earrings with long pendants hanging from their centers. The earrings of figures 1, 6, and 8 differ from the others in being square instead of round. In figures 6, 7, and 8 the heads of animals are to be seen in the head- dresses, immediately above the faces. It is difficult to say to what animal the head in front of the headdress of figure 6 belongs. That at the back of the headdress is similar to those already described as dragons’ heads. A large eagle head is placed in front of the Maxtli of figure 6. The head in front of the headdress of figure 7, the lower jaw of which is lacking, is probably that of a peccary.
1Charnay, Ancient Cities of the New World, p. 254.
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GANN] PAINTING ON WEST WALL 669
The 9-foot section of the west wall which was left standing presents for examination three figures (plate xxx1). The painting, unlike that on all the other walls, was almost intact from the cornice to the floor, and conveys some idea of what the lower part of the design on the other walls was probably like. The figures on the right and left in the illus- tration are human, and: they appear to be in the act of making offer- ings to the central figure. The figure on the left is presenting in his left hand an object very similar to that held in the hand of figure 1 of plate xxx. The figure on the right is presenting two severed human heads, one held in each hand, which he is grasping by their long, flowing hair. The upper head still retains its earrings and part of its headdress, consisting of two snakes’ heads; also a gorget of beads and pendants. The lower face possesses a mustache and a beard, and is ornamented with earrings, headdress, and a gorget. It is noticeable that the left-hand figure in this plate, seen in profile, is entirely different from any of the other figures on the wall. The nose is long and club shaped, the forehead is prominent, and the face is covered with a beard and mus- tache. It is probable either that this is meant as a caricature, or that the individual is wearing a mask. The contour of the face held in the right hand of figure 3 is somewhat similar, but in this case the beard and mustache are absent. The same curious triangular nose orna-
“ments are seen projecting from each ala of the nose of figure 3 as are worn by figures land 5, in plate xxrx. The upper part of the headdress is formed by an animal somewhat resembling a monkey in a crouching position. The central figure represents a death’s-head within a sort of altar. Speech signs are proceeding from its mouth and from the top of the altar. This is probably meant for Huitzilopochli, the Mexican god of death, who is often represented by a death’s-head.
In regarding the painting as a whole, that which strikes one most forcibly is its highly conventional character, and, indeed, this is a peculiarity which seems to be inseparable from all Aztec and Toltec art. Artistic feeling, of which traces are not lacking here and there, seems to have been sacrificed to the one all-important idea of conven- tionality. The artist appears to have had no conception of perspective, but the minutest detail of dress is most carefully indicated, botb in out- line and in coloring. The wall was, in fact, not intended as a work of art, but as a pictographic record of certain important events; and look- ing at it in this light, we can understand why artistic feeling should have been sacrificed to minuteness of detail, for no doubt the most insignificant detail in dress and ornament conyeyed a meaning to the initiated which to us is forever lost.
Seven colors were employed in painting the stucco, namely, black, blue, green, gray, red, white, and yellow. On the east wall and the eastern half of the north wall the background is dark blue; on the west wall and the western half of the north wall it is pink.
670 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [ETH. ANN. 19
The faces, arms, legs, and other parts of exposed naked skin are usually red or yellow. The figures themselves, together with all the elaborate details of their dress and ornament, are outlined in fine black lines. When first discovered the colors were very brilliant, but after exposure to the light for a day or two, a great deal of their luster was lost, and it became necessary, as each figure was uncovered, to roof it in with palm leaves in order to protect it from the sun and rain. The figures were exposed one at a time; otherwise, by the time two or three had been copied, the rest would have faded so that it would have been impossible to copy the original colors. A sheet of tracing cloth, suflicient to cover the whole figure, was then tacked over it and an accurate tracing obtained, which was afterward transferred to draw- ing paper. Any mistake that might have been made in the outline of the figure or its ornaments were then rectified. Finally, the colors were applied exactly as they occurred in the original. By the time the whole had been copied, the earlier exposed figures were much defaced from the action of the weather, and as there was no way of preserving the wall, 1 removed the stueco on which two of the most perfect of the remaining figures were painted. This, owing to the soft layer at the back of the stucco, already referred to, was readily accomplished.
HISTORICAL DATA GAINED BY STUDY OF MOUND 1
Three interesting questions present themselves with reference to these painted walls:
1. By whom was the building erected and the walls painted 4
2. By whom, and why, was the building destroyed, and the mound erected around it?
3. When did these events, severally, occur?
Tue Bumpers oF THE MOUND-COVERED TEMPLE
In answering the first of these questions, the hieroglyphies which still remain will, I think, materially assist us. The large sheet of hieroglyphies on the east wall has, as I have already explained, been permanently lost; but scattered over the rest of the painting are no less than 21 complete glyphs. These are unquestionably of Maya or Toltec origin. The sign of the 20th day—named Ahau—of the Maya
month, occurs no less than nine times in the course of the painting, namely, beside figures 2, 4, 5, 7, and 8 of plate xxrx, figures 5, 7, and 8 of plate xxx, and figures 1 and 3 of plate xxx1; and possibly as a component part of the glyph opposite the face of figure 2, plate xxrx, and also of that placed above figure 6, plate xxrx. It will be observed that these symbols differ very slightly one from another and that all of them resemble very closely those given by Landa, and those of the
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codices. The lower part of the glyph placed immediately above the head of figure 6, plate Xxrx, is a typical representation of Imix, the first day of the Maya month; and possibly the upper part of the glyph placed in front of the face of figure 9, plate Xxrx, is meant to repre- sent the same day. In the first case there can be no doubt as to the identity of the symbol, for all its characteristic features are present, namely, the black spot at the top, the semicircle of dots below, and below this again the row of perpendicular lines. The second symbol is not by any means so typical. A small circle takes the place of the black spot, the dots are wanting, and the perpendicular lines are hooked at their summits; nor does it seem possible that in the same painting such wide variation should occur.
The outer and upper of the three component parts of the glyph opposite figure 6, plate xxrx, may possibly be meant to represent Akbal, the third day of the Maya month, though it bears a strong resemblance to the Ahau sign.
The lower right-hand part of the glyph opposite the left foot of figure 8, plate xx1x, evidently corresponds to the lower part of the glyph opposite the face of figure 9, plate xx1x; there can be little doubt that both these symbols represent Manik, the seventh day of the Maya month. In dealing with this symbol in his Day Symbols of the Maya Year,’ Professor Cyrus Thomas says:
As Brasseur de Bourbourg has suggested, this [i. e., the Manik symbol] appears to have been taken from the partially closed hand, where the points of the fingers are brought round close to the tip of the thumb. Whether intended to show the palm or back outward is uncertain, though apparently the latter. ... As this inter- pretation of the symbol is quite different from that given by other writers, some evi- dence to justify it is presented here.
It will be observed that immediately below the Manik symbol, in front of the face of figure 9, plate xx1x, there is represented a right hand with the fingers flexed toward the tip of the thumb, the back of the hand being outward; the outline of this hand is almost pre- cisely similar to that of the Manik symbol placed immediately aboye it, thus confirming, I think, beyond question, Professor Thomas’s inter- pretation of the signification of the symbol, both as to the fact of its representing the human hand and as to the position in which the hand was held. The lower right-hand part of the glyph placed above figure 4, plate xxrx, bears a strong resemblance to the symbol used in the Troano codex to represent Cauac, the 19th day of the Maya month. The upper right-hand division of the glyph placed in front of the head of figure 8, plate xxx, is remarkably like the symbol used in the codices for Ben, the 13th day of the Maya month; the chief difference between the two is that in the codices the line which divides the glyph in two parts is horizontal, whereas in the painting it
1Cyrus Thomas, Day Symbols of the Maya Year; Washington, 1897, p. 232.
672 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [ETH. ANN. 19
is vertical. Immediately behind the head of the individual portrayed in figure 5, plate xxrx, will be observed a gylph made up of five com- ponent parts, two above and three below. The upper left-hand division and the lower central division unquestionably form together the Maya symbol for the cardinal point east, named ‘‘likin’”—the lower division standing for ‘‘kin,” day, and the upper or Ahau symbol for **li,” the consonant element of which is ‘*].” This is the generally accepted interpretation of the symbol, but in the present case it can hardly hold good, for above the Ahau symbol are two bars and three dots, which stand for 13 (each bar representing 5, and each dot 1), showing that the Ahau symbol, though combined with the kin symbol, is not, at least here, used phonetically, but is employed simply to represent the last day of the Maya month.
Turning again to the figures themselves we can not help being struck with their remarkable resemblance to those of Yucatan and south- eastern Mexico on the one hand, and to those found in the ruined cities of Guatemala‘and Honduras on the other. The most striking points of general resemblance are the similarity in shape and fashion of the headdresses, sandals, wrist and leg ornaments, the conventional treatment to be observed in all the human figures, and the fact that all are shown in profile. In the receding forehead, hooked nose, and somewhat prominent chin, which are characteristic of nearly all the figures, they resemble perhaps more closely the bas-reliefs of Palenque and Lorillard City than those of Yucatan and Honduras. The vast headdress, composed of jewels and plumes of feathers, decorated in most cases with the head of an animal immediately above the face— employed as a distinctive sign or badge by the upper class—the enormous square or round ear ornaments, with a pendant from the center, the sandals, elaborately decorated from heel to instep, and fastened in front with a gaily-colored bow, the wristlets of beads, also in many cases decorated with bows, the circlets, worn round the legs either just above the knee or just above the ankle, together with the nose and lip ornaments, are all common to Mexico, Yucatan, Guatemala, and Honduras.
But besides showing these points of general resemblance, certain of the figures appear, when allowance is made for the differences which would necessarily exist between a bas-relief cut in stone and a paint- ing, to be almost identical with those found elsewhere. These are figures 3, 4, 5, and 8, plate xxx. The resemblance between figure 3, plate xxx, and the left-hand figure in the Temple of the Cross at Palenque has already been adverted to, and this figure bears an equally strong resemblance to a bas-relief in stone from the ruined city of Labphak, in Yucatan.’ In each case the figure is holding elevated in one hand a small object, on which is squatting a dwarf or baby, which is
1 John L, Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, vol. 1, p. 164.
GANN] BUILDERS OF THE TEMPLE 673
apparently being presented as an offering or sacrifice. The dress of